Skip to main content

Full text of "Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder and Saint Jerome : an edition and translation of Sermones pro sancto Hieronymo"

See other formats


Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder 
and Saint Jerome 

An Edition and Translation 

of 

Sermones pro Sancto Hieronymo 



xexTS & sxaOies 

Volume 177 




Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder 
and Saint Jerome 

An Edition and Translation 

of 

Sermones pro Sancto Hieronymo 



by 

John M. McManamon, SJ. 



Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies 

Tempe, Arizona 

1999 



Generous grants from 
Pegasus Limited for the Promotion ofNeo-Latin Studies and 

the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation 
have assisted in meeting the publication costs of this volume. 



® Copyright 1999 
Arizona Board of Regents for Arizona State University 

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 

Vergerio, Pietro Paolo, 1370-1444. 

[Sermones pro sancto Hieronymo. English] 

Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder and Saint Jerome : an edition and translation 
of Sermones pro sancto Hieronymo / by John M. McManamon. 

p. cm. — (Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies ; v. 177) 

Includes bibliographical references. 

ISBN 0-86698-219-1 (alk. paper) 

1. Jerome, Saint, d. 419 or 20 Sermons Early works to 1800. 2. Sermons, 
Latin Translations into English. I. McManamon, John M. H. Title, 
ni. Series: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies (Series) ; v. 177. 
BR1720.J5V4713 1999 

270.2*092— dc21 99-19915 

CIP 



This book is made to last. 

It is set in Garamond, 

smythe-sewn and printed on acid-free paper 

to library specifications. 



Printed in the United States of America 



Table of Contents 



List of Illustrations vii 

Preface xi 

Abbreviations xv 

Part I: Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder and the 
Cult of Jerome as a Humanist Saint 

1. Jerome: From the Scholar of History 

to the Saint of Legend 1 

2. Vergerio's Perspective: A Path to Sanctity 

through Humanism 15 

Part IL manuscripts and Editions 

3.' Manuscripts 29 

4. Printed Editions 85 

Part III: History of the Texts 

5. Vergerio's Lettered Public 91 

6. The Panegyrics for Saint Jerome 103 

Part IV: Editorial Matters 

7. Criteria for the Edition 125 

8. Vergerio's Sources 130 

9. Sigla 133 



VI 



Table of Contents 



Sermo 1 
Sermo 2 
Sermo 3 
Sermo 4 
Sermo 5 
Sermo 6 
Sermo 7 
Sermo 8 
Sermo 9 
Sermo 10 



Part V: Pierpaolo Vergerio, 
Sermones decem pro Sancto Hieronymo 



136 
142 
150 
160 
170 
196 
206 
220 
234 
250 



Part VI: Bibliographical Aids 

10. The Library of Pierpaolo Vergerio 259 

11. Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opera: A Finding-List 267 

12. Works Attributed to Pierpaolo Vergerio 313 

13. Works Dedicated to Pierpaolo Vergerio 318 

14. Renaissance Commentary on Works of Pierpaolo Vergerio 322 

15. General Bibliography 324 



General Index 
Index of Manuscripts 



371 
390 



List of Illustrations 

[following page 134] 

Plate 1: Antonella da Messina, "St, Jerome in His Study." 

Plate 2: Autograph subscription of Marsilio Papafava. 

Plate 3: Autograph subscription of Francesco Gonzaga. 

Plate 4: Autograph of Paolo Ramusio the elder. 

Plate 5: Historiated initial with a portrait of Pierpaolo Vergerio the 
elder. 



For John O'Malley 



Preface 



In concluding a recent biography of Pierpaolo Vergerio, I argued that 
he comprised one of the most creative voices of the third generation 
of Italian humanists. At a moment when Coluccio Salutati, revered elder 
statesman of the movement, retreated from a full defense of humanism 
out of austerely Christian convictions, Vergerio used a Christian hero of 
his childhood as a model for the committed humanist intellectual. One 
could, therefore, be humanist and Christian; in fact, in Vergerio's esti- 
mation, Jerome's pursuit of the humanities had made him that much 
more catholic. In what follows, I have attempted to supply for scholars 
and students of Italian humanism a crucial portion of the documentary 
evidence that led me to those conclusions. For the first time, all ten of 
the panegyrics that Vergerio composed to express his devotion to Saint 
Jerome are presented here in a critical edition with an accompanying 
English translation. 

Through his characteristic depiction of Jerome in sermons and letters, 
Vergerio inspired appreciation for the saint among his fellow humanists. 
Vergerio depicted a Jerome who sanctioned the study of classical and 
Christian works and demonstrated the ways in which a humanist educa- 
tion based upon the classical languages assisted the task of theological 
scholarship. This kind of education had special relevance for exegetes 
who utilized philological methods to interpret the text of Scripture. Ver- 
gerio depicted a Jerome who renewed the Roman ideal of the ethical 
orator, an individual of eloquence who lived the values that he advo- 
cated. Time and again, Vergerio emphasized that Jerome had sought to 
achieve that ideal in his intellectual activities on behalf of the believing 
community and thereby earned the ecclesiastical title of doctor. And 



xii Preface 

Vergerio depicted a Jerome whose behavior easily distinguished itself 
from that of leading churchmen of the Renaissance. The contrast led 
Vergerio to stress the need for religious reform according to the exem- 
plary pattern set by the humanist saint. In so depicting Jerome, Vergerio 
adapted for his preaching the conventions that classical rhetoricians had 
specified for epideictic oratory. As I trust that the reader will concur, 
Vergerio's medium and message helped to initiate the special recognition 
accorded Jerome by Renaissance intellectuals. 

Because I nurture fervent hope that the work of textual criticism will 
remain the last outpost of the res publica litterarum, I have adopted con- 
ventions in this book that may be more familiar to scholars in Europe 
than America. In all Latin quotations, I have expanded abbreviations 
and followed modern criteria for punctuation and capitalization. I cite 
classical and patristic authors in like manner, without punctuation 
between the author's name and the title of the work. In cataloging 
manuscripts, I use the Latin form of the name for authors born before 
1200, and I use the more customary form of the name — Latin or vernac- 
ular—for those born after 1200.* I follow the same criterion for an 
author's name in the notes. The contents of a manuscript are divided 
into a maximum of three layers: Roman numerals designate the parts of 
a composite codex, bolded Arabic numerals designate groupings or 
individual entries, and normal Arabic numerals designate the entries 
within a grouping. The word "sylloge" is used to describe an identi- 
fiable collection of texts, usually letters. An ascender is the initial stroke 
on a letter such as "b," a descender the initial stroke on "p." In editing 
the sermons, I employ angular brackets < > for editorial additions and 
square brackets [ ] for editorial deletions. To prevent confusion, I have 
followed the same conventions everywhere in the book. I reserve 
<5ic> for readings that may appear strange but are so written in the 
text. In order that readers may understand the logic of the manuscript 
sigla, I give the definition in Latin; I often follow the choices made by 
Leonardo Smith in his excellent edition of Vergerio's letters. The rea- 
sons for the criteria adopted in editing Vergerio's sermons are given in 
full in Part IV below. Throughout, I have tried to be as consistent as 
possible, to follow the lead of the best textual critics, and to minimize 
pretentiousness. Let the good reader decide. 



' Armando Petrucci, La descrizione del manoscritto: Storia, problemi, modelli, Aggioma- 
menti 45 (Rome: La Nuova Italia Scientifica, 1984), 84. 



Preface xiii 

I take pleasure in acknowledging the generous assistance that I have 
received while preparing these texts for publication. I first thank the 
institutions who offered their financial support: the Gladys Kjrieble 
Delmas Foundation, Loyola University Chicago, and the Jesuit Research 
Institute in Venice. A semester as the Visiting Jesuit Scholar at John 
Carroll University gave me a chance to correct the edition of Vergerio's 
panegyrics. For that opportunity, I am especially grateful to Fr. John 
Dister, S.J., and, for that reason and many more, I remember with great 
affection the deceased president of John Carroll, Fr. Michael Lavelle, S.J. 

To collate Vergerio's sermons and assemble the catalog of manu- 
scripts preserving his works, I had to visit numerous libraries and corre- 
spond with the administrators of those I could not reach. Even though 
many were already named in my biography of Vergerio, I again wish to 
acknowledge my debt to them all. Scholars and librarians at the follow- 
ing institutions graciously responded to my written queries: the Univer- 
sity Library in Cambridge, the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich, 
the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, the Ambrosiana Collection at the 
University of Notre Dame, the Library at Holkham Hall in Norfolk, 
the Pius XII Library and the Vatican Film Library at St. Louis Univer- 
sity, the British Library in London, the Staats- und Universitatsbiblio- 
thek in Hamburg, the Universitatsbibliothek in Tubingen, the Biblio- 
teca Universitaria in Padua, the Biblioteca del Monastero in Camaldoli, 
the Biblioteca Comunale degli Intronati in Siena, the Osterreichische 
National Bibliothek in Vienna, the Bibliotheque Royale Albert ler in 
Brussels, the Stadtbibliothek in Trier, the Hill Monastic Manuscript Li- 
brary at St. John's University, and the Archive y Biblioteca Capitolares 
in Toledo. 

Through the congenial service of directors and staff, I was able to 
consult a wide range of materials in the following institutions: the Bod- 
leian Library in Oxford, the Biblioteca Queriniana in Brescia, the Biblio- 
teca Estense in Modena, the Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense in Milan, 
the Biblioteca Comunale and the Biblioteca Capitolare in Treviso, the 
Biblioteca Nazionale in Naples, the Biblioteca Guarneriana in San Da- 
niele del Friuli, the Museo Civico and the Biblioteca del Seminario in 
Padua, the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana in Venice, the Library of the 
American Academy in Rome, and the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana in 
Vatican City. My work at the Vatican Library was greatly facilitated by 
Antonio Schiavi, Luciano Droghieri, and Elvio Buriola. 

I am very grateful to those persons and institutions who made it 
possible to reproduce materials in this work. For permission to quote 



xiv Preface 

from volume 262 of the Loeb Classical Library, Select Letters of St. 
Jerome, translated by F. A. Wright, I thank Ms. Melinda Koyonis and 
Harvard University Press. For permission to reproduce photographs, I 
express my gratitude to all of the following: Ms. Mandy Marks and the 
Picture Library of the National Gallery in London, Dr. Goffredo Dotti 
and the Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense in Milan, Dr. Susy Marcon and 
the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana in Venice, Dr. Mauro Giancaspro and 
the Biblioteca Nazionale in Naples, and Ms. Deborah Stevenson and the 
Bodleian Library in Oxford. For invaluable counsel with regard to 
problems of textual scholarship, paleography, and codicology, I thank 
Armando and Franca Petrucci, Gianfranco Fioravanti, Maurizio Bettini, 
Ronald Witt, Roland Teske, Laura Casarsa, Concetta Bianca, and 
Massimo Miglio. I also appreciate the bibliographical assistance supplied 
by Eva Horvath, Eva Irblich, Pierantonio Gios, and J. C. Marler, They 
all saved me from mistakes along the way, though I am sure that I have 
still made them and therefore beg the reader's pardon. 

Finally, I am grateful to the former editors of MRTS-Binghamton as 
well as Prof. Robert Bjork, Dr. William Gentrup, and all of their associ- 
ates at MRTS-Arizona State University who bravely publish critical edi- 
tions. They have given me an opportunity to dedicate this book to a 
person I truly admire. Many of my close friends— and especially my 
mother — often want to know why I spend so much time studying the 
humanists of the Italian Renaissance. Though the more cynical among 
them probably trace that interest to my first meal in a Roman restau- 
rant, it actually stems from a course I completed in 1972. The course 
dealt with the history of the Italian Renaissance and was taught by Fr. 
John O'Malley, S.J. I will always remember it as a model of good teach- 
ing: it expanded my narrow horizons and left me pondering a number 
of intriguing questions. From our first meeting till today, I have never 
ceased to admire the imagination of John's research, the humanity of his 
convictions, the quality of his life. I am delighted to pay tribute here to 
John's many achievements and his constant friendship. 



Abbreviations 



Abbreviations for classical authors and works are taken from 
P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon 
Press, 1982), ix-xx; and Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, eds., A 
Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953), xvi-xli. 

Andr. Andreas, Andrea 

Ant. Antonius, Antonio 

att. attested 

Bart. Bartholomaeus, Bartolomeo 

BAV Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana 

Bern. Bernardus, Bernardo 

BHL Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Antiquae et Mediae Aetatis. 

2 vols. Edited by Socii Bollandiani. Subsidia hagiographica 
6. Brussels, 1898-1901; Supplementum. Subsidia hagiographi- 
ca 12. Brussels, 1911; Novum Supplementum. Subsidia hagio- 
graphica 70. Brussels: Societe de Bollandistes, 1986. 

Bibl. Bibliotheca, Biblioteca, Bibliotheque etc. (Library) 

BMC A Catalogue of Books Printed in the Fifteenth Century Now in 

the British Museum. 12 vols. Edited by R. Proctor and A. W. 
Pollard. London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1908ff. 

Briquet Charles M. Briquet. Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des 
marques du papier des leur apparition vers 1282jusqu 'en 1600. 
2d ed. Paris, 1923. 

Car. Carolus, Carlo 

cart. cartaceus (paper) 

CCL Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina. Turnhout: Brepols, 1954ff. 



XVI 



Abbreviations 



CIL 

Clavis 



cod(d). 
Col. 
Comm. 
Copinger 

CSEL 

CTC 



DBI 



Ep. 
Epist. 



ex. 

excerpt. 

expl 

fol(s). 

fragm. 

Franc. 

Gasp. 

GW 

Hain 
lERS 



IGI 



impr. 
IMU 



Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Berlin, 1863ff. 

Clavis Patrum Latinorum. Edited by Eligius Dekkers and 

Aemilius Gaar. 2d ed. Steenbrugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 

1961. 

codex / codices 

Colutius, Coluccio 

Commentarius (Commentary) 

W. A. Copinger, Supplement to Main's Repertorium Biblio- 

graphicum. Part 2, Additions. 1 vols. London, 1898-1906. 

Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Vienna, 

1886ff. 

Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum. Edited by 

P. O. Kristeller and F. Edward Cranz. Washington, D.C.: 

Catholic Univ. of America Press, 1960ff. 

Dizionario biografico degli Italiani. Rome: Istituto della 

Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960ff. 

Epistola (Letter) 

Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio. Edited by Leonardo 

Smith. Fonti per la storia d'ltalia pubblicate dall'Istituto 

storico italiano per il Medio Evo 74. Rome, 1934. 

exeuntis (from the last quarter of a given century) 

excerpta (excerpts) 

explicit (the concluding words of a text) 

folio(s) 

fragmentum (fragment) 

Franciscus, Francesco 

Gasparinus, Gasparino 

Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke. Leipzig: K. Hiersemann, 

1925ff. 

Ludovicus Hain. Repertorium Bibliographicum. Berlin, 1925. 

Indice delle edizioni romane a stampa (1467-1500). Vol. 1.2 

of Scrittura, biblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento. 

Edited by P. Casciano, G. Castoldi, M. P. Critelli, G. Cur- 

cio, P. Farenga, and A. Modigliani. Littera Antiqua 1.2. 

Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, 

e Archivistica, 1980. 

Indice generale degli incunaboli delle biblioteche d'ltalia. 6 

vols. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato, 1943-81. 

impressus (printed) 

Italia medioevale ed umanistica 



Abbreviations 



xvn 



in. 
inc 
loan. 
Iter 

Leon. 

Lud. 

Mazzatinti 

m. 

membr. 

Nic. 

Petr. 

PL 

PPV 

Praef. 

Ps. 

Raph. 

ras. 

rem. sim. 

RIS 



s. 

sim. 
s.t. 

UnivB. 
var. diverg. 
var. ident. 
var. sim. 



(1) 

(2) 



ineuntis (from the first quarter of a given century) 
incipit (the opening words of a text) 
loannes 

Paul Oskar Kristeller. Iter Italicum. 6 vols. Leiden: E. J. 
Brill, 1963-91. 
Leonardus, Leonardo 
Ludovicus, Ludovico 

Giuseppe Mazzatinti et al. Inventario dei manoscritti delle 
biblioteche d'ltalia. Forli, 1891-1911; Florence, 1912ff. 
medii (from the middle quarters of a given century) 
membranaceus (parchment) 
Nicolaus, Nic(c)ol6 
Petrus 

Patrologia Latina. Edited by Jacques-Paul Migne. Paris, 
1844-64. 

Pierpaolo Vergerio (the elder) 
Praefatio (Preface) 
Pseudo 
Raphael 
rasura (erasure) 
remotely similar to 

Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Edited by Ludovico Antonio 
Muratori. Milan, 1723-51; n.s., Citta di Castello and Bolo- 
gna, 1900ff. 

saeculi (from a given century) 
similar to 

sine typographo (Publisher unknown) 
Universitdtsbibliothek (University Library) 
divergent variety attested 
identical variety attested 
similar variety attested 
from the first half of a given century 
from the second half of a given century 



Part I 

Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder 

and the 

Cult of Jerome 

as a Humanist Saint 



CHAPTER 1 



J 



erome: 



From the Scholar of History 
to the Saint of Legend 



Erudite and pugnacious, a Dalmatian priest named Jerome arrived in 
the city of Rome in the autumn of 382. The next three years 
proved to be among the most consequential of his long life. Soon after 
he had settled in the imperial capital, he was employed by Pope Dama- 
sus (366-384) to draft important documents. He also began to offer 
spiritual counseling to a select group of noble women. Through his 
ministries to the bishop and aristocratic ladies of the city, Jerome 
furthered the process of Rome's Christianization and Christianity's 
Romanization. However, his obstreperous personality, then as often, 
stirred up troubles, especially when he used caustic prose to chastise the 
Roman clergy for what he perceived to be hypocritical worldliness. 
Jerome's caricatures of clerical life were so vivid that even the pagans 
found them entertaining reading. He did not mince words when he 
wished to claim that he and his small flock of female ascetics lived a 
more fervent Christianity than the community's spiritual leaders. Peter 
Brown justly highlighted Jerome's exhortation to "learn of me a holy 
arrogance and know that you are better than them all."' Once his 



' Peter Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early 
Christianity, Lectures on the History of Religions, n.s., 15 (New York: Columbia Univ. 
Press, 1988), 366-67, citing Hieronymus Ep. 22.16 {CSEL 54:163). Brown begins his treat- 
ment of Jerome with the trial in Rome. Among modem biographies, I have especially con- 
sulted Ferdinand Cavallera, Saint Jerome: Sa vie etson oeuvre (Louvain and Paris, 1922); and 



2 CHAPTER 1 

patron Damasus had died, he soon faced a reckoning of accounts with 
his Roman enemies. 

In August of 385, a tribunal of Roman clergy gave their verdict on 
accusations that fellow priests had made against Jerome. Though the 
Roman investigators ruled in his favor and acknowledged that those 
who had charged him with fornication were guilty of libel, they never- 
theless urged him to leave Rome. Conceding that he could no longer 
minister effectively there, Jerome bowed to their wishes. The image of 
Jerome bitterly departing the city seems symbolic of his entire career: he 
was a turbulent figure in turbulent times. The strength of his personality 
militated against achieving heroic status among fellow Christians.^ 
Moreover, he struggled throughout his life to find a spirituality expres- 
sive of his deepest convictions.^ Torn by competing priorities, Jerome 
took delight at times in secular learning and at others in self-denial. The 
urban cleric active in Roman affairs had only a few years earlier champi- 
oned the life of a hermit in the wilderness. 

Born in the small town of Stridon, so effectively sacked by the 
Goths years later that no trace of it remains today, Jerome was sent by 
his father to Rome as an adolescent to receive the best education avail- 
able. Hoping to win a lucrative job in public service, he attended the 
school of Latin grammar directed by Aelius Donatus. He must have 
enjoyed those early years of schooling because questions of correct 
grammar and scholarly detail never ceased to interest him. Advanced 
training in the art of rhetoric supplied him with the weapon of satirical 
prose that he wielded so effectively. During his student years, Jerome 
also discovered how strong were the urgings of one's libido, and he 
struggled to control them with mixed results. Though Jerome would 
praise virginity in the most exalted terms, he had to admit that his own 
had proven a casualty of his wild adolescence.'^ 



J. N. D. Kelly, Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies (New York et al.: Harper & 
Row, 1975). Useful summaries of Jerome's life are available in Angelo Penna, "Girolamo," 
in Bihliotheca Sanctorum (Rome: Istituto Giovanni XXIII, Pontificia Univ. Lateranense, 
1961-69), 6:1109-32; and Eugene Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance (Baltimore and Lon- 
don: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985), 1-22. For an extensive bibliography on all aspects 
of Jerome's career, see Paul Antin, CCL 72:ix-lii. 

^ See the characterization of Jerome's friendships in Kelly, Jerome, 335-36. 

' Louis Bouyer, The Spirituality of the New Testament and the Fathers, vol. \ oiA History 
of Christian Spirituality, translated by Mary Ryan (Kent, Engl.: Burns & Oates, and New 
York: Desclee, 1963), 459-67. 

^ Hieronymus£p. 49(48).20 {CSEL 54:385). See also Cavallera, S'^tmt/^owe, 2:72-73; and 
Kelly, Jerome, 10-23. 



Jerome 3 

Just as important for his future development, Jerome offered himself 
for Christian baptism in Rome, in all likelihood before the year 366. 
That was a serious step usually reserved for a later moment in life. How- 
ever, the ideals of Christianity so appealed to Jerome that he made his 
public commitment to the faith. Thus, his first stay in Rome nourished 
his mind in the two cultures that would subsequently compete for his 
loyalties. He embraced the culture of his Roman ancestors as he began 
to build an impressive private library of their books and sought employ- 
ment in the emperor's bureaucracy. The world of the text, moreover, 
established a bridge to his enthusiasm for Christian belief. Jerome exam- 
ined the books of the Bible and participated in the rituals of Christian 
faith. Indicative of those parallel developments, Jerome described the 
visits he made on Sundays to Rome's catacombs. He expressed his fer- 
vent piety for the martyrs in the reliable idioms of Ciceronian style. 

Increasingly ascetical ideals eventually led Jerome to abandon his 
quest for employment at court and move to the eastern part of the em- 
pire. At Antioch in Syria, he lived for a time as a guest of the priest 
Evagrius. Wealthy and influential, Evagrius entertained Jerome at his 
country estate; the host exercised his priestly ministry in a way that his 
visitor found attractive and yet unsettling. The time as a guest of Eva- 
grius triggered a psychological crisis for Jerome. He found himself facing 
what seemed an irreconcilable conflict of values. This time, however, 
the conflict between pagan culture and Christian renunciation triggered 
a dream of terrifying reality. The famous dream probably occurred 
during Lent in 374, when, due to fasting and illness, Jerome found that 
his flesh could hardly cling to his bones.^ In a delirious state, he felt 
himself led before the judgment seat of Christ, where he was interrogat- 
ed about his ultimate loyalties. Although Jerome declared himself a 
Christian, he found himself condemned and flogged for being a Cicero- 
nian. The painful nature of his punishment led him to cry out for 
mercy. Once the flogging had ceased, he solemnly promised never again 
to read or possess the literature of the pagans. 

Jerome's account of the dream has captivated readers ever since be- 
cause he skillfully used the rhetorical techniques that he had learned in 
the schools of Rome. Paradoxically, he embellished his narrative with 



^ Hieronymus Ep. 22.30 {CSEL 54:190), citing P. Virgilius Maro Ed. 3.102 ("vix ossibus 
haerent"). Kelly, /erome, 43: " < Jerome's > pangs of conscience found an outlet in the fan- 
tastic shapes of his nightmare." 



j_ CHAPTER 1 

phrases and imagery that he drew from the pagan poet Virgil.^ Over the 
course of his lengthy career, Jerome ukimately determined that any 
wholesale rejection of the culture of Greece and Rome would be self- 
defeating. He found justification for consulting the writings of the 
pagans in the biblical account of the captive Gentile woman, who could 
be taken as a Jewish wife once her head was shaven. Following the al- 
legorical interpretation of Origen, Jerome determined that God allowed 
believers to appropriate the best of pagan culture, once they had 
trimmed away anything inappropriate/ Immediately after the dream, 
however, Jerome decided to realize the most radical of his ascetical 
ideals. He withdrew from Antioch and took up the life of a hermit in 
the Syrian desert near Calchis. 

For two years, from 374 to 376, Jerome battled the heat and isolation 
of the desert. Those few years, which hardly typified his career, taught 
Jerome about the weaknesses of the flesh and bred his militant desire to 
tame those weaknesses. The graphic description that Jerome wrote of his 
life near Calchis forcefully juxtaposes body and soul in a way that even- 
tually acquired canonical status among Western ascetics. Jerome high- 
lighted the sweltering body of a hermit under the desert's relentless sun; 
the exterior heat mirrored an inner struggle to master one's lustfulness, 
which Jerome found aroused by memories of his adolescent carousing in 



^ Jean Jacques Thierry, "The Date of the Dream of Jerome," Vigiliae Christianae 17 
(1963): 32-35, documents the language reminiscent of Virgil and suggests that the scene may 
be modeled on the descent of Aeneas into the underworld (cf. Aen. 6:566-72). Paul Antin, 
"Autour du songe de saint Jerome," in Recueil sur saint Jerome, Collection Latomus 95 
(Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 71-75, argues that the judge of the scene is the Christ of Paul's 
letters (cf. Rom. 14:10, 2 Cor. 5:10). Pierre de Labriolle, "Le songe de saint Jerome," in 
Miscellanea Geronimiana: Scritti varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San 
Girolamo (Rome, 1920), 230-35, finds such close parallels in literary examples that he feels 
that Jerome never had the dream and that its subsequent importance in cultural debates is 
highly ironic. 

^ Deut. 21:10-13, cited in Hieronymus Ep. 21.13 {CSEL 54:122-23). In general, see 
Arthur Stanley Pease, "The Attitude of Jerome towards Pagan Literature," Transactions and 
Proceedings of the American Philological Association 50 (1919): 150-67; Edwin A. Quain, "St. 
Jerome as a Humanist," in Francis X. Murphy, ed.,A Monument to Saint Jerome: Essays on 
Some Aspects of His Life, Works, and Influence (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1952), 201-32; 
Paul Antin, "Touches classiques et chretiennes juxtaposees chez saint Jerome," in Recueil 
sur saint Jerome, Collection Latomus 95 (Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 47-56; KtWy, Jerome, 41- 
44; Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 3-7; and David Rutherford, "Timoteo Maffei's 
Attack on Holy Simplicity: Educational Thought in Gratian's Decretum and Jerome's 
Letters," in Leif Crane, Alfred Schindler, and Markus Wriedt, eds., Auctoritas Patrum: Zur 
Rezeption der Kirchenvdter im 13. und 16. Jahrhundert (Contributions on the Reception of the 
Church Fathers in the 15th and 16th Century). Veroffentlichungen des Instituts fiir Euro- 
paische Geschichte: Beiheft 37 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabem, 1993), 163-64. 



Jerome 5 

Rome. When alone in the desert, Jerome became acutely aware of his 
sexual powers. Unfortunately, Jerome's persuasive prose abetted the 
"sexualization" of Saint Paul's teaching about the flesh, which Paul 
himself had used with wider application.^ Devout Christians felt that 
they must reject the body, especially the sensual pleasure it could pro- 
duce. You could best achieve that radical renunciation by abandoning a 
pagan society that goaded you to gratify your lust. Jerome actually won- 
dered whether Christians could profess the faith and continue to reside 
in cities.^ Not uncharacteristically, he seemed more intent on removing 
the speck from another's eye than attending to the log in his own, for 
he himself never practiced the ascetical extremes of other hermits in that 
desert community. In his rather comfortable lodging, ample enough for 
his large library, he greeted a steady stream of visitors. From that hermi- 
tage, moreover, Jerome continued to correspond with his many acquain- 
tances and to improve his knowledge of languages, focusing especially 
on Hebrew. ^° 

Jerome left his cave when he could no longer tolerate what he per- 
ceived to be the hypocrisy of his fellow hermits. To the ascetics around 
Calchis, he had always seemed a Latin outsider who was far too proud 
of his erudition and powerful friends. When those ascetics began to 
criticize him, he lashed back in characteristically pungent prose. Despite 
their flamboyant asceticism, those hermits had experienced no true con- 
version of heart and arrogantly questioned the pronouncements of 
church councils and the bishop of Rome.^^ Attracted once again to the 
cities, Jerome moved first to Antioch where he finally accepted ordina- 
tion as a priest. ^^ He genuinely revered the priestly ministry, though 



* Brown coined the term "sexualization" in Body and Society, 368-86. I have closely 
followed Brown's analysis because I find it compelling. 

' Hieronymus Ep. 14.6 {CSEL 54:53), where Jerome responds to the question, "Qui- 
cumque in civitate sunt, Christiani non sunt?" Philip Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority, and the 
Church in the Age of Jerome and Cassian (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1978), 102-4, notes 
that, in later years, Jerome tended to soften his original position on this issue. In general, 
see Paul Antin, "Le ville chez saint Jerome," in Recueil sur saint Jerome, Collection Lato- 
mus 95 (Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 380-81, 386-89. 

'° See Hieronymus Ep. 5.2 {CSEL 54:22) for the abundance of manuscripts and the 
young assistants who worked as his scribes. In Ep. 125.12 {CSEL 56:131), Jerome commented 
on the difficulties of learning Hebrew, which he used to discipline himself when he was 
distracted by thoughts of Rome's pleasures. In general, see KeWy, Jerome, 46-52; and Rous- 
seau, Ascetics, 99-106. 

" See Hieronymus Ep. 17.2 {CSEL 54:70-71); and Kelly, /erome, 55-56. 

'^ See Hieronymus Contra loan. Hierosolymitanum 41 (PL 23:410-11); and Rousseau, 
Ascetics, 106-7, 125-32. 



6 CHAPTER 1 

he was never reticent when it came to reprimanding its dissolute mem- 
bers. Still, the decision to be ordained had again stirred deep-seated mis- 
givings. Jerome salved his conscience by continuing to espouse a life of 
asceticism and by describing himself as an ascetic. He would never allow 
the learned prestige of the clerical state to water down his renunciatory 
ideals. Although Jerome was ordained in the church of Antioch, he in- 
sisted on freedom from that church and selectively exercised the sacra- 
mental ministries. From Antioch, he continued his pilgrimage to Con- 
stantinople, where he studied with Gregory of Nazianzus. In 382, he 
moved to Rome, where he assisted Pope Damasus and counseled aristo- 
cratic women. 

With typical bravado, Jerome later claimed that, had jealous clerics 
not driven him from Rome, he would have been elected to succeed 
Damasus as pope.^^ By drafting important papal correspondence, Je- 
rome created the historical basis for his legendary status as a cardinal. 
He worked hard to fulfill the pope's commission to revise the Latin 
translation of the Gospels. Jerome's thorough scrutiny of the sources 
taught him the complexities of textual scholarship: there were "as many 
forms of the text as there were manuscripts."^'^ He checked the Latin 
versions of the Gospels against the Greek original, and he consistently 
consulted manuscripts that were older than any we possess today. Be- 
cause Jerome began to change translations that had long been used in the 
liturgy, he added to the controversy swirling around him. His oppo- 
nents insinuated that he had no right to tamper with the sacred text. 

While taking the first steps toward the Vulgate translation, Jerome 
also advised an intimate circle of aristocratic women. His counsels help 
us understand the character of a Christian spirituality that took root in 
Rome in the second half of the fourth century. The letter that he wrote 
to Julia Eustochium, daughter of his confidante Paula, became a classic 
presentation on the ideal of consecrated virginity. With purposeful 
irony, Jerome praised a virgin's potential fecundity, and he encouraged 
Roman women to study the Scripture. He actually taught some of them 
Greek so well that they were more fluent in the language than church 
leaders like Ambrose. Virginity, therefore, might help to propagate learn- 
ing. There was also an undeniably radical streak in Jerome's advocacy of 



" Hieronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). In general, see Kelly, /erome, 80-115. 
" Hieronymus Praef. in quatuor evangelia 2 {PL 29:526), cited by Kelly, /erome, 86, and 
by Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 11. 



Jerome 7 

virginity, as he came to see sexual activity as "intrinsically defiling."^^ 
His lifelong ascetic ideals emerged in their unbending rigor when he 
encouraged his female devotees to fast, to wear coarse garments, to 
neglect their personal appearance, and to avoid luxuries like bathing. 

By meddling in the life of Paula's eldest daughter, Blesilla, Jerome 
piqued the anger of the Roman elite. Unlike her sister Eustochium, 
Blesilla had thrown herself into the spirited life of aristocratic society. 
Even after her husband's sudden death, she continued to attend closely 
to matters of fashion and style. Some time thereafter, the young woman 
found herself bedridden with fever; while recuperating, she underwent 
a conversion along the lines that Jerome had long recommended. Aban- 
doning her dedication to life's pleasures, Blesilla plunged into a rigorous 
regime of mortification and the study of Hebrew. Within four months, 
however, her body gave out under the strain of her new lifestyle. When 
Blesilla's mother Paula collapsed in grief at her daughter's funeral, Je- 
rome decided that he had to rebuke her for such indecorous behavior?^ 

The episode fortified the convictions of those in Rome who saw 
Jerome as a dangerous fanatic. Meanwhile, he did little to moderate his 
truculent outbursts. When Jerome attacked Helvidius for questioning 
the perpetual virginity of Mary, he belittled the state of marriage. When 
he addressed his fellow clerics, he caricatured them as effeminate glut- 
tons bent only on enriching themselves. When he lectured Roman so- 
ciety in general, he challenged some of their most cherished values, espe- 
cially pietas. "Too great a loyalty to one's own," Jerome decreed, "is a 
betrayal of God."^^ It is little wonder, then, that, after the death of 
Damasus, he was soon forced to leave the city. 

In August of 385, Jerome set out on a new pilgrimage to the eastern 
Mediterranean. In the company of Paula and Eustochium, he toured the 
various monastic communities of Egypt and the Middle East. Eventual- 
ly, the little band of exiles settled at Bethlehem, founding separate mo- 
nastic communities of men and women. Jerome found the years that 
immediately followed among the most fulfilling of his entire life. He 
had few worries because Paula assumed the considerable expenses in- 
volved in his scholarly activities: she set up his library, hired his copy- 



'^ KeWy, Jerome, 102. For the significance of the letter {Ep. 22), see ibid., 99-103; and 
Rousseau, Ascetics, 108-10. 

'^ See Hieronymus Ep. 39.6-8 {CSEL 54:305-8); Kelly, Jerome, 98-99; and Rousseau, 
Ascetics, 110. 

" Hieronymus Ep. 39.6 {CSEL 54:306), cited by Rousseau, Ascetics, 109. 



8 CHAPTER 1 

ists, and paid a Jew named Baraninas to tutor him in Hebrew. Jerome 
was free to concentrate on his pastoral and scholarly tasks. To care for 
his flock, he preached in local congregations, gave spiritual direction to 
the female members of the monastic community, and taught in the 
school he had established. To assist believers through his learning, he 
produced scholarly writings at a pace that Eugene Rice has justly charac- 
terized as "stupefying."^* He retranslated the Old Testament from the 
original Hebrew texts and thereby demonstrated that translators needed 
philological expertise, historical erudition, and rhetorical competence. 

Early in 393, after eight years of relative tranquillity, Jerome im- 
mersed himself anew in controversies regarding the definition of Chris- 
tian doctrine. Regrettably, he gave those disputes a personal edge. One 
disagreement pitted him against his boyhood friend, Rufinus. From 
Hippo in North Africa, Augustine wrote Jerome to express his dismay 
that so great a rift now divided church leaders once joined by the deep- 
est bonds of affection. Ostensibly, Jerome and Rufinus fought over the 
legacy of Origen and matters of episcopal jurisdiction. In a scornful 
apologia, however, Jerome did not conceal his jealousy of Rufinus who 
had become intimate friends with a holy woman named Melania. Worse 
still, the controversy led him to underline the inescapable risk of temp- 
tation whenever men and women gathered in the same place. A lifelong 
spiritual advisor to pious women, Jerome now claimed that such associa- 
tion must perforce be seen as extremely dangerous. ^^ 

The controversy with Rufinus was the most grievous of those years. 
Jerome also took umbrage when Augustine wrote to him and ques- 
tioned his translation and exegesis of specific biblical passages. Sarcasti- 
cally, he conceded that a mere ascetic like himself should never presume 
to disagree with so exalted a bishop.^° Eventually, Jerome and Augus- 
tine made common cause against the positions of the British monk 
Pelagius, who arrived in the Holy Land sometime after 413. Jerome 
condemned the misplaced optimism of Pelagius and his naive belief that 
Christians might achieve moral perfection here on earth. To refute 
Pelagius, he felt it sufficient to point toward the overwhelming power 
of lust. Theological controversies touched a broader mainstream in the 



'* Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 15. See further KeWy, Jerome, 129-78. 
" See KeWy, Jerome, 195-209, 227-58; and Brown, Body and Society, 379-85. 
" Kelly, /erome, 217-20, 263-72. 



Jerome 9 

fifth century. A disgruntled mob, spearheaded by followers of Pelagius, 
attacked and burned Jerome's monastery. Their pillaging probably 
destroyed the library of books that he had painstakingly collected from 
his youngest days in Rome. Grief for the loss of his precious volumes 
was compounded by the deaths of Paula in 404 and Eustochium late in 
418 or early in 419. Jerome had also learned that Visigothic warriors had 
breached Rome's seemingly impenetrable walls in 410. Deprived of his 
intimate female associates and his books and convinced that Alaric's sack 
presaged the end of the world, he died in Bethlehem around 420.^' 

Even a brief summary of Jerome's life reveals why he left such a 
complex legacy to fellow believers. Despite his forceful description of 
life as a hermit in the desert, Jerome found more happiness in the 
palaces of aristocratic ladies and powerful priests, including the pope 
himself. During his long years in the monastery at Bethlehem, he rarely 
separated himself from his most trusted associates. He preached to local 
congregations, supervised arriving pilgrims, and dictated to scribes as he 
advanced his scholarly activities. And he never ceased to minister to 
pious women. In the final analysis, therefore, Jerome's learning over- 
shadowed his eremitic ideals: he excelled as a translator and expositor of 
Scripture and as a spokesman for ascetic piety. Despite his lingering 
unease at combining the practice of asceticism and the study of secular 
writings, Jerome made himself the best textual scholar of his era, and it 
would be centuries before Christendom produced exegetes of compara- 
ble ability. His primary genius lay in the instinct to scrutinize the books 
of Scripture in their original languages. In the assessment of J. N. D. 
Kelly, Jerome made himself "one of the greatest of Latin stylists," even 
as the Roman Empire collapsed around him.^^ 

All of those scholarly achievements, however, engendered a trou- 
bling question for later Christians: should one so learned in secular 
culture and so torn by that allegiance be numbered among the saints? In 
many ways, Jerome seemed deficient in the qualities that might make 
him the object of a popular cult. Only his female advisees had been con- 
sistently privy to the kindness of his heart. The extreme ascetical ideals 
that he had sanctioned mirrored the fury of his temperament. Subse- 
quent generations of Christians, therefore, found it advisable to domesti- 



^' See Kelly, /erome, 309-32; and Rousseau, Ascetics, 116-19, 122-24. 
^ Kelly, Jerome, 335. 



10 CHAPTER 1 

cate the legacy of Jerome in much the same manner that he was sup- 
posed to have tamed a lion. By extracting the thorns from his polemics 
and underlining his submissive obedience to church authority, he might 
safely become the object of Christian devotion. Much of the history of 
his cult from his death in 420 to the dawn of the revival of classical 
studies in 1350 reveals how devotees created the legend of a domesticat- 
ed Jerome. ^^ 

In constructing that legend, Jerome's admirers could draw upon the 
wealth of personal data that he himself had supplied in his letters and 
prologues. The earliest biographers of Jerome, working from the fifth to 
the twelfth century, rearranged the chronology of his life in an effort to 
highlight the events that best served their own purposes.^"^ They actual- 
ly inverted the historical order, claiming that Jerome started in Rome 
where he served Pope Damasus, then moved to Constantinople where 
he studied with Gregory of Nazianzus, and finally settled in Syria where 
he experienced his agony in the desert. Jerome's movements declared his 
ascetical ideals, culminating in a grueling stay in the wilderness near Cal- 
chis. Similarly, the biographers made Jerome an exemplar of the virgini- 
ty he had so vigorously advocated, even though he himself had admitted 
that he had lost his virginity as an adolescent in Rome. Anachronistical- 
ly, they assigned him the rank of a cardinal-priest, thereby endowing 
him with a status to rival the other great intellectual saints of the Latin 
Church. Ambrose and Augustine had served the community as bishops, 
while Gregory the Great was elected to the supreme office of bishop of 
Rome. Jerome's biographers refused to allow him to remain on the 
lower rung of mere presbyter. The fiction that he attained a cardinal's red 
hat gave added luster to that office as it emerged to special prominence 



^ See Francesco Lanzoni, "La leggenda di San Girolamo," in Miscellanea Geronimiana: 
Scritti varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San Girolamo (Rome, 1920), 19-36; 
Millard Meiss, "Scholarship and Penitence in the Early Renaissance: The Image of St. 
Jerome," in The Painter's Choice: Problems in the Interpretation of Renaissance Art (New 
York: Harper & Row, 1976), 189-97; Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 23-83; Daniel 
Russo, Saint Jerome en Italie: Etude d'iconographie etde spiritualite, Images a I'Appui 2 (Paris: 
Decouverte, and Rome: Ecole franjaise, 1987), 37-148; and Anna Morisi Guerra, "La leg- 
genda di San Girolamo: Temi e problemi tra umanesimo e controriforma," Clio 23 (1987): 
5-12. 

^^ Alberto Vaccari, "Le antiche vite di S. Girolamo," in Miscellanea Geronimiana: Scritti 
varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San Girolamo (Rome, 1920), 4-18, who 
identified Nicolo Maniacoria as the author of the twelth-century biography of Jerome. The 
three principal biographies are 1) Anon., Viu Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hieronymus noster), 
ca. 800-856, BHL no. 3869; 2) Anon., Vita Divi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum), ca. 
875-900, BHL no. 3870-71; 3) N. Maniacoria, Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi vita, ca. 1150, BHL 
no. 3873. See also Russo, Saint Jerome, 20-26. 



Jerome 11 

during the period of the Gregorian Reform in the eleventh century?^ 

Most challenging of all, the biographers sought to enhance Jerome's 
status as a spiritual patron; he needed miracles to prove his efficacy in 
petitioning favors from a gracious Divine Lord. He first achieved the 
status of a wonder-worker through the aforementioned taming of a lion. 
Jerome's biographers almost certainly borrowed the story from the 
legend of Saint Gerasimus, a revered Palestinian anchorite of the fifth 
century. The legend can ultimately be traced to an anecdote preserved 
by Aulus Gellius. Because an escaped Roman slave by the name of An- 
drocles had extracted a thorn from the paw of a lion, he thereby gained 
a friend who would not devour him when he was thrown to the wild 
animals in a Roman circus. After Androcles, the story of the lion then 
passed from Gerasimus to Jerome, facilitated by the colloquial pronunci- 
ation of their Latin names (Gerasimo-Geronimo). However, as narrated 
by Jerome's biographers, the miracle also helped to magnify his standing 
as an advocate of cenobitic monasticism. Once subdued, the lion was 
told by Jerome to guard the ass who carried water to the monastery for 
the use of the monks. After initially proving less than vigilant, the re- 
morseful lion eventually fulfilled Jerome's command with exemplary 
religious obedience. Although he had successfully tamed a lion, he still 
had to wait several centuries for his first confirmed ex voto. In a twelfth- 
century biography, a biblical scholar by the name of Nicolo Maniacoria 
claimed that Jerome had saved his mother from death during childbirth. 
As Anna Morisi Guerra aptly observed, Jerome went centuries without 
such an attribution because no one probably thought to pray to him.^^ 



^ The anonymous Carolingian biography (inc: Hieronymus noster) first inverted the 
chronology; see Vaccari, "Le antiche vite," 8. The legend of Jerome's virginity ultimately 
derived from a remark of Marcellinus Comes (d. ca. 534); lacopo da Varazze called attention 
to the error in the Legenda aurea. See ibid., 2, and Lanzoni, "La leggenda," 19, 32. A second 
Carolingian biography (inc: Plerosque nimirum) claimed that Jerome was raised to the office 
of cardinal; the anonymous biographer thereby compounded the error of a predecessor who 
had asserted that Jerome was ordained in Rome. After the Gregorian Reform, Nicolo 
Maniacoria assigned Jerome the prestigious title of cardinal of S. Anastasia. See Vaccari, "Le 
antiche vite," 14, 18; and Lanzoni, "La leggenda," 35. In the twelfth century, Joannes Beleth 
attributed liturgical standardizations of the Carolingian era to Jerome and then inflated their 
importance; see Lanzoni, 26-29. 

^^ Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi . . . vita,"PZ, 22:185; and Morisi Guerra, "La 
leggenda," 6-7. Maniacoria served as a deacon in Rome under Pope Lucius II (1144-45) and 
later became a Cistercian monk. For the story of the lion, see Vaccari, "Le antiche vite," 
12-13; Lanzoni, "La leggenda," 33-34; and Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 37-45. 
Vaccari argued that the story passed from Gerasimus to Jerome through the literary medi- 
ation of the Pratum spirituale of loannes Moschus, who died in Rome in 619. The fable of 
Androcles is found in Aulus Gellius Noctes Atticae 5.14. 



12 CHAPTER 1 

Early in the fourteenth century, however, an enterprising forger, 
perhaps a Dominican associated with the canons of Santa Maria Mag- 
giore in Rome, decided to fill the final gap in the legend of Jerome. In 
letters attributed to distinguished ecclesiastical contemporaries of Je- 
rome, the forger narrated the holiness of the saint's death in heroic 
defense of the faith and the miracles that he had performed before and 
after that exemplary death.^^ Freed from the technical language of the 
Scholastic theology of the day, those letters stirred admiration for Je- 
rome as a wonder-worker and taught principles of Catholic doctrine as 
it was then being defined. He emerged in that context as a champion of 
orthodox faith, lending his prestige to the inquisitorial activities that 
engaged many Dominican friars. This apologetic approach to theology 
not only bolstered the efforts of inquisitors who saw themselves defend- 
ing Latin Christianity from internal subversion but also those of crusad- 
ers who sought to vanquish Christendom's formidable external enemy, 
the infidels of the Moslem religion. Conveniently, Jerome was said to 
have arranged the transfer of his own relics from Bethlehem to Rome in 
1291, after the last stronghold of the Latin kingdom had fallen to the 
Mamluks. Just a few years later. Pope Boniface VIII (1294-1303) gave 
official endorsement to Jerome's teaching authority by naming him one 
of the four doctors of the Latin Church. 

By the early fourteenth century, sufficient data had now been added 
to the record of Jerome's activity in order to make his sanctity heroic 
for a much broader range of Christians. The rest of that century saw the 
consolidation and institutionalization of his cult in the Latin West, espe- 
cially in Italy and Spain. In the second half of that century, five new 
congregations of religious men were established, all of them proud to 
place their monastic observance under the patronage of Jerome. Though 
distinct groups, the Hieronymites shared a common spirituality, which 
focused largely upon penitential exercises. The members of Hieronymite 
congregations lived a life of rigorous poverty and often chose not to be 
ordained. In keeping with their ascetic ideals, they looked with hostility 
on education in secular matters. In keeping with their image of Jerome 
as a champion of orthodoxy, they used his status as a doctor of the 
church to ingratiate themselves to church authorities. In that respect, the 
Hieronymites set themselves apart from groups like the Spiritual Fran- 
ciscans, with whom they shared an emphasis on strict poverty. The asce- 



^^ The letters were attributed to Eusebius of Cremona (BHL no. 3866), Augxistine of 
Hippo {BHL no. 3867), and Cyril of Jerusalem {BHL no. 3868). 



Jerome 13 

tic emphasis of the Hieronymite cult of Jerome took visual form as well. 
Portraits of Jerome as an emaciated penitent in the wilderness adorned 
their churches and monasteries, even though that sojourn in the desert 
proved less defining than the popularity of such depictions would lead 
one to believe.^^ 

By the middle of the fourteenth century, Giovanni d'Andrea (Joan- 
nes Andreae, d. 1348), a professor of canon law at the University of Bo- 
logna, made it easier to become familiar with the recent additions to the 
legend of Jerome. Dismayed by the lack of reverence for Jerome in Italy 
and inspired by the success of the forged letters, Giovanni d'Andrea 
assembled a compendium that he appropriately entitled Hieronymianus. 
The volume included a biography of the saint, extensive excerpts from 
his works, and recommendations for fostering his cult in Italy. Giovanni 
hoped that devoted adherents of Jerome would further exploit the 
materials he had put together. Much like the great compendia that then 
served university instruction, the Sentences of Peter Lombard and the 
Decretum of Gratian, Giovanni's tribute to Jerome gathered a vast 
amount of information. However, Giovanni himself tended to treat the 
information rather indiscriminately. Despite admitting his fascination 
with Jerome's linguistic abilities, Giovanni did not see the study of 
classical languages as a way to improve education and expand cultural 
horizons. And even though Giovanni recommended that artists portray 
Jerome as a cardinal in his study, the image of a penitent Jerome, who 
meditated upon the cross and his sins in a wilderness far removed from 
his books, remained much more popular. 

Only with the flowering of the humanist movement in Italy would 
Jerome become the inspiration once again for serious philological study 
of the Bible. Even so, the first two generations of humanists treated 
Jerome as an opponent whom they had to answer rather than a scholar 
whom they wished to emulate.^' Censorious ecclesiastics, who opposed 



^* Rice, Jerome in the Renaissance, 104, offers a statistical comparison for paintings of 
Jerome from ca. 1400 to 1600. There are 558 examples of Jerome in penitence as contrasted 
to only 133 examples of Jerome in his study. See further Russo, Saint Jerome, 201-73. 

^' See Giuseppe Maugeri, // Petrarca e San Girolamo (Catania, 1920), 27-29, 80-88; 
Berthold Louis Ullman, The Humanism of Coluccio Salutati, Medioevo e umanesimo 4 
(Padua: Antenore, 1963), 54, 61; Manlio Dazzi, // Mussato preumanista (1261-1329): L'am- 
biente e I'opera (Vicenza: Pozza, 1964), 108-23; Pietro Paolo Gerosa, Umanesimo cristiano del 
Petrarca: Influenza agostiniana, attinenze medievali (Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1966), 156-79; 
Ronald G. Witt, "Coluccio Salutati and the Conception of the Poeta Theologus in the Four- 
teenth Century," Renaissance Quarterly 30 (1977): 540-41; and John M. McManamon, "Pier 
Paolo Vergerio (the Elder) and the Beginnings of the Humanist Cult of Jerome," The 
Catholic Historical Review 71 (1985): 363-68. 



14 CHAPTER 1 

the growing interest in classical literature, adduced Jerome's dream and 
his statement that "the verses of poets are the food of demons" {Ep. 
21.13) as clear evidence that it was wrong for Christians to study the 
literature of antiquity. Already in 1315, the Dominican Giovannino da 
Mantova cited Jerome's remark about the poets to reprimand Albertino 
Mussato of Padua (ca. 1261-1329) for writing verse. As public recogni- 
tion of his ability, Mussato had recently won a laurel crowning. Begin- 
ning with Francesco Petrarca (1304-1374), humanists also wrestled with 
the issue of Jerome's dream and his condemnation as a Ciceronian. They 
spent much time interpreting Jerome in a way that, if it did not make 
him quite favorable to the cause of the humanities, would at least blunt 
the effect of his negative attitude toward pagan literature. 

Petrarch himself emphasized that Jerome continued to study Cicero 
even after his oath not to do so. Consequently, Jerome's writings betrayed 
an inherently Ciceronian style. However, Petrarch preferred the interiority 
of Augustine to Jerome's more activist spirituality. Petrarch wrote to 
Giovanni d' Andrea and expressly disagreed with Giovanni's ranking Jerome 
a better scholar than Augustine. Petrarch and his early disciples preferred to 
look to Augustine as the primary Christian model for their literary and 
scholarly efforts. Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375) saw Jerome's stated oppo- 
sition to the poets as selective and felt that Jerome really objected to the 
obscenity of comedy. Moreover, Boccaccio upbraided critics of humanism 
for quoting Jerome's remark about the "verses of poets" without any refer- 
ence to his further comments. In that same letter, Jerome had appealed to 
the book of Deuteronomy to indicate the ways in which Christians might 
appropriate the most worthy elements of classical culture. Toward the end 
of the fourteenth century, Coluccio Salutati (1331-1406) likewise contended 
that those who presented Jerome as a doctrinaire critic of classical poetry 
badly distorted the saint's thinking. Jerome had paraphrased Virgil in the 
very same letter in which he cautioned against the dangers of poetry. Salu- 
tati felt that the dream simply reiterated Jerome's fundamental conviction 
that one should not engage in excessive study of classical works. Thus, the 
first two generations of humanists were compelled to deal with the figure 
of Jerome primarily because opponents of humanism pointed to Jerome as 
a religious authority hostile to pagan learning. Those humanists showed no 
special reverence toward the saint and often found him a problem. 



CHAPTER 2 

Vergerio's Perspective: 

A Path to Sanctity 
through Humanism 



In keeping with his personal experience and his humanist studies, Pier- 
paolo Vergerio the elder (ca. 1369-1444) offered his era a richer pic- 
ture of Jerome. Vergerio closely associated the saint with the formative 
experiences of his childhood. To render homage to its blessed patron, 
Vergerio's family offered a banquet on his feast for the local poor and 
the domestic servants of their household. Vergerio's family was con- 
vinced that Jerome had rewarded their loyalty by protecting their flight 
from Capodistria to Cividale del Friuli during the War of Chioggia 
(1378-1381).^ Nourished in an environment that saw the family as hon- 
ored clients of a powerful heavenly patron, Vergerio committed himself 
to a public act of devotion to Jerome for the rest of his life. His sermons 
and letters, written to extol Jerome on his feast-day (30 September), rep- 
resent the concrete fruit of that commitment.^ 

In discussing Vergerio's originality in the sermons, it is only fair to 



' See Epist., 186-87; and, in the present volume, Sermo 5. 

^ See John M. McManamon, "Innovation in Early Humanist Rhetoric: The Oratory of 
Pier Paolo Vergerio the Elder," Rinascimento, n.s., 22 (1982): 24-27; and McManamon, 
"Pier Paolo Vergerio and the Beginnings," 356-63. Three of the sermons are dated: 5 (Pa- 
dua, 1392), 8 (to the papal court in Rome, 1406), and 9 (to the papal court in Siena, 1408). 
From internal evidence, it is clear that three sermons were delivered to monks who fol- 
lowed the rule of Benedict (1, 5, and 10 at a rural monastery). Two of the sermons were 
given in the region of Istria (3 and 6). Evidence in eight of the sermons (1, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 
10) establishes that none of them was the first that Vergerio delivered. 



16 CHAPTER 2 

acknowledge that he was not unaffected by recent accretions to the 
legend. Yet, in more than one instance, the content and form of Ver- 
gerio's sermons demonstrate that he evaluated the tradition with the 
critical eye he generally brought to historical research. In fact, he shaped 
the material to his broader goal of fostering a cult of Jerome that would 
make him the patron saint of humanist studies. Though Vergerio dis- 
cussed Jerome's envious rivals in several sermons, he alluded only once 
to the farcical story that some of them attempted to destroy his reputa- 
tion by leaving a woman's dress near his bed.^ After Vergerio had used 
the account publicly, he seemed to have lost faith in it. Vergerio also 
praised Jerome for his ascetic withdrawal into the desert, and he admit- 
ted that he liked to quote the famous passage in which Jerome had de- 
scribed his sufferings. Vergerio's surviving sermons bear him out: that 
passage is cited in eight of the ten panegyrics. In keeping with recent 
traditions, then, Vergerio's Jerome exemplified the value of asceticism, 
but that asceticism did not spring from a rejection of secular culture and 
all of the dangers associated with it. Rather, it sprang from Vergerio's 
concern for interior freedom, which acquired authentic expression when 
one controlled selfish and libidinous desires. Nor did Vergerio concen- 
trate exclusively on monastic piety: though he alluded more than once 
to the story of the lion, he never mentioned the lengthy account of the 
lion's obedient service in Jerome's monastery. Moreover, Vergerio 
stressed that Jerome tamed the lion not only by removing the thorn but 
by instilling a sense of his trustworthiness. 

Similarly, Vergerio accepted the legend that Jerome was a cardinal, 
though he winnowed away the details surrounding the appointment that 
he found in previous sources. He actually claimed that Jerome deserved 
to be ranked higher than his fellow Latin doctors, but he did not use the 
criterion of hierarchical office to defend that claim. Rather, he used a 
criterion of useful scholarship, according to which he felt that Jerome 
had proved himself superior to Augustine, Ambrose, and Gregory the 
Great. Vergerio's first attempt to derive the etymology of Hieronymus 
was based upon information in the Legenda aurea, a passage that Gio- 
vanni d'Andrea likewise cited in the Hieronymianus. After Vergerio had 
studied Greek under Manuel Chrysoloras, however, he succeeded for the 



^ PPV, Sermo 3: "Nam muliebri veste per fraudem contectum de incontinentia calum- 
niati sunt." The story originated in the biography of Nicolo Maniacoria; see Lanzoni, "La 
leggenda," 36. 



Vergerio's Perspective 17 



first time in determining the correct etymology of "sacred name." In 
both instances, he emphasized a fitting tie between the meaning of the 
name and the learned activities of the one who bore it. No enemy of 
learning, Vergerio's Jerome instead testified to the value of humanist 
scholarship for biblical exegesis and for an authentically catholic piety. 
Vergerio explicitly drew a parallel between the Christian doctors who 
aided the res publica Christiana through their preaching and writing and 
the humanist orators of antiquity who aided the res publica Romana 
through their public speeches and their historical writings. 

Vergerio used his portrait of Jerome to promote rhetorical education 
based upon classical standards and to advance certain proposals for 
church reform. He praised Jerome for his knowledge of letters (peritia 
litterarum) because Vergerio felt that an education in letters made it 
possible for Jerome to be successful in his various ministries. By letters, 
Vergerio meant proficiency first of all in the Latin language, and then in 
Greek and Hebrew. These linguistic abilities helped Jerome to become 
an expert philologist. By letters, Vergerio also meant eloquence, in 
which Jerome attained the standard of excellence set centuries earlier by 
Cicero.'* Nor did Vergerio evade the controversial character of Jerome's 
humanist learning. On one occasion prior to his permanent move to the 
papal court in 1405 and repeatedly thereafter, Vergerio discussed Je- 
rome's dream. Vergerio interpreted the dream as a warning to Jerome 
that he shift his scholarly priorities. Humanist learning should provide 
the skills necessary to undertake serious philological study of sacred let- 
ters. Vergerio suggested that virtually all of Jerome's exegetical works 
came after that frightening experience. He could never have accom- 
plished his scriptural studies, however, without thorough grounding in 
the three relevant languages, nor had he ever ceased to study pagan lit- 
erature.^ 



* PPV, Sermo 5: "... ipsum medius fidius Ciceronem mihi legere videor cum libros 
Hieronymi lego." In Sermo 3, Vergerio claims that Jerome had equaled the accomplishments 
of Cicero in the field of eloquence. 

^ PPV, Sermo 3: "Posthac autem, ut ipse asserit, codices gentilium legit, sed tanto studio 
divina tractavit quanto ilia ante non legerat, unde aut totum aut certe partem maximam 
suorum librorum postquam id evenit edidit. In quibus tamen tantum est peregrinae 
historiae, tantum gentilium fabularum extemaeque disciplinae, omnia ad fidei usum 
accommodata ut nihil aliud dies ac noctes egisse quam ut ilia conquirat videri possit. Sed et 
de fide tot tantaque praescripsit ut nusquam ei vacasse libros gentilium legere facile credi 
queat." If Vergerio's sermon is correctly transmitted, he revised Jerome's account in order 
to favor humanist studies. In the Comm. in Ep. ad Galatas {PL 26:427), Jerome claimed that 
he had not read any of the secular writers for fifteen years after the dream. To embellish the 



18 CHAPTER 2 

Ciceronian eloquence also supplied Jerome with a set of values 
worthy of his scholarly vocation. According to Vergerio, Jerome had 
consistently questioned himself about the relevance {utilitas) of his intel- 
lectual pursuits. Jerome was never satisfied merely with the personal en- 
joyment {otium, voluptas) that his studies engendered. He had under- 
taken vast projects like the revision of the Vulgate translation in order 
to provide vital assistance to a variety of ecclesiastical activities. Vergerio 
attempted to characterize the supreme value of the scholarship of Je- 
rome by claiming that no one had ever written anything more essential 
to the life of the believing community. Secondly, Jerome proved to be 
a scholar in the Ciceronian mold because he had safeguarded the persua- 
sive power of his ethos. Vergerio fused the title of Christian doctor with 
the ideal Roman orator, an upright man skilled in public persuasion. 
"He was a doctor not only in word but in deed and was no less distin- 
guished by his life than he was by his language. That is the best type of 
learning, in which one confirms by the example of his life what he has 
publicly advocated that all should do."^ 

Jerome proved to be victorious in the greatest of life's conflicts, the 
subjection of oneself to reason and the dictates of an informed con- 
science. Three times, Jerome gave dramatic proof of the degree of 
interior freedom that he had achieved. First, when all thought that 
Jerome would be chosen as the next pope, he left the city of Rome. He 
overcame the temptation to grasp supreme power in the church and of- 
fered a noble example of indifference. By leaving Rome altogether, he 
also stymied those jealous Roman clerics who had intrigued to under- 
mine his influence at the papal court. Secondly, Jerome went to study 
under Gregory of Nazianzus at a moment in his career when he was 
considered one of the most learned scholars of the day. Consistent with 
the ideals of Socratic philosophy, Jerome remained constantly aware of 
the limits of his knowledge. Finally, during his time as a hermit in the 
Syrian desert, Jerome suffered intense temptations to abandon his asceti- 
cism and return to the carousing of his adolescence. Vergerio accurately 



legend of Jerome, the fourteenth-century authors had even assigned him competence in 
several other languages. Vergerio returned to Jerome's description of himself as "trilinguis"; 
see Lanzoni, "La leggenda," 36-41. 

^ Epist, 184-85: "Doctor non solum verbo sed exemplo, nee minus vita clarus quam 
sermone. Illud enim est optimum doctrinae genus, ut, quod ore quis faciendum monet, vita 
exemploque suo comprobet." See also PPV, Sermo 5: "Non solum enim verbo et scriptis sed 
re et exemplo docuit . . ."; and Jerome's comments on Lea in Ep. li.l {CSEL 54:212): ". . . 
et comites suas plus exemplo docuisse quam verbo." 



Vergerio's Perspective 19 



noted that Jerome's spiritual struggles intensified after he had abandoned 
the civilized world of the city. Those who simplistically saw such 
withdrawal as a flight from life's challenges did not understand the 
movements of the spiritual life. 

Above all, Jerome concerned himself with fidelity to the values that 
he advocated and usefulness to others. Employing a healthy dose of the 
pragmatism that Vergerio admired, Jerome had adapted his actions to 
the needs of his day. Vergerio likewise adapted his message to the needs 
of his audience. When speaking before monks, Vergerio emphasized the 
importance of reform through observance of the rule. Too many 
monks, in Vergerio's estimation, had surrendered to the temptation to 
relax the zeal of their commitment. They should be inspired to reform 
by the example of Jerome's integrity. Jerome's biographies of the desert 
fathers, replete with vivid descriptions of their austere lives, reinforced 
that message. Though monks in Vergerio's day might not reach the 
heroic levels of sanctity of those early hermits, they could certainly imi- 
tate the desert fathers by practicing charity. Once they renewed them- 
selves, they might help monastic life to flourish once again. 

Vergerio also used his praise of Jerome to indicate other areas where 
the church had need of reform. He suggested that preaching had lost 
vigor because preachers were solely concerned with achieving populari- 
ty. Their appeal to moral values suffered because they themselves led 
such dissolute lives. Jerome had once reminded preachers that the faith- 
ful frequently ask themselves why a given preacher did not do the things 
he urged them to do.^ The spiritual life of the church had lost intensity 
as the faithful observed the moral shortcomings of the clergy. Unlike 
the ascetic Jerome, contemporary clerics were wealthy and well-fed. 
Worse yet, they openly sought advancement in the ecclesiastical hierar- 
chy. Jerome had left Rome when his election as pope seemed guaran- 
teed. In Vergerio's day, two rivals claimed to be pope and refused to 
consider any resolution of the schism that might endanger their own 
standing. Vergerio wondered how anyone could be surprised to see 



' Epist, 184-85: "In qua re parum curiosi mihi praedicatores nostri temporis videntur, 
quibus omne in bene dicendo studium est, in bene faciendo nullum; quasi vero in fide de 
eloquentia, non de ratione vitae contendatur, aut orationibus, non bonis / atque Sanctis 
viris, caelum pateat. Qui ergo recte docet et ita vivit ut docet, vere ille doctor est; qui aliter, 
mendax et se ipsum sententia sua condemnans." See also Hieronymus Ep. 52.7 {CSEL 
54:426-27): "Non confundant opera sermonem tuum, ne, cum in ecclesia loqueris, tacitus 
quilibet respondeat: 'cur ergo haec ipse non facis?' " 



20 CHAPTER 2 

Utterly unworthy candidates occupying the throne of Peter, Ambitious 
men longed for the comforts of life at Rome or Avignon.^ 

It was finally characteristic of Vergerio's sermons to place little or no 
emphasis on the miracles that Jerome had performed. By "passing over 
those miracles in silence," a use of the rhetorical figure of paralepsis, 
Vergerio implicitly censured the tales of wonder-working in the forged 
letters. The letters improperly pandered to the credulous instincts of the 
common people. Vergerio offered a spirituality that emphasized the im- 
portance of learning for an elite group of educators and scholars. Never- 
theless, in one of the sermons, he did describe a miracle that Jerome 
performed on behalf of two pagan travelers, whose curiosity had led 
them to set out for Bethlehem in order to see the grave of Jerome. The 
two young men lost their way and wandered into a forest where they 
were spotted by a band of thieves. Jerome intervened to protect the two 
travelers by making them appear to be a much larger group. The rob- 
bers immediately retreated when they felt they were outnumbered. 
Once the protagonists had grasped the nature of Jerome's miraculous in- 
tervention, they were moved to action. The pagans accepted baptism 
while the thieves entered a monastery. 

The miracle reflected Vergerio's convictions in three important 
ways. First, Vergerio had not forgotten the protection that Jerome of- 
fered to his family on the road to Cividale del Friuli, Secondly, Vergerio 
consistently saw vision as the most significant and powerful of the hu- 
man senses; he would easily recall an instance when Jerome accom- 
plished his miraculous purpose by creating an optical illusion. Finally, 
of all of the miracles attributed to Jerome, Vergerio chose one worked 
on behalf of two non-believers. Having demonstrated that Jerome 
assisted pagans and criminals, Vergerio assured his audience that Jerome 
would be generous toward all Christians and Catholics in particular, if 
they venerated his name.^ As a matter of fact, Vergerio had dedicated 
himself to promoting Jerome as a protector of the pagans in his own 
day. He did not hesitate to advance his argument from worthy pagans 
to pious Christians because, in his estimation, both deserved to benefit 



* PPV, Sermo 1: "Ex quibus factum est ut non tarn summo pontificatu, ad quern etiam 
indigni pervenire possunt, quam regno caelorum, quo nullus pertingit indignus, se dignissi- 
mum redderet. ..." 

' PPV, Sermo 7: "Sic igitur hie gloriosus sanctus in gentiles et nefarios homines tam 
pronus tamque beneficus extitit; quanto magis in Christianos et vere Catholicos, si nomen 
suum venerabuntur, existet?" 



Vergerio's Perspective 21 



from Jerome's patronage. Vergerio thereby transformed Jerome from 
the enemy of humanist learning to a proof of the value of those studies 
for the believing community, especially for its "sacred philology." ^° 

To communicate that portrait of Jerome as an exponent of humanist 
learning, Vergerio appropriately chose a humanist medium. He con- 
sciously changed the manner of preaching common in his day. In the 
introduction to a sermon that Vergerio delivered in 1392, he told his 
audience that he was omitting a thematic verse from Scripture as the 
basis for his remarks. Once he did that, he no longer had to structure 
the sermon as an explanation for the relevance of the scriptural theme. 
He could rather concentrate on the life of Jerome. Vergerio therefore 
used the rhetorical topics of a panegyrical oration as specified in the 
classical handbooks. He had become conversant with those topics in 
those same years as he wrote epideictic speeches for the Carrara court in 
Padua. Vergerio claimed that he was doing what the most up-to-date 
preachers {apud modemos) commonly did. As a matter of fact, scholars 
who have investigated Renaissance preaching have not found any earlier 
examples of sermons based upon classical norms. Even Vergerio ac- 
knowledged on one occasion that his avant-garde methods were causing 
controversy.^^ He eventually brought his innovative medium and re- 
forming message to the papal court. 

Vergerio moved from Padua to Rome in 1405, and he served in the 
court of Innocent VII (1404-1406) and Gregory XII (1406-1415). In 
September of 1406, he prepared to deliver a panegyric for Jerome during 
a moment of unusual happiness. Just a few weeks earlier, Vergerio had 
written a poem to describe his idyllic life at the court of a generous 
patron. Reunited there with his close friend, Leonardo Bruni, Vergerio 
commended Innocent VII for offering support to the humanist move- 



'° Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, ed. Michael Mooney (New 
York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1979), 72. 

" For the controversy, see Epist., 93 (". . . plurimi qui dicendi tantum genus adverterent 
arguerentque si quid ineptius excidisset. . . ."). On the originality of Vergerio's approach, see 
Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, 248-49; John W. O'Malley, Praise and Blame 
in Renaissance Rome: Rhetoric, Doctrine, and Reform in the Sacred Orators of the Papal Court, 
ca. 1450-1521, Duke Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 3 (Durham, N.C.: 
Duke Univ. Press, 1979), 85-86; and McManamon, "Pier Paolo Vergerio and the Begin- 
nings," 369-71. The outline for a thematic sermon on Jerome prepared by Vincent Ferrer 
(1350-1419) demonstrates the traditional methods that Vergerio rejected. For the outline, see 
Les Sermons Panegyriques, edited by H. D. Pages, O.P., vol. 2 of Oeuvres de Saint Vincent 
Ferrier (Paris, 1909), 734. On Vincent's career as a preacher beginning in 1399, see Alvaro 
Huerga, "Vincent Ferrer," Dictionnaire de Spiritualite (Paris: Beauchesne, 1994), 16:815-16. 



22 CHAPTER 2 

ment at a critical moment, ^^ For several years, learned clerics like 
Giovanni Dominici had mounted a sustained attack on the humanist 
program. In sermons and tracts, Dominici claimed that humanist studies 
in no way assisted a believer and at times proved positively harmful. 
Dominici specifically censured the manipulative power of orators 
trained in classical principles. The Florentine Dominican seemed to be 
the one opponent of humanism who understood the importance of rhet- 
oric to ancient culture. Dominici used that importance to emphasize the 
dangers of a humanist education. ^^ 

The attack on humanism figured prominently in Vergerio's mind as 
he composed his annual panegyric for Jerome in 1406. Vergerio also 
became increasingly concerned when Innocent did not fulfill his promise 
to call a council which would address the problem of the Western 
Schism. A rebellion in Rome the previous year had threatened Inno- 
cent's position, but with his authority restored, Vergerio saw no excuse 
for further delay. Vergerio's panegyric on 30 September 1406 addressed 
both of those concerns. In response to the criticisms of Giovanni Domi- 
nici, Vergerio presented Jerome as epitomizing the humanist ideal of 
education that Vergerio had already traced in a treatise entitled De inge- 
nuis moribus (ca. 1402-1403). Jerome was learned {doctus) and upright 
{rectus). He had mastered a variety of disciplines that included the three 
biblical languages, Ciceronian oratory, history, and literary criticism. 
Vergerio also claimed that Jerome had approached theology from de- 
pendable perspectives, utilizing his linguistic skills to interpret the text 
of Scripture. 

That learning constituted prima facie evidence for Jerome's sanctity, 
and the Roman Church had publicly acknowledged that fact by naming 



'^ On the poem and its context, see PPV, Poetica narratio, in Epist., 453; George 
Holmes, The Florentine Enlightenment 1400-50 (New York: Pegasus, 1969), 60; and Ger- 
mano Gualdo, "Antonio Loschi, segretario apostolico (1406-1436)," Archivio storico italiano 
147, no. 4 (1989): 750-57. For Bruni's activity at the court, including his drafting of a bull 
announcing the reestablishment of the University (dated 1 September 1406), see Gordon 
Griffiths, "Leonardo Bruni and the Restoration of the University of Rome," Renaissance 
Quarterly 26 (1973): 1-10. 

" Ullman, Humanism of Salutati, 63-65; Giorgio Cracco, "Banchini, Giovanni di 
Domenico," DBI, 5:657-64; Holmes, Florentine Enlightenment, 32-35; Peter Denley, 
"Giovanni Dominici's Opposition to Humanism," in Keith Robbins, ed.. Religion and Hu- 
manism, Studies in Church History 17 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1981), 109-14; and Daniel 
R. Lesnick, "Civic Preaching in the Early Renaissance: Giovanni Dominici's Florentine 
Sermons," in Timothy Verdon and John Henderson, eds., Christianity and the Renaissance: 
Image and Religious Imagination in the Quattrocento (Syracuse: Syracuse Univ. Press, 1990), 
214-22. 



Vergerio's Perspective 23 



him one of its doctors. Speaking before a distinguished audience of 
Roman clerics, Vergerio again confronted the problem of Jerome's 
dream. He claimed that the dream had only censured excessive enthusi- 
asm for humanist studies, and not their pursuit. As a matter of fact, 
Jerome's entire career demonstrated that he had enriched the church's 
theology by interpreting Scripture with sound training in the biblical 
languages and history. Furthermore, Jerome exemplified the sort of 
ethical cleric that the church needed in every era. Jerome had more in 
common with the virtuous pagans of antiquity than he did with many 
clerics of the fifteenth century. Though Jerome almost certainly would 
have won election as pope, he preferred to leave Rome for a life of 
asceticism. In Vergerio's day, two popes clung to their authority, there- 
by causing a prolonged schism. God had endowed Jerome with holiness 
sufficient to tame a lion in order to demonstrate that patience and kind- 
ness best served the cause of overcoming hatred. Innocent VII should 
approach the rival camp in Avignon with the same patient kindness. ^^ 
In September of 1408, Vergerio again spoke on Jerome before the 
papal court, which was momentarily resident in Siena. Support for 
Gregory XII had begun to hemorrhage because Gregory had repudiated 
a promise to meet with his rival, Benedict XIII. Instead, Gregory had 
taken refuge at Lucca, where he compounded the problem by violating 
his oath not to appoint new cardinals. When several of his cardinals 
protested by leaving, Gregory sent a papal army into Florentine territo- 
ry to arrest them.^^ Vergerio stayed with the pope and attempted to 
convince him to abide by the plan for face-to-face negotiations. In his 
panegyric for Jerome, therefore, Vergerio once again hammered away at 
favorite themes. Jerome exemplified the appropriateness of secular learning 
and the importance of interior detachment, which he had proven by ceding 
to his enemies and withdrawing from Rome. Gregory should mirror the 
image of that dedicated saint, who never wavered in his courageous convic- 



M ppY^ Sermo 8: "Cum mundo quippe gessit et vicit, quando sacerdos iam f actus et 
summo sacerdotio dignus habitus ab urbe cessit pompisque saeculi et omni ambitioni 
mundanorum honorum renuntiavit. . . . maledicos benefaciendo vincere et eorum in nos 
odium virtute patientiae mansuetudinisque superare." 

'* Leonardo Bruni, Epistolarum lihri VIII, ed. Laurentius Mehus (Florence, 1741), 59-65 
(£/». 2.21). An English translation of the letter by Gordon Griffiths is published in The 
Humanism of Leonardo Bruni: Selected Texts, Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 46, in 
conjunction with The Renaissance Society of America: Renaissance Texts Series 10 (Bing- 
hamton, N.Y., 1987), 328-32. 



24 CHAPTER 2 

tion that ecclesiastical rank does not make one a Christian.^^ 

Through a special devotion, Vergerio transformed Jerome from an 
enemy of humanist learning to an advocate of its benefit for committed 
Christians. The portrayal of Jerome as a Christian scholar who endorsed 
the value of humanist studies galvanized subsequent exponents of the 
movement. A half century later, Timoteo Maffei argued that eloquence 
gave philosophy and theology their persuasive force, while Lorenzo 
Valla claimed that Jerome's dream had really condemned the study of 
philosophy, not the humanities. In Valla's estimation, the humanist 
disciplines actually provided an ideal preparation for authentic theology. 
Radical in word and deed. Valla undertook an incisive philological study 
of the New Testament based upon his knowledge of Greek. As human- 
ists, Vergerio, Maffei, and Valla restored Jerome to his study where he 
engaged in scholarship useful for believers.^'' They insisted that human- 
ist studies made a saint like Jerome more catholic than his zealously 
ascetic instincts might have led him to be. And humanist panegyric of 
Jerome helped to inspire Renaissance artists, who depicted him as a 
scholar in the service of the church. 

That seems apparent in Antonello da Messina's famous portrait of 
"Saint Jerome in His Study" (Plate 1).^* A beardless Jerome, dressed in 
cardinal's robes, works at his desk on an elevated platform in rather 
unusual surroundings. The beardless face suggests that the artist has por- 
trayed Jerome as a contemporary scholar-cardinal, perhaps Nicholas of 
Cusa. More importantly, Antonello has stripped Jerome's study of the 
symbols of mortality— the skull and the hourglass— that traditionally 
guided the saint's meditations. Now Jerome is surrounded by symbols 
that suggest the lasting value of his endeavors: the peacock and the 
partridge. The artist has invested Jerome's humanist activities with a 
lasting quality of value for believers. And he has followed the lines of 
thought traced by humanists like Vergerio because he placed Jerome's 
study within a church. 

When Antonello da Messina devised the setting for Jerome at work. 



'* Hieronymus Ep. 14.9 {CSEL 54:58): "Non facit ecclesiastica dignitas Christianum." 
'^ For humanist attempts to deal with the dream's legacy, see Rice, Jerome in the 
Renaissance, 85-87; McManamon, "Pier Paolo Vergerio and the Beginnings," 363-71; Morisi 
Guerra, "La leggenda," 12-17; and Rutherford, "Timoteo Maffei's Attack," 165-70. 

'* In my comments on the painting, I am indebted to the analysis of Herbert Fried- 
mann, A Bestiary for Saint Jerome: Animal Symbolism in European Religious Art (Washing- 
ton, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1980), 157-63. 



Vergerio's Perspective 25 



he revealed a special genius. Humanist studies here appear as an "elevat- 
ed activity" for a leading churchman. There is an openness and mutuali- 
ty between the scholar's activity and the believing community for 
whom he labors: the study consists of an open alcove without walls to 
separate humanists from the church. Jerome works calmly there; the 
environment is so serene that a cat falls asleep as the faithful lion saun- 
ters down a side aisle. Antonello implied that the church enriches itself 
when its learned members offer sanctuary to cultural traditions that go 
beyond the official boundaries of belief. And the raging lion within is 
thereby tamed. At their best, humanist studies foster a sense that truth 
has no value unless it impinges upon the way a believer lives. A dialogue 
with broader cultural traditions, in Vergerio's estimation, made Jerome 
the great servant of the church's needs in the late fourth and early fifth 
century and prevented him from blundering wholly into the radical 
asceticism that guided his severe admonitions about human sexuality. 
Vergerio suggested to his contemporaries that they should imagine for 
a moment the character of Jerome's piety without the tempering influ- 
ence of his humanism; he had a point. 



Part II 

Manuscripts and Editions 



CHAPTER 3 

Manuscripts 



A Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 1890, 1891 

Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Membr. in folio. 13 
October 1483 and 17 November 1484, Florence. 420 X 280 mm. 439 and 
536 folios. Quinternions with signatures in the lower right-hand corner. 
Vertical catchwords within right-hand margins below last line. 42 lines 
per page on 267 X 152 mm., bounded by double vertical and horizontal 
lines; space between verticals measures 7 mm. Writing above the top 
line. Single column throughout. Illuminated initials and Italian decora- 
tion. The first leaves were replaced in the early sixteenth century with 
substitutes on which a French artist painted the arms of Cardinal 
Georges d'Amboise (in one case over those of Cardinal Guillaume Bri- 
9onnet). Written in antiqua by scribe who signed both volumes in his 
characteristic way: "Omnium rerum vicissitudo est" (Lat. 1890, fol. 439; 
Lat. 1891, fol. 536). Scholars have identified the scribe as Neri Rinuccini 
(1435-1506).^ 



' Albert Derolez, "Observations on the Colophons of the Humanistic Scribes in Fif- 
teenth-Century Italy," in Gabriel Silagi, ed., Paldographie 1981 (Colloquium des Comite Inter- 
national de Paleographie Munchen, 15-18 September 1981, Referate), Miinchener Beitrage zur 
Mediavistik und Renaissance-Forschung 32 (Munich: Arbeo-Gesellschaft e.V., 1982), 253, 
256-57; Derolez, Codicologie des manuscrits en ecriture humanistique sur parchemin, Biblio- 
logia 5-6 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1984), 1:154; Albinia de la Mare, "The Florentine Scribes of 
Cardinal Giovanni of Aragon," in Cesare Questa and Renato Raffaelli, eds., // lihro e il testo 
(Urbino: Quattroventi, 1984), 247, 262-64; and De la Mare, "New Research on Humanistic 
Scribes in Florence," in Annarosa GzrzeWi, Miniaturafiorentina del Rinascimento 1440-1525: 
Un primo censimento, Inventari e cataloghi toscani 18 (Scandicci [Florence]: La Nuova Italia, 
1985), 1:471-72, 521-23. 



30 CHAPTER 3 

History: De la Mare believes that Cardinal Giovanni of Aragon (d. 1485) 
originally commissioned the codices for the Royal Library at Naples. 
They are listed in the inventory of the French Royal Library pre- 
pared by Nicolas Rigault in 1622 (no. 173, 186) and in the inventory 
of 1682 by Nicolas Clement (Reg. 3628, 3629). 

Contents: Hieronymus, Epistolae et opuscula. The scribe copied the 
works from the edition in two volumes printed at Parma, 1480. 

118 (Lat. 1890, fols. 437v-39) Pierpaolo Vergerio, Sermo de laudibus 
Sancti Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: 
Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae). 

Bibliography: Leopold-Victor Delisle, Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bi- 
bliotheque Nationale . . . (1868-81; repr. Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1969), 
1:252; Philippe Lauer, ed.. Catalogue general des manuscrits latins (Bi- 
bliotheque National) (Paris: Bibliotheque Nationale, 1939ff.), 2:222-25; 
Derolez, Codicologie, 2:97 (no. 629); De la Mare, "Florentine Scribes," 
279 (no. 42); and De la Mare, "New Research," 1:466-67, 522-23. 

Ar London, British Library, cod. Arundel 304 

Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Cart, in octavo, s. XV 
(ex.). 92 fols. Humanist cursive hand of high quality. 

History: Formerly owned by Jakob Spiegel von Schlettstadt (Selestat). 
From a donation of Thomas Marshall (1621-85).^ 

Contents: Hieronymus, Epistolae et opuscula 

1 (fols. 3-77v) < Hieronymus, Epistolae >: 1 (fols, 3ff) Hieronymus, Ep. 
. . . ad Heliodorum . . . de vita solitaria (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hie- 
ronymiana, 1:5, 400); 2 (fols. 13ff.) Ep. .. . adRusticum monachum (cf. 
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:62-64, 975); 3 (fols. 30vff.) Ep. 
ad Paulinum de institutione clericorum et monachorum (cf. Lambert, 
Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:26-28, 668); 4 (fols. 41ff.) Ep. de morte 
Nepotiani (fragm.) (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:28-30, 
682); 5 (fols. 41vff., cf. fol. 71v) Ep. ad Nepotianum de vita clericorum 
et monachorum (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, \:1\-T1, 602); 



^ In a letter dated 24 November 1516, Erasmus Strenberger wrote that Jakob Spiegel 
"comparavit opera S. Hieronymi, quae et pulcherrime fecit illigari . . ."; see Karl Heinz 
Burmeister, "Die Bibliothek des Jakob Spiegel," in Fritz Krafft and Dieter Wuttke, eds.. Das 
Verhdltnis der Humanisten zum Buch, Kommission fiir Humanismusforschung, Mitteilung 
4 (Boppard: H. Boldt, 1977), 177 n. 86. According to The Dictionary of National Biography, 
12:1132-33, Thomas Marshall was made "chaplain in ordinary to the king" shortly after he 
became master of Lincoln College, Oxford, in 1672. 



Manuscripts 31 

6 (fols. 59ff.) Ep. consolatoria ... de morte . . . Nepotiani (cf. Lambert, 
Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:28-30, 682) 

2 (fols. 78ff.) Anon., Sermo de morte et de die iudicii (inc: In hac vita 

positi fratres) 

3 (fols. 85v-86v) < Hieronymus, Epistola et tractatus>: 1 (fols. 85vff.) 

Hieronymus, Ep. ad Demetriadem (inc: Ferventissimi in terrenis, 
fragm.) (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:66, 998); 2 (fols. 
86vff.) Adversus lovinianum (fragm.) (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hiero- 
nymiana, 2:386) 

4 (fols. 87-92v) < Pierpaolo Vergerio > , Sermo in laudem Sancti Hiero- 

nymi (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae) (copied from vol- 
ume one of the editio princeps printed at Rome, 1468).^ 

Bibliography: Josiah Forshall, The Arundel Manuscripts, vol. 1, n.s., of 
Catalogue of Manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1834-40), 89; 
Bernard Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana Manuscripta: La tradition 
manuscrite des oeuvres de saint Jerome, Instrumenta patristica 4 (Steen- 
brugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 1969-72), 1:200, 2:386, 3:687; and 
Iter 4:125a. 

B Venice, Bibl. Naz. Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XL56 (3827) 
Cart, in folio. Composite codex, s. XV (2)-XVI (in.), Italy, ca. 325 X 
220 mm. I + 97 + II (missing fol. 70). Late numeration in ink in upper 
right-hand corner. Unnumbered single folios after fols. 77\, 88v, 90v. 

I 
fols. l-73v, 97r-v. Watermarks: fols. 1, 5, Balance, sim. Briquet 2591, att. 
Venice, 1496; fols. 3, 15, 21, Balance, sim. Briquet 2512, att. Venice, 
1494, 1496, Naples, 1504, Salo, 1506; fols. 10, 19, 20, 31-45, Balance; fols. 
11, 12, 17, Tete de boeuf {with serpent and cross); fols. 22-26, Tete de 
boeuf, sim. Briquet 14522, att. Venice, 1492, 1495; fols. 48-73, 97, Ba- 
lance. Collation uncertain due to poor state of codex: 1-2^ 3*, 4^°, 5-8*, 
9*^"'^, -h 3 fols. Signatures: a(i-ii), b-i (letters only). Plain horizontal 
catchwords that correspond to quires (catchword also on fol. 65v that 
corresponds to fol. 66). Average of 33 lines on ca. 240 X 160 mm. with- 
out ruling. Single column except for poetry in double column (fol. 97r- 
v). Humanist cursive hands; Smith identified those of the notary Paolo 



' The microfilm that I received from the library shows that the folio numeration for the 
sermon has been changed to fols. 86-91v. The older foliation is still visible immediately 
above the new numbers. 



32 CHAPTER 3 

Vergerio and his father Pierpaolo di Vergerio, who married in 1475. 

1 < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae et opuscula > : 1 (fol. 1) PPV, Ep. 99 
{Epist., 251-53); 2 (fol. Ir-v) Ep. 104 {EpisL, 269-73); 3 (fols. lv-2) Ep. 
128 {Epist., 339-43); 4 (fol. 2) Ep. 54 {Epist., 121-22); 5 (fol. 2r-v) Ep. 

120 {Epist., 316-19); 6 (fol. 2v) £p. 114 {Epist., 303-4); 7 (fol. 2v) £p. 

121 (£pwt., 319-21); 8 (fols. 2v-3) Ep. 48 {Epist., 109-12); 9 (fol. 3) Ep. 
51 (£/7wf., 115-18); 10 (fol. 3r-v) Ep. 52 (£>«?., 118-19); 11 (fol. 3v) 
Ep. 53 {Epist., 119-20); 12 (fols. 3v-4) Ep. 55 (£pwt., 123-24); 13 (fol. 

4) Ep. 57 {Epist., 126); 14 (fol. 4r-v) Ep. 58 (Zpwf., 127-31); 15 (fol. 4v) 
Ep. 61 (£/;wt., 141-42); 16 (fols. 4v-5) Ep. 64 {Epist., 154-56); 17 (fol. 

5) Ep. 65 (£pwf., 156-57); 18 (fol. 5r-v) Ep. 68 {Epist., 160-61); 19 
(fols. 5v-6) Ep. 69 (£/7i5t., 162-65); 20 (fol. 6) Ep. 77 {Epist., 182-83); 
21 (fol. 6r-v) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47); 22 (fol. 6v) Ep. 73 (£/7wf., 172- 
73); 23 (fols. 6v-7v) Ep. 75 {Epist., 176-79); 24 (fol. 7v) £p. 131 (£/?«£., 
347-48); 25 (fols. 7v-8) Ep. 16 {Epist., 31-32); 26 (fol. 8) Ep. 6 (£/7wr., 
15-17); 27 (fol. 8v) Ep. 11 (£/7wf., 22-24); 28 (fol. 8v) Ep. 18 {Epist., 
33-34); 29 (fol. 8v) Ep. 12 (£pwt., 24-25); 30 (fol. 9) Ep. 21 {Epist., 38- 
39); 31 (fol. 9v) Ep. 132 (£p«r., 349-50); 32 (fols. 9v-10) Ep. 137 
{Epist., 360-62); 33 (fol. 10) Ep. 98 (£/7wr., 249-51); 34 (fols. lOv-11) 
Ep. 140 (£/7wf., 384-87); 35 (fols. llv-12v) Ep. 141 {Epist., 388-95); 36 
(fols. 13-15v) Ep. 138 (£/7wf., 362-78); 37 (fol. 16r-v) Ep. 45 {Epist., 
102-6); 38 (fol. 17) Ep. 91 (£/7wf., 232-34); 39 (fols. 17v-18) Ep. 76 
(£pwf., 180-82); 40 (fol. 18) Ep. 71 {Epist., 171); 41 (fol. 18r-v) Ep. 78 
{Epist., 184-85); 42 (fols. 18v-20) Ep. 88 {Epist., 224-27); 43 (fol. 20r- 
v) Ep. 90 (£pi5f., 230-32); 44 (fols. 20v-21) Ep. 87 {Epist., 220-23); 45 
(fol. 21) Ep. 92 (£pwt., 235-36); 46 (fol. 21v) Ep. 80 (£/;«?., 187-88); 47 
(fol. 21v) Ep. 66 {Epist., 157-59); 48 (fol. 22r-v) Ep. 139 (£pwt., 379- 
84); 49 (fol. 22v) Ep. 146 {Epist., 424-25); 50 (fols. 22v-23) Ep. 147 
(£/?i5r., 425-26); 51 (fol. 23r-v) Ep. 115 {Epist., 304-6); 52 (fols. 23v- 
24) Ep. 46 (£pwt., 106-8); 53 (fols. 24-25) Ep. 15 {Epist., 28-30); 54 
(fol. 25r-v) Ep. 3 (£pwr., 6-11); 55 (fols. 25v-26) Ep. 23 (fpwt., 41-42); 
56 (fol. 26r-v) Ep. 1 {Epist., 3-5); 57 (fol. 26v) Ep. 13 (£/7«f., 25-26); 
58 (fol. 27) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52); 59 (fol. 27r-v) Ep. 134 (Gasp. 
Barzizza to PPV) (£/7wr., 353-54); 60 (fol. 28) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza 
to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56); 61 (fol. 28r-v) Ep. 24 {Epist., 42- 
43); 62 (fol. 28v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 32-33); 63 (fol. 29r-v) Ep. 40 {Epist., 
87-89); 64 (fols. 29v-30) Ep. 4 (£pwf., 12-14); 65 (fol. 30) Ep. 47 
(£/7wf., 108-9); 66 (fol. 30r-v) Ep. 38 {Epist., 84-86); 67 (fols. 30v-31) 
Ep. 39 (£/;wt., 86-87); 68 (fol. 31) Ep. 49 {Epist., 113-14); 69 (fol. 31v) 



Manuscripts 33 

Ep. 50 {Epist., 114-15); 70 (fol. 31v) Ep. 63 {Epist., 152-54); 71 (fols. 
32-33) Ep. 70 {Epist., 165-69); 72 (fol. 33r-v) Ep. 71 {Epist., 170-71); 
73 (fol. 33v) Ep. 2 {Epist., 5-6); 74 (fols. 33v-34) Ep. 67 {Epist., 159- 
60); 75 (fol. 34r-v) Ep. 82 (£pwt., 202-5); 76 (fols. 34v-35) Ep. 9 
{Epist., 19-20); 77 (fol. 35) Ep. 22 (£/7wt., 39-41); 78 (fols. 35v-37) £p. 
27 {Epist., 46-53); 79 (fols. 37-40v) Ep. 34 (£pwt., 66-78); 80 (fol. 41) 
Ep. 103 (£/7i5f., 267-69); 81 (fols. 41v-44) Ep. 81 {Epist., 189-202); 82 
(fols. 44-45) Ep. 44 {Epist., 97-101); 83 (fol. 45r-v) Ep. 96 {Epist., 243- 
46); 84 (fol. 46r-v) Ep. 125 (£pwt., 332-35); 85 (fol. 46v) Ep. 126 
{Epist., 335-36); 86 (fols. 46v-47) <Ep.}> (inc: Plutarchus in descri- 
benda) {Epist., 451-52); 87 (fols. 47-48) Ep. 123 {Epist., 323-29); 88 
(fol. 48) Ep. 145 {Epist., 423); 89 (fols. 48v-49) Ep. 124 (£/;wt., 330-32); 
90 (fol. 49r-v) Ep. 127 (£/7wf., 337-39); 91 (fols. 49v-50) Ep. 119 
{Epist., 313-15); 92 (fol. 50r-v) Ep. 97 (£pwf., 246-48); 93 (fols. 50v- 
51) Ep. 112 {Epist., 299-300); 94 (fol. 51r-v) Ep. 102 (£pwf., 263-67); 
95 (fols. 51V-52) Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37); 96 (fol. 52r-v) Ep. 118 (£pwf., 
311-12); 97 (fols. 52v-53v) Ep. 89 (£/7wt., 228-30); 98 (fols. 53v-56) 
Ep. 59 {Epist., 131-37); 99 (fols. 56-57) PPV, De monarchia (fragm.) 
{Epist., 447-50); 100 (fol. 57r-v) Ep. 93 (£/;z5f., 237-39); 101 (fol. 57v) 
Ep. 94 (£pwt., 239); 102 (fols. 57v-58) Ep. 95 {Epist., 240-42); 103 
(fols. 58-59) Ep. 60 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV) 
(£p«f., 138-40); 104 (fols. 59-61v) Ep. 62 {Epist., 143-52); 105 (fols. 
61V-62) Ep. 41 (£pwt., 89-91); 106 (fols. 62v-63) Ep. 30 {Epist., 58-61); 
107 (fol. 63r-v) Ep. 28 (£/7wr., 53-56); 108 (fol. 63v) Ep. 32 (Col. 
Salutati to PPV) (£pwt., 64); 109 (fols. 63v-64v) Ep. 33 {Epist., 64-66); 
110 (fols. 64V-65) Ep. 29 (£pwf., 56-58); 111 (fol. 65r-v) Ep. 31 (£/;wr., 
62-63); 112 (fols. 65v-66) Ep. 36 {Epist., 81); 113 (fol. 66r-v) Ep. 35 
(£pwf., 79-80); 114 (fols. 66v-67) Ep. 37 {Epist., 82-84); 115 (fols. 67- 

68) Ep. 109 (£/>wr., 283-92); 116 (fol. 68v) PPV, <Facetia>> (inc: M. 
. . . q. Cauchius primi apud Venetos) {Epist., 452-53); 117 (fols. 68v- 

69) Ep. 105 {Epist., 17^-7(>); 118 (fol. 69r-v) Ep. 42 {Epist., 91-93); 119 
(fol. 69v) Ep. 143 {Epist., 399-400); 120 (fol. 69v) Ep. 43 {Epist., 94- 
97); 121 (fol. 71) Ep. 106 {Epist., 17(y-77); 122 (fol. 71r-v) Ep. 116 
{Epist., 307-8); 123 (fols. 71v-72) Ep. 117 (£/7wt., 308-10); 124 (fol. 
72r-v) PPV, KOratiopro Cermisone> {Epist., 431-36); 125 (fol. 73) 
Ep. 79 {Epist., 186-87); 126 (fol. 73) Ep. 144 {Epist., All); \17 (fol. 73v) 
Ep. 56 {Epist., 124-26); 128 (fol. 97) PPV?, <Proverbia et sententiae> 
(inc: Non sinit obscurum f acinus); 129 (fol. 97r-v) PPV, Poetica nar- 
ratio {Epist., 453-58). 



34 CHAPTER 3 

II 
fols. 7A-77w. Watermark: fol. 77, Monts, sim. Briquet 11761, att. Inns- 
bruck, 1466, Wiirzburg, 1468-69. Collation: 10^^"^^ (unnumbered single 
folio after fol. 77y). No signatures. Average of 34 lines on ca. 182 X 135 
mm. without ruling. Humanist cursive hand. 

2 <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 74r-v) PPV, Ep. 48 {Epist., 

109-12); 2 (fols. 74v-75) Ep. 51 {Epist., 115-18); 3 (fol. 75r-v) Ep. 52 
(Epist., 118-19); 4 (fol. 75v) Ep. 53 (fragm.) {Epist., 119-20); 5 (fol. 76) 
Ep. 57 (fragm.) {Epist., 126); 6 (fol. 76r-v) Ep. 58 (fragm.) {Epist., 127- 
30); 7 (fol. 77) Ep. 69 (fragm.) (£pwr., 164-65); 8 (fol. 77r-v) Ep. 77 
{Epist., 182-83). 

Ill 
fols. 78-88v. Watermarks: fols. 78-79, 83, Oiseau, sim. Briquet 12127, 
att. Verona 1467, var. ident. Verona, 1476-79; fol. 85, Monts. Collation: 
]^li2(-i) ^^q\Iq missing after fol. 86). No signatures. Average of 34 lines on 
ca. 220 X 150 mm. without ruling. Humanist cursive hand. 

3 < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae et opuscula > : 1 (fol. 78r-v) PPV, Ep. 

103 {Epist., 267-69); 2 (fols. 78v-79v) Ep. 44 {Epist., 97-101); 3 (fols. 
79v, 83r-v) Ep. 96 {Epist., 243-46); 4 (fol. 80r-v) Ep. 125 {Epist., 332- 
35); 5 (fol. 80v) Ep. 126 (fragm.) {Epist., 335-36); 6 (fol. 81) Ep. 124 
(fragm.) {Epist., 331-32); 7 (fols. 81-82) Ep. 127 {Epist., 337-39); 8 (fol. 
82r-v) Ep. 97 {Epist., 246-48); 9 (fols. 84r-v, 87), De monarchia 
(fragm.) {Epist., 447-50); 10 (fol. 85) Ep. 112 {Epist., 299-300); 11 (fol. 
85r-v) Ep. 102 {Epist., 263-67); 12 (fol. 86) Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37); 13 
(fol. 86v) Ep. 118 (fragm.) {Epist., 311-12); 14 (fol. 87v) Ep. 93 (£pwf., 
237-39); 15 (fols. 87v-88) Ep. 94; 16 (fol. 88) Ep. 95 {Epist., 240-42); 
17 (fol. 88v), <Dialogus de morte, fragm, > {Epist., 445-46). 

IV 
fols. 89-96v. Watermarks: fol, 90, Croix grecque, sim. Briquet 5539, att. 
Rome, 1505; fols. 92, 96, Balance, sim. Briquet 2584, att. Salo, 1501. 
Collation: 12^ D^^""^) (unnumbered single folios after fols. 88v, 90v). 
Average of 38 lines on ca. 240 X 170 mm. without ruling. Humanist 
cursive hand with marked chancery characteristics, 

4 < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Sermones, orationes, et epistola > : 1 (fol. 89) PPV, 

< Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi > (inc: Gloriosi doctoris, fragm. at be- 
ginning); 2 (fol. 89r-v) < Sermo in latidibus Hieronymi> (inc: Hodie 



Manuscripts 35 

mihi fratres carissimi); 3 (fol. 89v) <Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi> 
(inc: Sermo hodie mihi ad vos, fragm.); 4 (fol. 90) <Sermo in laudi- 
bus Hieronymi> (inc: Praestantissimi patres, fragm. at beginning); 5 
(fol. 91) < Oratio> (inc: O altitudo divitiarum, fragm. at beginning) 
(ed. Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," 132-33); 6 (fols. 
91-95v) . . . Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia ad Romanos cardi- 
nales oratio . . . (ed. Combi, "Un discorso inedito," 360-74); 7 (fols. 
95V-96) Ep. 107 {Epist., 278-82). 

History: origins of part I at Capodistria among direct descendants of Ver- 
gerio. Girolamo Vergerio possessed that part of the codex in the first 
half of the seventeenth century. The four parts were bound together 
by the time Abbot Giovanni Brunacci (1711-72) acquired the codex. 
Brunacci's heirs sold the manuscript to Tommaso Giuseppe Farsetti 
(cod. 98), and Farsetti bequeathed his collection to the Marciana in 
1792. Half-parchment binding covered by brown marbled paper (330 
X 225 mm.). New library shelf mark pasted onto fifth panel of spine. 

Bibliography: lacopo Morelli, Delia biblioteca manoscritta di Tommaso 
Giuseppe Farsetti patrizio veneto e ball del Sagr'Ordine Gerosolimitano 
(Venice, 1771-80), 2:38-44; Pietro Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici lati- 
ni della Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana di Venezia (non compresi nel ca- 
talogo di G. Valentinelli) (Trezzano [Milan]: Etimar, 1980-85), 1:484- 
85; Epist., xxxi, xxxiii-xxxvi; and Iter 2:239a. 

Bp Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1223 
Cart, in folio. Watermarks: fols. 29-169, 179-83, Croix grecque; fols. 177, 
187, 197, Monts, sim. Briquet 11754, att. Padua, 1479, Venice, 1473. s. 
XV (ex.), Padua. 306 X 208 mm. II +200 + 1 (modern pagination with 
two pages skipped in the numbering after 151). Late signatures A-K (all 
majuscules; "F primo" and "F secundo"). Collation: 1-6^°, 7^ 8^^^ 9\ 
10*, 11^^"^'. Plain vertical catchwords against right-hand margin; they 
correspond to quires (no catchwords on 100, 170, 178, 194). 36 lines per 
page on 187 X 117 mm., ruled in ink and bounded by single vertical 
lines. Single column with writing above the first line. Certain titles, ini- 
tials, and marginal cross-references in red ink. Humanist cursive hand of 
high quality that also wrote marginal corrections, emphases, and notes 
on text."* 



* In at least one instance, the scribe gave an alternative reading (198). There are marginal 
notes from Matteo Palmieri's Liber de temporibus {17, 128) and from a Liber de origine pro- 



36 CHAPTER 3 

History: from the collection of Antonio Piazza (ex libris on inside 
pastedown) to the library. Half-leather binding covered by marbled 
paper in blue, white, and black tones (314 X 217 mm.). Spine has 
lattice decoration and hexagons. Title on spine reads: "Miscell. Opu- 
scol. Padovan. MSS." The library shelfmark is pasted below. 

Contents: < Miscellanea humanistica> 

1 (1-4) Laureationis Petrarcae privilegium (inc: Ad perpetuam rei memo- 

riam) (Petrarca, Opera, 3:6-7) 

2 (4) Philippus rex Aristoteli salutem (inc: Filium mihi genitum scito) (cf. 

Bertalot, Studien, 2:247-48) 

3 (5-16) PPV, De vita, moribus, et doctrina illustris poetae Francisci Pe- 

trarcae et eius poemate quod "Africa" inscrih<itur> (Solerti, ed., Le 
vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 294-302) 

4 (16-18) Legati Scytarum ad Alexandrum regem oratio (inc: Si Dii habi- 

tum corporis tui) 

5 (18-20) Pius II, Ep. to Doge Cristoforo Moro (inc: Quod iam pridem 

occulto concepimus, dated Rome, 25 October 1463)^ 

6 (20-22) Pietro Bravo da Verona, Invectiva ... in quendam graeculum 

Andronicum . . . (inc: Cum tuas nuper Andronice) (ed. James Han- 
kins, "Renaissance Crusaders," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 49 [1995]: 
203-4)^ 

7 (23-35) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae>: 1 (23-26) PPV, Ep. 17 

{Epist., 46-53); 2 (26-35) PPV, Ep. 34 {Epist., 66-78) 

8 (35) Franc. Petrarca, . . . Haec ad perpetuam ipsius memoriam in cellula 

ubi continuo morabatur descripsit (inc: Laura propriis virtutibus illu- 
stris) (ed. De Nolhac, Petrarque et I'humanisme, 2:286-87) 

9 (36-56) < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opuscula > : 1 (36-38) PPV, Ad illustrem 

principem Franciscum luniorem de Carraria super reditu natorum . . . 
carmen (inc: Carriger nobis pater) {RIS 16:242); 2 (38-45) Ep. 81 
{Epist., 189-202); 3 (45-48) Ep. 140 {Epist., 384-87); 4 (48-53) Ep. 141 
{Epist., 388-95); 5 (53-56) ... De situ et conditione urbis lustinopoli- 



vinciarum attributed to Lorenzo Valla (54-56). The text of Vergerio's Vita Petrarcae has for 
a colophon, "P. P. Vergerius manu propria" (16), suggesting that the scribe copied Ver- 
gerio's autograph. 

^ The letter is also found in Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Campori 54, fols. 57v-58 {Iter 
6:89a). 

* Because of the rarity of this text, Pietro Bravo may have been the original owner of 
the codex. Bravo served as chancellor of Verona from 1483 to 1499. 



Manuscripts 37 

tanae {RIS 16:240A-41D). 6 (56) M. Iunian(i)us lustinus, < excerpt, de 
Histria> {Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum 32.3.13-15) 

10 (56-57) Lactantius, < excerpt. > de orbis calamitatibus angustiisque . . . 
(inc: Propinquante igitur huius saeculi) {Div. Inst. 7.15; PL 6:786-88) 

11 (57-58) Ippolita Sforza, Oratio . . . publice habita coram summo ponti- 
fice et dominis cardinalibus Mantuae 28 Mali 1459 (inc: Tantam esse 
huius sanctissimi sedis) 

12 (58-59) < Pius II > , Responsum . . . (inc: Habuisti dilecta filia coram 
nobis) (oration and response in Pii II Orationes, ed. Mansi, 2:192-93; 
ed. De Tummulillis, Notabilia temporum^ 231-33) 

13 (59-92) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opuscula>: 1 (59-66) PPV, . . . De dig- 
nissimo funebri apparatu in exequiis . . . Francisci Senioris de Carraria 
{RIS 16:189A-94A); 2 (69-73) < Oratio infunere Francisci Senioris de 
Carraria> {RIS 16:194B-98C) (followed by epitaph) {RIS 16:198C); 
3 (74-92) . . . Pro Francisco luniore de Carraria adpopulum {RIS 16:204- 
15) 

14 (92-94) Franc. Barbaro, Ep. to Enrico Lusignano {Epistolae, ed. 
Quirini, 29-31 [no. 18]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 11) 

15 (94-97) Giovanni da Spilimbergo, . . . Ad Marcum Lipomano . . . prae- 
torem civitati Belluni de congratulatione suae praeturae oratio . . . (inc: 
Cum viderem praetor magnifice) (cf. Sabbadini, "Giovanni da Spi- 
limbergo," 64) 

16 <Guarino da Verona, Epistola et orationes >: 1 (97-99) Guarino, Ep. 
to Mazo de' Mazi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:340-42 [no. 213]); 2 
(99-100) Oratio . . . inprincipio rhetoricae (inc: Antequam ad hunc lo- 
cum) {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:342-44); 3 (101-3) Laudatio c. v. 
Francisci Pisani Veronensis praetoris . . . acta (inc: Animadverti saepe- 
numero magnifici viri) (cf. Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 349 [/ codici del 
Petrarca, 201]) 

17 (104-22) < Leonardo Giustiniani, Orationes funebres>: 1 (104-12) 
< Leon. Giustiniani > , Adc. v. Georgium Lauredanum funebris oratio 
(Molin, ed., Orazioni, 1:12-20); 2 (112-22) . . . Oratio habita infunere 
. . . Caroli Zeni . . . {RIS, n.s., 19.6:141-46) 

18 (122-31) Andr. Giuliano, . . . Oratio infunere . . . Manuelis Chrysolorae 
habita . . . (ed. Boerner, De doctis hominibus Graecis, 16-35) 

19 (131-33) Girolamo Dalle Valli, Ad ... Pasqualem Maripetrum ... 
oratio pro universitate sua (inc: Qui celsitudinem tuam his tempori- 
bus adeunt) (cf. Ronconi, "Lauro Palazzolo," 47-51) 

20 (133-36) Bern. Giustiniani, Oratio . . . habita ad . . . Pium secundum 
. . . (inc: Sanctissime ac piissime pater cum devotissimi) (Bern. Giusti- 



38 CHAPTER 3 

niani, Orationes, sig. D, 2-D, 3; Piccolomini, Opera inedita, ed. Cu- 
gnoni, 156-58) 

21 (136-50) <Pieq)aolo Vergerio, Epistolae et 5ermones>: 1 (136-37) 
PPV, Ep. 16 {EpisL, 31-32); 2 (137-38) £p. 98 {Epist., 249-51); 3 (138- 
43) Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo . . . (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fi- 
dei nostrae); 4 (143-46) Eiusdem Pro Sancto Hieronymo elegantissima 
oratio (inc: Hodie mihi fratres carissimi); 5 (146-47) Ep. 129 (Alme- 
rico da Serravalle to PPV) {EpisL, 343-44); 6 (148-49) Ep. 131 {Epist., 
347-48); 7 (149) £/7. 121 (fpwf., 319-21); 8 (149-50) Ep. Ill (Nic. 
Leonard! to PPV) (£/?wf., 322-23) 

22 (150-52) Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam . . . epi- 
stola et de dispositione vitae dialogus (ed. Ferrante, "Lombardo della 
Seta," 480-87) 

23 (153-54) Anon., Ep. to "virgo nobilissima" (inc: Legimus Tullium 
Ciceronem Romanae virtutis) (cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 
2.1:583 [no. 10598]) 

24 (155-58) Col. Salutati, Declamatio Lucretiae (Menesto, ed., Coluccio 
Salutati editi e inediti, 35-43) 

25 (158-59) Ps. Pontius Pilatus, Ep. to Claudius (inc: Nuper accidit quod 
et ipse probavi) (cf. Stegmiiller, Repertorium Biblicum, 1:155 [no. 
183.1]) 

26 (159) Ps. Pontius Pilatus, Ep. to Tiberius (inc: De lesu Christo quern 
tibi) (cf. Stegmiiller, ibid., 1:158-59 [no. 187]; Bertalot, Studien, 
1:163) 

27 (160) PPV, Disticha to Franc. Zabarella {RIS 16:241D-E) 

28 (160) Ps. Avicenna, Ep. to Aurelius Augustinus (inc: Apparuisti com- 
patriota noster) 

29 (161-63) Pietro del Monte?, ... Facetia (inc: <S>olveramus e Pa- 
tavio urbe) (ed. Tournay, "Un nuovo testo," (>7-7t) 

30 (164-68) Ant. Panormita, Ep. to Poggio Bracciolini {L'epistolario, ed. 
Resta, 151 [no. 91]) 

31 (168) Anon., <excerpt. de vita Cromatii> (inc: In sede postmodum 
patriarchali) 

32 (169-70) Ps. Hieronymus, <Ep. 11, fragm. > ... De amandis colen- 
disque parentibus sermo elegans et litteris aureis descrihendis (inc: Paren- 
tum meritis subiugans filios) (PL 30:1 50-5 IC) 

33 (171-73) <Sicco Polenton, Epistolae>: 1 (171) S. Polenton, Ep. to 
Ant. da Bergamo {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 
109 [no. 15], the continuation of letter on 200); 2 (171-72) Ep. to 
Andr. Biglia {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 97-99 



Manuscripts 39 

[no. 8]); 3 (173) Ep. to Andr. Biglia {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le 
epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 99-100 [no. 9]) 

34 (173) Anon., <Ep. > ad lacobum Magnaguadagno notarium in Monte- 
silice (inc: Labat animus quo se primum) 

35 (173) Anon., <Ep.> eidem (inc: Nescio praesumptuosus frater 
amande) 

36 (174) Laelius, <Ep. Marco> (inc: Diebus istis quibus apud te) 

37 (174) Marcus, <Ep. Laelio> (inc: Posteaquam Laeli tu pro humani- 
tate) 

38 (174) Anon., Ep. to Fantinus (inc: Delapsus sum nescio quo fato) 

39 (175-77) De sacerdotio domini lesu translatio Latina < Laurus Quiri- 
nus> (inc: Tempore lustiniani imperatoris Christianissimi)'' 

40 (178) Raffaele Reggio, Ep. to Bartolomeo Girardini (inc: Terentii Co- 
moedias sex, dated Venice, 1474) (publ. in P. Terentius Afer, Comoe- 
diae < Venice: tip. dell'Ausonius Hain 2176, after 5 May 1473 >, 
Hain 15374, /G/ 9413) 

41 (178) CippicHS ad lectorem (inc: Quem petiso lector studiosissime) (cf. 
Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 1:218 [no. 4768]) 

42 (179-80) <Sicco Polenton, Epistolae>: 1 (179) S. Polenton, Ep. to 
Ant. da Bergamo {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 
86-87 [no. 3]); 2 (180) Ep. to Giac. Scriba {La Catinia, le orazioni, e 
le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 85-86 [no. 2]) 

43 (180) Anon., <Ep. > Domino Condeo Drudonis in insula Patras (inc: 
Dedit litteram tuam utriusque) 

44 (181) Anon., <Ep. > amico nomine alterius qui frater eius erat (inc: 
Reminiscenti mihi alias ad te) 

45 (181-200) <Sicco Polenton, Epistolae et orationes>: 1 (181-82) S. 
Polenton, Ep. to Ant. da Bergamo {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epi- 
stole, ed. Segarizzi, 127-28 [no. 22]); 2 (182-83) <Ep.> to Ant. da 
Lucca (inc: Epistolam tuam quae ad me); 3 (183-84) Ep. to Andr. Bi- 
glia {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 90-91 [no. 5]); 
4 (184-85) Ep. to Giovanni Francesco Capodilista {La Catinia, le ora- 
zioni, ele epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 100-1 [no. 11]). 5 (185-86) Anon., Ep. 
to Ant. da Bergamo (inc: Nulla res venire in humanis). 6 (186) Sicco 



' On the text and its various translators, see Giovanni Mercati, Traversariana, fasc. 1 of 
Ultimi contributi alia storia degli umanisti, Studi e testi 90 (Vatican City: BAV, 1939), 70-85. 
The recipient of the following letter, Bartolomeo Girardini, translated the work. However, 
the incipit given in Iter 1:14b for that translation differs ("Temporibus lustiniani imperatoris 
pientissimi"). 



40 CHAPTER 3 

Polenton, Ep. to Andr. Biglia {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. 
Segarizzi, 92 [no. 6]); 7 (187-88) Ep. to Raph. Fulgosius [La Catinia, 
le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 88-89 [no. 4]); 8 (188-89) Ep. to 
lac. Badoer {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 102-3 
[no. 12]); 9 (189-90) Oratio pro Nicolao de Campolongo ad introitum 
vicariatus Tridenti < ni > anno 1418 {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epi- 
stole, ed. Segarizzi, 65-67); 10 (190-93) Oratio facta pro domino Nico- 
lao vicario Tridentino congratulatoria adducent Austriae pro creatione 
novi episcopi Tridentini 1419 {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. 
Segarizzi, 67-71); 11 (193) Ep. to Nic. Campolongo {La Catinia, le 
orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 100 [no. 10]); 12 (193-95) Ep. to 
Venturinus "philosophus" {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. 
Segarizzi, 125-27 [no. 21]); 13 (195-96) Ep. to Fantino Dandolo {La 
Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 114-16 [no. 17]); 14 
(196-98) Ep. to Fantino Dandolo {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, 
ed. Segarizzi, 106-9 [no. 14]); 15 (199-200) Ep. to Leon. Bruni {La 
Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 104-6 [no. 13]; cf. 
Luiso, Studi, 166); 16 (200, cont. on 177) Ep. to Ant. da Bergamo {La 
Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 109 [no. 15], where 
Segarizzi only published the segment on 200). 

Bibliography: La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole di Sicco Polenton, ed. 
Arnaldo Segarizzi (Bergamo, 1899), Ixvi; Giuseppina Ferrante, "Lom- 
bardo della Seta umanista padovano (?-1390)," Atti del R. Istituto 
veneto di scienze, lettere, edarti 93, no. 2 (1933-34): 479; Epist., xxxii- 
xxxiii; Marcello Zicari, "II piu antico codice di lettere di P. Paolo 
Vergerio il vecchio," Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 55-56; and Iter 
2:23a-b. 

Br Brescia, Bibl. Civica Queriniana, cod. L.III.30 
Cart, in quarto. Composite codex, s. XV, Italy. 197 X 142 mm. II + 
134. Modern foliation in black ink in upper right-hand corner. Late fif- 
teenth-century monastic binding of woodboards with half-leather cover- 
ing in poor condition. Leather portion decorated with interweaving 
design of circles and diamonds; towards spine there are large rectangles 
cut by double lines. Traces of single closing centered along right edge 
(apparently thong with metal clasp). Five nerves on spine. 

I 
fols. l-54v. Watermarks: fols. 2-13, 29-42, Tete de boeuf, sim. Piccard, 
Die Ochsenkopfwasserzeichen, 6.279, att. Brescia, 1429-36; fols. 16-27, 45- 



Manuscripts 41 

53, Cloche, Briquet 4054?, att. Bergamo, 1438-42. Collation: l-3^^ 4^'^^-^\ 
No signatures. Horizontal catchwords within pyramidal decoration to 
right of center. 39 lines on ca. 140 X 88 mm., ruling in ink and plummet 
bounded by single vertical lines. Writing above the first line. Single and 
double columns. 8-10 line initials for books of Boethius in red and black 
with decoration; further 2-4 line initials in red (some against a yellow 
background). Three hands: (fols. 1-53) an Italian Gothic hand for text 
(colophon, fol. 53: "Postquam finimus omnes Christum laudemus"); 
(fol. 54) a Semigothic hand; and marginalia in Humanist cursive. 

1 (fols. 1-45) Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae (fols. 45v-46v) blank 

2 (fols. 47-53) Egloga Theoduli^ (fol. 53v) blank 

3 (fol. 54) < Anon., Prosodia Latina, fragm. > (inc: < O > dor? fragrans 

levia? pira saltant) (fol. 54v) blank. 

n 

fols. 55-134. Watermarks: fols. 55-86, 88-101, Balance, sim. Briquet 
2454, att. Brescia, 1481, Udine, 1495; fols. 87, 102, 104-34, Arhalete, sim. 
Briquet 746, var. simil. Venice, 1470, 1471-73, 1475. Collation: 5-9^^ 
Plain horizontal catchwords across right margin. 40 lines per page on ca. 
146 X 87 mm., ruling in ink bounded by single vertical lines. Writing 
above the first line. Single column. Various 2-3 line initials (red, red and 
blue with decoration, solid blue); titles generally in red ink (guides 
occasionally present). Semigothic cursive hand of mediocre quality. 

4 (fols. 55v-129) loan. Chrysostomus, Sermones XXV praedicabiles (with 

dedicatory letter to Marco Barbo) {Sermones XXV magis morales; 
Epistola ad monachum Theodorum, translatio Latina Christoforus Per- 
sona <Rome: Georg Lauer, ca. 1471 >, Hain 5039; BMC 4:36; IGI 
5209) 

5 (fols. 129-31) Hieronymus et Augustinus, <Epistolae> [CSEL 34:237- 

43, 279, 350-51) 

6 (fols. 131-33v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Beati Hiero- 

nymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem 
fidei nostrae) (copied from volume one of the editio princeps printed 
at Rome, 1468) (fol. 134r-v) blank. 



* According to Ennio Sandal, this text was probably used as the model for the first 
edition printed in Italy: Brescia, Bernardino Misinta and Cesare da Parma, 13 May 1492. 



42 CHAPTER 3 

History: Dr. Ennio Sandal suggests probable origins of part I in the 
Benedictine scriptorium of San Faustino in Brescia early in the fif- 
teenth century. Part II has a terminus post quem of ca. 1471, the 
period when Chrysostom's sermons and Vergerio's panegyric of Je- 
rome were published in Rome. Since the binding originates from the 
second half of the fifteenth century, the codex had assumed its pres- 
ent form by then. From Paolo Guerrini to the library in 1923 (table 
of contents on second flyleaf and foliation apparently by Guerrini). 
Stamp of Bibl. Civica on first flyleaf ("Anno 1923 / Ro. No. 268"). 
Inside pastedown has "Chi 72" in pencil. 

Bibliography: Iter 1:36b. 



C Oxford, Bodleian Library, cod. Canonici misc. 166 

Cart, in quarto; a membr. flyleaf (front and rear). Watermarks caught in 
binding: flyleaf, Lettres assemblees (F and P), not in Briquet; fascicles 1, 
17-18, 21-25, 31-33, Monts, sim. Briquet 11882, att. Venice 1457; fasci- 
cles 2-3, Brunissoir, sim. Briquet 2878, att. Udine 1456; fascicles 4-5, 15, 
26, Lettre M; fascicles 6-10, 19-20, 30, 34, Enclume, sim. Briquet 5961, 
att. Udine 1457; fascicles 10-14, 16, 27-29, a single unidentified water- 
mark, s. XV (ex.), Venetian Empire (the principal scribe used autographs 
of Vergerio in three instances; see fols. 218, 235v, 256v). 212 X 140 mm. 
XI + 331. Modern foliation in pencil; there are errors in calculating the 
front flyleaves and in numbering fols. 140 (treble), 160 (treble), and 170 
(double). Correct composition: II + 342 -I- II. Old numeration of first 
five folios of a quinternion visible in fascicles 10-16, 25, 27-31 in the 
upper right-hand corner. Collation: 1-30^°, 31^^, 32-34^°. No signatures. 
Catchwords centered between margins and correspond. Ruling of lines 
irregular, at times through pricking and drypoint (27 lines) and at times 
in ink (average of 29 lines). Ruled surface averages 130 X 70 mm. and is 
bounded by single vertical and horizontal lines. Written in ink in a 
single column. One initial decorated in black ink (fol. 248) to mark the 
beginning of the collection of epistolae. Space left for 2-6 line initials to 
fol. 114 (presence of guides erratic). The principal scribe wrote fols. IV- 
XI, 1-3 lOv, 313-31. A second hand added the letters of Vergerio on fols. 
311-12v. Marginalia and emphases in later hands. The principal scribe 
wrote in a Humanist cursive of high quality. The parchment flyleaf may 
be the original binding. 

History: Italian hands. lacopo Soranzo. Matteo Luigi Canonici (1727- 



Manuscripts 43 

1805/6).^ Giuseppe Canonici. Giovanni Perissinotti. Purchased by 
the Bodleian Library in 1817 (library stamp on fols. 30, 71, 97, 135, 
168, 198, 218, 240, 269, 300, 330v). Late binding in brown leather 
(220 X 145 mm.). The spine has four nerves framed by gold fillets 
and shows damage from woodworms and moisture. The first panel 
has the impression "166" and the second a maroon tag with gold let- 
tering: "P. VERGERII / DE CARRARIEN. / HIST. ET PLURA / 
ALIA OPUSC. / M.S." Both covers are framed by double fillets and 
rolled with a plant motif (papyrus?). A second set of fillets encloses 
a mandorla. 
Contents: < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opera > (late, summary table of con- 
tents pasted onto first flyleaf, fol. I) 

1 (fol. IV) PPV, Ep. 138 (fragm., cf. fol. 208) (fols. IVv-XI, l-2v) blank 

2 (fols. 3-104) <PPV, De gestis principum Carrariensium liber> (Gne- 

sotto, ed., . . . De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber) (fol. 
104v) blank 

3 (fols. 105-13) <PPV, Francisci Petrarcae vita> (Solerti, ed., Le vite di 

Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 294-302) (fol. 113v) blank 

4 (fols. 1 14-39v) PPV, . . . De ingenuis moribus liber incipit (Gnesotto, 

ed., ". . . De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis adulescentiae," 95- 
146) (fols. 140a-c) blank 

5 (fols. 140cv-60av) PPV, < De laudibus Hieronymi orationes sex, praevia 

praefatione>: 1 (fol. 140cv) PPV, <Praefatio> {Epist., 91-93 [Ep. 
42]); 2 (fols. 141-44) Sermo deSancto Hieronymo eiusdem (inc: Sanctis- 
simum doctorem fidei nostrae); 3 (fols. 144-46v) Eiusdem Pro eodem 
(inc: Gloriosi doctoris ac patris nostri); 4 (fols. 146v-49) Oratio pro 
eodem (inc: Hodie mihi fratres carissimi); 5 (fols. 149-52v) < Sermo 
pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Quotiens reverendi patres fratresque 



' See Vittorio Rossi, "La biblioteca manoscritta del senatore veneziano lacopo Soranzo," 
// libro e la stampa: Bullettino ufficiale delta Societa bibliogra/tca italiana, n.s., 1 (1907): 3-8, 
122-33, repr. in Dal Rinascimento al Risorgimento, vol. 3 of Scritti di critica letteraria 
(Florence, 1930), 251-71; and Rossi, review of Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio, edited by 
Leonardo Smith, Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 108 (1936): 313-17. When lacopo 
Soranzo died in 1761, his library was divided between Marin Zorzi and Ca Comer. Cano- 
nici later bought most of the codices from the Ca Comer. See further lacopo Morelli, Della 
biblioteca manoscritta di Tommaso Giuseppe Farsetti patrizio veneto e ball del Sagr'Ordine 
Gerosolimitano (Venice, 1771-80), 2:44; Irma Merolle Tondi, L'abate Matteo Luigi Canonici 
e la sua biblioteca: I manoscritti Canonici e Canonici-Soranzo delle biblioteche fiorentine 
(Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1958), 32-37; and J. B. Mitchell, "Trevisan 
and Soranzo: Some Canonici Manuscripts from Two Eighteenth-Century Venetian Collec- 
tions," Bodleian Library Record 8, no. 3 (1969): 125-35. 



44 CHAPTER 3 

carissimi, dated Siena, 1408); 6 (fols. 152v-57v, fol. 154 and portions 
of fols. 153v, 154v blank) <Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: 
Sermo mihi hodie ad vos, dated Padua, 1392); 7 (fols. 157v-58v) <Sermo 
pro Sancto Hieronymo, fragm. > (inc: Veni ad vos) (fols. 159-60av) blank 

6 (fols. 160b-64) PPV, In apparatu funebri in exequiis Francisci Senioris de 

Carraria {RIS 16:189A-94A) 

7 (fols. 1 64-68 v) PPV, <Oratio in funere eiusdem Francisci > {RIS 

16:194B-98C) 

8 (fols. 169-80) <PPV>, Oratio habita pro populo Patavino ad Franci- 

scum de Carraria luniorem {RIS 16:204-15) (fols. 180v-87v) blank 

9 (fols. 188-89) PPV, Ad illustrissimum principem Franciscum luniorem 

de Carraria super reditu natorum eius Francisci et lacobi ex hostili 
captivitate congratulantis multitudinis carmen . . . {RIS 16:242) (fols. 
189v-97v) blank 

10 (fols. 198-203) Eiusdem Contra Carolum deMalatestis {Epist., 189-202 
[Ep. 81]) (fols. 203v-7v) blank 

11 (fols. 208-13v) PPV, De morte cardinalis Florentini {Epist., ^(il-7% [Ep. 

138]) (fols. 214-17v) blank 

12 (fols. 218-20v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 46-53) 

13 (fols. 220V-27) Ep. 34 {Epist., 66-78) (fol. 227v) blank 

14 (fols. 228-29v) PPV, In foeneratores facetissima exprobatio {Epist., 384- 
87 [Ep. 140]) 

15 (fols. 230-33v) PPV, Ad . . . loannem Segnensem . . . facetissima narra- 
tio {Epist., 388-95 [Ep. 141]) 

16 (fols. 234-35v) PPV, De situ urbis lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-41D) 

17 (fol. 235v) Textus lustini {Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum 32.3.13- 
15) 

18 (fols. 235v-37) Eiusdem De situ et conditione et republica urbis Vene- 
tiarum (ed. Robey and Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republi- 
ca Veneta," 38-40, lines 1-52) (fol. 237v) blank 

19 (fols. 238-39) Franc. Petrarca, <Ep.> Ciceroni {Familiares 24.3) 

20 (fols. 239-43v) Responsio domini P. P. Vergerii pro Cicerone facta 
{Epist., 436-45) (fols. 244-47v blank) 

21 <PPV, Epistolae>: 1 (fols. 248-50) PPV, Ep. 75 {Epist., 176-79); 2 
(fol. 250r-v) Ep. 73 {Epist., 172-73); 3 (fols. 250v-53) Ep. 74 {Epist., 
174-75) (fol. 252r-v) blank; 4 (fol. 253r-v) Ep. 137 {Epist., 360-62); 5 
(fols. 253V-54) Ep. 46 {Epist., 106-8); 6 (fols. 254-55) Ep. 54 {Epist., 
121-22); 7 (fols. 255-56) Ep. 16 {Epist., 31-32); 8 (fol. 256r-v) Ep. 98 
{Epist., 249-51); 9 (fols. 256v-58v) Ep. 43 {Epist., 94-97); 10 (fols. 
258V-60) Ep. 109 {Epist., 283-92) (fol. 260v) blank; 11 (fols. 261-62) 



Manuscripts 45 

Ep. 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV) {Epist., 253-57); 12 (fols. 262-65v) Ep. 
101 {Epist., 257-62); 13 (fols. 265v-66) Ep. 131 {Epist., 347-48); 14 (fol. 
266r-v) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4); 15 (fols. 266v-67) £/;. 121 (fpwt., 319- 
21); 16 (fols. 267-68) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19); 17 (fols. 268-70) Ep. 128 
(£/7wf., 339-43); 18 (fols. 270-71) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47); 19 (fol. 271) 
Ep. 131 (fragm.) (£pwf., 347-48); 20 (fol. 271r-v) Ep. 99 {Epist., 251- 
53); 21 (fols. 271V-73) Ep. 104 (£pwt., 269-73); 22 (fols. 273-74) Ep. 48 
{Epist., 109-12); 23 (fols. 274-75) Ep. 51 (£pwf., 115-18); 24 (fol. 275r- 
v) Ep. 52 {Epist., 118-19); 25 (fols. 275v-76v) Ep. 53 (£/7wt., 119-20); 
26 (fols. 276V-77) £/7. 55 (£pwr., 123-24); 27 (fol. 277r-v) Ep. 57 
{Epist., 126); 28 (fols. 277v-79v) £/7. 58 (£pwt., 127-31); 29 (fols. 279v- 
81) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42); 30 (fols. 281-82) Ep. 64 (£/7w^, 154-56); 31 
(fol. 282r-v) Ep. 65 {Epist., 156-57); 32 (fols. 282v-83v) Ep. 68 (£/7wt., 
160-61); 33 (fols. 283v-85v) Ep. 69 (£/7wf., 162-65); 34 (fols. 285v-86) 
Ep. 77 {Epist., 182-83); 35 (fols. 286-87) Ep 3 {Epist., 6-11) (fol. 287v 
blank); 36 (fol. 288r-v) Ep. 79 {Epist., 186-87) (fol. 289r-v blank); 37 
(fol. 290) Ep. 2 {Epist., 5-6); 38 (fol. 290r-v) Ep. 9 {Epist., 19-20); 39 
(fols. 290V-91) Ep. 22 {Epist., 39-41); 40 (fol. 291r-v) Ep. 6 (£pwf., 15- 
17); 41 (fol. 292) Ep. 11 {Epist., 22-24); 42 (fol. 292r-v, repeated on 
fol. 310) Ep. 18 {Epist., 33-34); 43 (fols. 292v-93) Ep. 12 {Epist., 24- 
25); 44 (fols. 293-94) Ep. 21 (£/;wf., 38-39); 45 (fol. 294r-v) Ep. 4 
{Epist., 12-14); 46 (fols. 294v-95v) Ep. 40 (£/;wr., 87-89); 47 (fols. 
295V-97) Ep. 15 (£/7wf., 28-30); 48 (fol. 297r-v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 32-33); 
49 (fols. 297V-98) Ep. 1 (£pwf., 3-5); 50 (fols. 298-99) Ep. 23 {Epist., 
41-42); 51 (fol. 299r-v) Ep. 13 (£/7f5f., 25-26); 52 (fols. 299-300v) Ep. 
24 (£/;wr., 42-43); 53 (fols. 300v-l) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52); 54 (fols. 
301V-2) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) (£pwt., 353-54); 55 (fols. 
302-3) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56); 
56 (fol. 303) Ep. 122 (Nic. Leonard! to PPV) {Epist., 322-23); 57 (fols. 
303-4) Ep. 129 (Almerico da Serravalle to PPV) (£/7wt., 343-44) (fols. 
304-9v blank); 58 (fol. 310) Ep. 18 {Epist., 33-34); 59 (fol. 310r-v) Ep 
7 {Epist., 17-18); 60 (fol. 311) Ep 148 (Unknown to PPV) (£pwr., 
426-27); 61 (fol. 311r-v) Ep. 5 (Franc, da Faenza to PPV) {Epist., 14- 
15); 62 (fols. 311v-12v) Ep. 14 (Santo de' Pellegrini to PPV) (£pwf., 
26-28); 63 (fols. 312v-13) Ep. 8 (Ant. Baruffaldi to PPV) {Epist., 18- 
19) (fols. 313v-19v) blank 
22 (fols. 320-22) Eiusdem Poetica narratio spectaculi ApoUonis etMusarum 
{Epist., 453-58) (fols. 322v-31v) blank. 

Bibliography: Henry O. Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Canonicianos 



46 CHAPTER 3 

Complectens, part 3 of Catologi Codicum Manuscriptorum Bihliothecae 
Bodleianae (Oxford, 1854), 536-41; Falconer Madan, A Summary 
Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford 
... (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1895-1953), 4:313 (no. 19642); Epist., 
xxxi, xxxvi-xxxvii; and Vittorio Rossi, review of Leonardo Smith, 
ed., Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio, in Giomale storico della lettera- 
tura italiana 108 (1936): 315 n. 2. 



E Modena, Biblioteca Nazionale Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186 
(Alpha 0.6, 22, formerly V.C.33) 
Cart, in quarto. Composite codex, s. XV-XVI (part II written at Venice 
in 1542). I + 92 + I. Modern foliation in lower left-hand corner in pen- 
cil. Older foliations: in faded ink in upper right-hand corner to fol. 48 
(single unnumbered folios after fol. 18 and 38); in black ink in upper 
right-hand corner from fols. 48a-80. Binding in brown leather (232 X 
166 mm.). Front and rear covers framed by double vertical and double 
horizontal black lines. The upper spine reads in gold lettering: 
"VERGE- / RIUS / VITA / FRANC. / PETRAR- / CHAE / ETC." 
The library shelf mark is pasted onto the lower spine. 

I 

fols. l-58v. Watermark: Ancre dans un cercle, sim. Briquet 484, att. Salz- 
burg, 1530; sim. Piccard, Wasserzeichen Anker, 5.259, att. Verona 1516; 
sim. Mosin, Anchor Watermarks, 789, att. ca. 1550. 222 X 156 mm. Col- 
lation apparently 1^, 2-6^°. No signatures. Vertical catchwords placed 
outside and below the right-hand margin (fols. 13v, 18v, 28 v, 38v, 48 v), 
which correspond. An average of 22 lines on ca. 170 X 105 mm. without 
ruling. Written in a single column. Humanist cursive hand that also 
added marginal corrections. 

1 (fols. l-57v) <Pierpaolo Vergerio and Francesco Petrarca, Opera>: 1 
(fols. l-20v) PPV, Vita Francisci Petrarcae . . . , <Argumenta in Afri- 
cam, Materiae omnium librorum Africae> , late title on fol. 1 and 
fols. lv-8v blank (Solerti, ed., Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 
294-302). 2 (fols. 20v-21) < Franc. Petrarca, Nota de Laura> (inc: 
Laura propriis virtutibus illustris) (ed. De Nolhac, Petrarque et I'hu- 
manisme, 2:286-87). 3 (fols. 21v-23) PPV, . . . Pro Sancto Hieronymo 
oratio elegantissima (fragm.) (inc: Sermo mihi hodie habendus ad vos 
est); 4 (fols. 23-29, 37-5 Iv) . . . Pro Francisco de Carraria ad populum 



Manuscripts 47 

Patavinensem [RIS 16:204-15)^°; 5 (fols. 29-36v) . . . De dignissimo 
funehri apparatu in exequiis . . . Francisci Senioris de Carraria {RIS 
16:189A-94A); 6 (fols. 37, 51v-57) ... Oratio < in funere Francisci 
Senioris > {RIS 16:194B-98C) (fols. 57v-58v) blank. 

II 
fols. 59-72v. 214 X 152 mm. Collation: 7^'*, An average of 19 lines on ca. 
185 X 130 mm. without ruling. Written in a single column. Antonio 
Maria Crivelli copied the work in a clear Italic script (fol. 71: "Ego An- 
tonius Maria de Cribellis hoc exemplum conscripsi"). 

2 (fols. 59v-71) Bernardino d'Este, Reverendi sacerdotis Antonii Estensis 

civis Patavini humanarum litterarum professoris . . . vita (to Marco 
d'Este, inc: Christi spiritus quem secutus absum, dated Venice, 1542) 
(fols. 59, 71v-72v) blank. 

Ill 
fols. 73-76v. 206 X 150 mm. Collation: 8'^. An average of 25 lines on ca. 
160 X 132 mm. without ruling. Written in a single column. Clear Hu- 
manist cursive hand. 

3 (fols. 73-76, title at the end) Franc. Gratiadeus, Oratio ad .. . Anto- 

nium Caputvaccae de laudibus et eius triumpho (inc: Vellem profecto 
Antoni eques splendidissime)'^ (fol. 76v) blank. 

IV 
fols. 77-84V. 213 X 148 mm. Collation: 9^ 28 lines on 152 X 100 mm., 
bounded by single vertical lines. Writing above the first line and at times 
below the last line. Numerical table in six columns. 

4 (fols. 77-83) <Anon., Tabulae duodecim astronomicae ad novilunia 

invenienda> (fols. 83v-84v) blank. 

V 
fols. 85-92v. Watermark: Tete de boeuf, rem. sim. Briquet 14800, att. 
Augsburg, 1472; sim. Piccard, Die Ochsenkopfwasserzeichen, 13.184-85, 
att. Rattenberg, 1492. 220 X 152 mm. Collation: lOl An average of 32 



'° The scribe interpolated into the funeral oration for Francesco il Vecchio those 
portions of Vergerio's oration to Francesco Novello, which focused primarily upon the 
father. 

" The same oration is preserved in Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. 
XI. 108 (4363), fols. 224-37 {Iter 2:256b). The article on Capodivacca by Roberto Zapperi, 
DBI 18:641-43, notes that the Doge made him a cavaliere in 1508. 



48 CHAPTER 3 

lines on a maximum of 168 X 90 mm. without ruling. Written in a 
single column. Humanist cursive hand. 

5 (fols. 85-92v) < Miscellanea astronomica> : 1 (fol. 85r-v) < Tabulae 
planetariae > translatio Latina loan. Hispalensis (inc: Dominus? do- 
mus virtutes habet). 2 (fols. 86-88) Anon., De diversitate durationum 
omnium rerum (inc: Duratio est misera qua res). 3 (fol. 88) Anon., De 
differentia inter stellam, astrum, sidus, imaginem, et planetam (inc: Li- 
cet unumquodque corpus caeleste). 4 (fols. 88v-90) Anon., , . . Tracta- 
tus de diebus creticis (inc: Circulus eccentricus? angelorum distebit). 5 
(fols. 90-91) <Leopoldus Austriae>, Tractatus de imaginibus (inc: 
Cum vis facere imaginem) {Compilatio .. . de astrorum scientia decern 
continens tractatus. Venice and Augsburg: Erhard Ratdolt, 1489. Hain 
10042, sig. n, 4r-v)^2 (f^js 9iv_92) blank. 6 (fol. 92v) <Anon., Ta- 
bula astrologica > . 

Bibliography-. Codices Mss. Latini, vol. 1, part 3 oi Manuscriptorum codi- 
cum Bibl. Atestinae catalogus in quinque partes tributus . . . secundum 
pluteorum et ipsorum codicem ordinem (typewritten), 54; and Iter 
1:370a. 

(G) Capodistria, Archivio Gravisi-Barbabianca, 
unnumbered codex 
Cart. s. XVII. 300 X 210 mm. 165 folios of which some were blank. 
Written and annotated apparently by a single hand, probably at Capo- 
distria. 

History: probably belonged at one time to the Petronio family in Capo- 
distria. Obtained by Count Anteo Gravisi-Barbabianca. The codex 
was seen by Smith in the 1920s and 1930s, but it has been missing 
since the Second World War. It had seven of Vergerio's sermons on 
Jerome (fols. 53ff.). 

Bibliography: Epist., xxxiii, xlvi-xlvii, 92-93n. 



'^ Cf . Jean-Charles Houzeau and Albert Lancaster, Bibliographie generate de ['astronomic 
(ou Catalogue methodique des ouvrages, des memoires, et des observations astronomiques) 
(Brussels, 1882-89), 1:396 (no. 773); and Francis J. Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and 
Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation: A Critical Bibliography (Berkeley and Los Angeles: 
Univ. of California Press, 1956), 170-71. 



Manuscripts 49 

Gn Cambridge, University Library, cod. Dd.VII.1-2 

Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Membr. in folio. 1490 
(printed catalog mistakenly gives 1390), England. 320 and 394 folios. Sev- 
eral folios missing: vol. 1 has two folios missing after fol. 18 and a single 
folio after fols. 29, 54, 70, 88, 92, 120, 149, 161, 172, 180, 224, 257, 260; 
vol. 2 is incomplete at the beginning and the end, is missing a single 
folio after fols. 67, 77, 100, 109, 116, 118, 137, 166, 180, 234, 301, 308, 
310, 311, 347, 376, and preserves fols. 104 and 194 in a mutilated state. 
2 columns. 44 lines per column. Rich illuminations that have suffered 
damage. Written in a Late Gothic hand of lower grade {semi-quadratd) 
and medium quality. Space left for insertion of matter in Greek. 

History: vol. 1 has a colophon indicating a date of 1490 (fol. 320v): "Divi 
Hieronymi Epistolarum partis primae volumen feliciter finit die IX 
lulii MCCCCLXXXX." A note in a later hand on the same folio 
indicates that John Gunthorpe (d. 1498) donated the manuscript to 
the library: "Ex dono Magistri loannis Gunthorpi domini Decani 
Wellensis ac quondam Magistri Aulae Regiae."^^ 

Contents: Hieronymus, Epistolae et opuscula 

Vol. I 

1 (fols. l-3v) Index (beginning with Ep. 21)^"* 

2 (fols. 3v-7v) Anon., Divi Hieronymi vita (inc: Plerosque nimirum) 

("Vita Divi Hieronymi," ed. Mombritius, 2:31-36) 

3 (fols. 8-16v) Rufinus, Expositio in symbolum apostolorum (fragm.) (cf. 

Lambert, Bihliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:427) 

4 (fols. 17-22) Ps. Hieronymus?, Contra quinque haereses (fragm.) 

5 (fols. 22-24v) Ps. Hieronymus, Expositio fidei Nicaeni concilii (cf. Lam- 

bert, Bihliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:90) 

6 (fols. 25-32v) Ps. Hieronymus.^, Defidei credulitate 

7 (fols. 33-70v) Hieronymus, Adversus lovinianum (fragm.) (cf. Lambert, 

Bihliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:382) 

8 (fols. 71-76v) Hieronymus, Adversus Hehridium (fragm.) (cf. Lambert, 

Bihliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:369) 



" For information on Gunthorpe (Gundorp), see 777e Dictionary of National Biography, 
8:794-95. In 1460, he studied at Ferrara with Guarino, and he gave some of his manuscripts 
to Jesus College, Cambridge. 

'* The index ends with a promise of a similar list of contents for the second volume. 
Those folios are now missing at the beginning of volume 2. 



50 CHAPTER 3 

9 (fols. 76v-80v) Hieronymus, In Vigilantium haereticum (cf. Lambert, 

Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:397) 

10 (fols. 81v-88v) Hieronymus, Altercatio Luciferii et Orthodoxi (cf. 
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:362) 

11 (fols. 93-120v) Hieronymus, Dialogus contra Pelagianos (fragm.) (cf. 
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:417-22, who does not include 
this manuscript) 

12 (fols. 128-40v) Hieronymus, Liber ad Pammachium contra loannem 
Hierosolymitanum (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:403-5, 
who does not include this manuscript) 

13 (fols. 148V-49) Rufinus, y4po/ogz^ < ad Anastasium> (CCL 20:19-28) 

14 (fol. 149) Anastasius, <Ep.> ad loan. Hierosolymitanum (fragm.) 
(cf. Clavis, 358 [no. 1640]) 

15 (fols. 150-72) Kui'mus, Apologiae contra Hieronymum libri II (irngm.) 
{CCL 20:29-123) 

16 (fols. 172-92) Hieronymus, Epistolae? 

17 (fols. 192-210) Hieronymus, Apologia adversus libros Rufini (fragm.) 
(cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 4:215) 

18 (fols. 210-21v) Hieronymus, Liber tertius adversus libros Rufini (cf. 
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 4:224) 

19 (fols. 222-23) Ps. Hieronymus et Ps. Augustinus, Dialogus de origine 
animarum (fragm.) (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:145) 

20 (fols. 223v-316) Hieronymus, Epistolae} 

21 (fol. 316v) Augustinus, Retractationes (cap. xlv) (ed. Knoll, CSEL, 
36:154) 

22 (fols. 317-18) Ps. Hieronymus, De corpore et sanguine Christi (cf. 
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:151) 

23 (fols. 318v-19) Ps. Hieronymus, Homilia super evangelium Sancti 
Matthaei (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:155) 

24 (fols. 319-20v, old foliation 343-44v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo 
de laudibus Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei 
nostrae) (copied from the edition printed at Parma, 1480). 

Bibliography: Charles Hardwick and H. Luard, A Catalogue of the Manu- 
scripts Preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge (Cam- 
bridge, 1856-67), 1:319-20; and Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 
4:56 {ad indicem). 



Manuscripts 51 

MB Milan, Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22 
(formerly Phillipps 984) 
Cart, in folio. Watermarks: fols. 1-99, Chapeau, sim. Briquet 3456, att. 
Venice, 1499; var. simil. Venice, 1501; fols. 102-59, Monts, sim. Briquet 
11912, att. Padua, 1515; var. simil. Padua, 1527-46. s. XVI (2 June 1507), 
Padua. 307 X 206 mm. Ill + 159 + III. Modern foliation in lower right- 
hand corner in pencil; earlier pencil foliation in upper right-hand corner 
that does not correspond. Collation apparently 1-15^°, 16^°^"^^ No 
signatures. Horizontal catchwords against right margin on first four and 
last two folios of the first ten fascicles; pattern breaks down in fascicle 
11 where catchwords present only on first two folios (fols. lOlv, 102v). 
An average of 26 lines on ca. 190 X 105 mm. bounded by single vertical 
and horizontal lines (fols. 1-102). The rest of the codex (fols. 103-59) has 
a double vertical fold. Written in a single column. Chapters in the 
Carrara biographies (fols. 1-84) have 8-11 line initials and entire first 
line in majuscules. Orations and letters (fols. 90-159) have late titles and 
marginalia in red. Slash marks in that portion of the codex suggest that 
the codex was copied. Evidence of at least three different hands. The 
bulk of the codex (fols. l-109v, 123-59) was written and corrected by 
Marsilio Papafava in a late Humanist cursive (fol. 84: "Haec sumpsi ego 
Marsilius Papafava a quadam chronica veteri, in qua non erant alia huius 
familiae nee aliorum dominorum Paduae, et ei imposui finem die Mer- 
curii, 2 lunii 1507, in Vigilia Eucharistiae").^^ A second scribe copied 
the oration on fols. 11 0-22 v. Subsequently, titles, dates, and marginal 
emphases, often in red, were added by a third hand. 

History: purchased by Phillipps at sale of manuscripts by Sotheby's on 
14 March 1825. These manuscripts had been collected by Abbot 
Luigi Celotti from Santa Giustina (Padua), San Giorgio Maggiore 
(Venice), the Jesuit library (Tours), and private collections of Gia- 
como Nani, Giovanni Salviati, Scipione Maffei, and a Mocenigo. The 
Braidense obtained the manuscript from the Libreria Antiquaria 
Hoepli on 13 June 1911 (fol. 1). Late binding in parchment (319 X 
217 mm.). Spine reads in black lettering: "PIER PAOLO / VERGE- 
RIO / - / DE / CARRARIENSIU. / FAMILIA / - / ORATIONES 
/ ET EPISTOLAE / MS. CART. / 1507." 



'* Papafava's writing (Plate 2) is distinguished by: an uncial a in two distinct strokes, 
minuscule g with a triangular lower bowl, elongated minuscule/and s with a hook on top, 
a dotted y, and a majuscule D with a preparatory stroke from the line upwards. 



52 CHAPTER 3 

Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio, < Opera > 

1 (fols. 1-84) <Petri> Pauli Vergerii lustino Politani De Carrariensium 

familia, late title, perhaps by Roberto Papafava^^ (Gnesotto, ed., 
. . . De principihus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber) (fols. 84v-89v) 
blank 

2 (fols. 90-97) < PPV, De dignissimo funebri apparatu in exequiis . . . 

Francisci Senioris de Carraria> (RIS 16:189A-94A) 

3 (fols. 97V-103) PPV, Oratio infunere Francisci Senioris {RIS 16:194B- 

98C) 

4 (fols. 103v-9v) Ep. 138 {Epist., 362-78) 

5 (fols. 110-22v) PPV, < Oratio ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria> 

Oratio congratulatoria {RIS 16:204-15) 

6 (fols. 123-29) Ep. 81 {Epist., 189-202) 

7 (fols. 129-32) Ep. 17 {Epist., 46-53) 

8 (fols. 132V-40) Ep. 34 {Epist., 66-78) 

9 (fols. 140-41) Ep. 16 {Epist., 31-32) 

10 (fols. 141-42v) Ep. 98 {Epist., 249-51) 

11 (fols. 142V-44) Ep. 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV) {Epist., 253-57) 

12 (fols. 144V-48) Ep. 101 {Epist., I'bl-dl) 

13 (fol. 148r-v) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4) 

14 (fols. 148V-50) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 

15 (fols. 150-51) Ep. 99 {Epist., 251-53) 

16 (fols. 151-53) Ep. 104 {Epist., 269-73) 

17 (fols. 153-57) PPV, Oratio de laudibus Divi Hieronymi, late title in 
red (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae) 

18 (fols. 157v-59v) Ep. 140 {Epist., 384-87). 

Bibliography: The Phillipps Manuscripts: Catalogus Librorum Manuscripto- 
rum in Bibliotheca D. Thomae Phillipps, St. (1837-71; repr. London: 
Holland Press, 1968), 12 (no. 984); A. N. L. Munby, The Formation 
of the Phillipps Library Up to the Year 1840, Phillipps Studies 3 (Cam- 
bridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1954), 50-51, 147; and Iter 1:353a. 

N Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, cod. IX.F.62 

Cart, in quarto. Watermark: Tete de boeuf (with stem and five-petaled 
flower), rem. sim. Briquet 14872, att. Brescia, 1457-70; sim. Piccard, 



'^ On fol. 19v, Marsilio Papafava inserted a note regarding the tomb of "Nicolaus 
grandis Carrariensis." 



Manuscripts 53 

Ochsenkopfwasserzeichen, 12.856, att. 1466-69, 12:857, att. 1455-70. s. XV 
(1462), Italy. 210 X 150 mm. I + 29. Foliation in ink in upper right 
corner (some numbers cut off in rebinding). Collation: 1-2^°, 3^°^"^^ (rear 
pastedown may be the last folio of the third quinternion). No signa- 
tures. Catchwords below last line against right margin; they are enclosed 
within four pairs of curvilinears. 51 lines on 160 X 98 mm., bounded by 
single vertical margins and upper horizontal margin in pencil. Single 
column. 3 line initial R and 10 line initial E on fol. 1; the E was cut out 
of a printed text and pasted into the manuscript. Space for a 13 line 
initial (fol. 18). Autograph of Francesco Gonzaga in Semigothic script 
(colophon on fol. 27: "Scripsi hanc epistolam ego Franciscus de Gonzaga 
ob devotionem tanti patris et conplevi die Mercurii de mane, XVII No- 
vembris 1462").^'' Gonzaga added marginal emphases and corrections, 
while a second hand added the title on fol. 1.^^ 

History: Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga (1444-83). Possessor's note in 
lower margin of fol. 1 erased. Lender's note (fol. 15): "lo Zuane Zue- 
havel de Masarada dichiara.^ aver dato Signor Durigo Robabeli per 
averli? in prestado valore? ducati 4.10?" Provenance from the library 
of the Capuchin convent of S. Ephrem Novus in Naples (fol. 1: 
"Bibl. Novae Capuc. Neap." and library stamp on fol. 28v: "Bib. 
Nov. / Bibliothec. Capuccinorum Conceptionis Neapolis"). Binding 
of parchment over pasteboards (216 X 155 mm.) typical of Capuchin 
Library. Front cover has "21," and spine reads in black ink: "Victo- 
riae mirabilis divinitus de Turcis habitae duce S. loanne de < Capi- 
strano> ." The codex entered the Bibl. Nazionale in 1865 (stamp of 
the Nazionale on fol. 1). 

Contents: 

1 (fols. 1-18) Fr. loan, de Talglacotio, O.M., <Ep.> to Giacomo della 
Marca, dated Udine, 22 July ("in festo Sanctissimae Magdalenae") 



'^ Gonzaga's writing (Plate 3) is clear despite the small corpus. Gothic features include 
the overlapping of reverse curves and the use of r in the form of 2. Gonzaga used an et 
nexus, and his minuscule g at times resembles an 8, with the lower bowl below the line. His 
majuscule Q occasionally has a bowl raised well above the line, and his majuscule N and P 
are formed in two distinct strokes. The inventory of his possessions, published by D. S. 
Chambers, A Renaissance Cardinal and His Worldly Goods: The Will and Inventory of Fran- 
cesco Gonzaga (1444-1483), Survey and Texts 20 (London: Warburg Institute, 1992), 169, lists 
among the books (no. 728) "La vita de fra Zoanne da Capistrano in papiro." On Gonzaga's 
learning and patronage, see ibid., 50-74. 

" The hand may be that of the Capuchin librarian who placed the possessor's note at 
the bottom of the same folio. A loose piece of paper inserted in the codex reads: "IX.F.62 
/ P. Elpidio Bocchetti, O.F.M." 



54 CHAPTER 3 

1460 (inc: Etsi non ignorem) (ed. Wadding, Annates Minorum, 
12:394-419 [no. 42], 750-96; BHL 1:646 [no. 4]) 

2 (fols. 18-27) Fr. loan, de Talglacotio, O.M., <Ep. > to Giacomo della 

Marca, dated Florence, 10 February 1461 (inc: Admirabilem ac 
stupendam de Turcis victoriam) (ed. Wadding, Annates Minorum, 
12:444-66; BHL 1:646 [no. 5]) 

3 (fols. 27v-28) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de taudibus Bead Hiero- 

nymi (inc: Praestantissimi viri, fragm.)^^ (fol. 29) blank. 

Bihtiography: Albert Poncelet, "Catalogus Codicum Hagiographicorum 
Latinorum Bibliothecarum Neapolitanarum," Anatecta Boltandiana 
30 (1911): 195-96; Aniceto Chiappini, O.F.M., "Fr. Nicolai de Fara 
Epistolae Duae ad S. loannem de Capistrano," Archivum Francisca- 
num Historicum 15 (1922): 387; Chiappini, Retiquie tetterarie capestra- 
nesi: Storia, codici, carte, documenti (L'Aquila, 1927), 281; Iter 1:405b, 
6:115b; and Cesare Cenci, Manoscritti francescani delta Bibtioteca Na- 
zionate di Napoti, Spicilegium bonaventurianum 7-8 (Quaracchi: 
Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, and Grottaferrata: Editiones 
Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1971), 2:867-68 (no. 516). 

Pa Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203 
Cart, in folio, s. XVIII (ex.), Padua. 278 X 195 mm. I + 475 + I. Origi- 
nal pagination in two parts: 1-324, 1-150; numeration in black ink in 
upper right-hand corner (errors in numbers corrected by the copyist). 
Running heads. Collation: 1-6^^ 7^\ %-9^\ \Q\ n^^^-^\ Plain horizontal 
catchwords on every other page, which correspond. Pages folded twice 
(outside of four columns on each page used for notes and collations). Single 
column throughout. 38 lines per page except for the Petrarcae vita where 
only 28 lines utilized (perhaps an effort to fill out part 1). Text area mea- 
sures ca. 245 X 130 mm. Titles centered and works numbered progressively 
within each genre (decorative pattern used to mark beginning and end of 
specific works). Italic autograph of Gian Roberto Papafava. 

History: an effort by Gian Roberto Papafava (b. 1722) to make a com- 
plete collection of Vergerio's works. A draft of the same work is pre- 
served in B.P. 129.^° From the collection of Antonio Piazza (ex 



" Fol. 28 is constructed of three pieces of paper glued together. Fragments of a 
document in Italian are legible underneath one of the sheets (perhaps by the same hand that 
wrote the lender's note on fol. 15). 

^° Paper. Bundles a-u of various length and size (representing the materials collected for 



Manuscripts 55 

libris on front pastedown) to the library. Half-parchment binding 
covered by tan paper (285 X 203 mm.). Title on spine reads: "Ver- 
gerii / Epistolae" (gold lettering stamped on brown leather), "Cod. 
/ MSS." (gold lettering on green leather). The library shelf mark is 
pasted below. 
Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opera 

Parti 

1 (1-203) PPV, . . . Epistolae^^ 

2 (204-60) PPV, . . . Orationes^ 

3 (260-63) PPV, In foeneratores facetissima exprohatio {Epist., 384-87 [Ep. 

140]) 

4 (263-69) PPV, In exequiis principis Francisci Senioris de Carraria {RIS 

16:189A-94A) 

5 (270-71) PPV, In traductione Arriani . . . ad Sigismundum {Epist., 379- 

84 [Ep. 139]) 

6 (271-303) PPV, .. . De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus disciplinis (Gne- 

sotto, ed., "... De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis adulescen- 
tiae," 95-146) 

7 (304-6) PPV, <Oratio> (inc: O altitudo divitiarum) (ed. Smith, "Note 

cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," 132-33) 

8 (307-17) PPV, Petrarcae vita . . . (Solerti, ed., Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, 

e Boccaccio, 294-302) (318-24) blank. 

Part II 

9 (1-103) PPV, . . . De Carrariensium familia et de illustrium eius princi- 

pum rebus magniflce gestis HISTORIA (Gnesotto, ed., . . . De principi- 
bus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber) (104) blank 



Vergerio's Opera omnia). Draft of the text itself in bundle u: 298 X 202 mm. Pages 1-409. 
Pages folded once vertically, yielding text area of ca. 210 X 202 mm. in two columns of 106 
and 96 mm. respectively. Left-hand column for text and right-hand for notes. 36 lines per 
page. Italic hand of Papafava. Half-leather binding. The draft copies of the sermons on 
Jerome are found on 325-53 (in the same order as Pa). Bundle j contains a letter of Agostino 
Carran? to Papafava, which indicates the existence of an eighth panegyric of Jerome printed 
in a "vol. in fol." However, Papafava never found this oration. 

^' The sylloge includes the following letters (using the numeration in Smith's edition): 
Ep. 18, 6, 2, 12, 1, 13, 4, 21-22, 24, 27-30, 32-35, 31, 36-38, 40, 44, 3, 47-48, 56, 49-50, 57, 
51-55, 58, 60-66, 120, 59, 46, 67-73, 148, 75-78, 80, 43, 81-82, 87-88, 90, 99, 41, 91-92, 23, 
97, 17, 98, 15, 11, 102-5, 128, 109, 111, 115 (fragm.), 123, 116-17, 124-27, 130, 20, 131-32, 
45, 133-35, 138, 118, 121, 114, 146-47, 115 (fragm.), Ep.} (inc: Plutarchus in describenda, 
Epist., 451-52), 145, 119, 112, De monarchta (fragm.), 93-95, Facetia (inc: M. . . . q. . . . , 
Epist., 452-50), 143, 106, Dialogusde morte (fragm., Epist., 445-46), 137, 107-8, 96, 42, 8, 10. 

^ The sylloge includes the seven sermons for Jerome as found in R. 



56 CHAPTER 3 

10 (105-17) PPV, . . . Carmina^ 

11 (117-39) VVY,...Fragmenta^'^ (140-50) blank. 

Bibliography: Carlo A. Combi, "Un discorso inedito di Pier Paolo Ver- 
gerio il Seniore da Capodistria," Archivio storico per Trieste, I'lstria, 
e il Trentino 1 (1882): 359; Epist., Ixiv-lxviii; and Iter 2:23a. 

PM Venice, Bibl. Naz. Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955) 
Cart, in folio, s. XVII (m.), Padua. 440 X 290 mm. I + 172 + III. Foli- 
ation in black ink in upper right-hand corner. Blank folios: lv-4v, 39- 
52v, 54r-v, 74v, 87r-v, 132v, 163v-64v. Collation: l-9^ 10^°, ll^ 12^ 
13-16^ 17^ 18-19^ 20^ 21-30\ 31^ 32^ 33^ 34-37^ 38^ 39-41^ Errors 
in order of texts noted in marginalia by Roberto Papafava (see fols. 72v- 
75, 85v-86, 130v-33). No signatures. Horizontal catchwords on every 
folio verso. 35 lines per page on ca. 330 X 210 mm. with faint ruling. 
Single column. Frontispiece: "PETRI PAULI / VERGERH / AIIANTA." 
Titles of individual works centered. Elaborate cursive initials. Three Italic 
hands: the amanuense, Roberto Papafava (corrections, collations, and addi- 
tions), and Andrea Baretta of the Marciana (bibliographical marginalia) ."^^ 

History: commissioned by Abbot Roberto Papafava, who completed his 
own additions to the codex in 1651; see the colophon on fol. 172v 
and his letters to Alfonso Loschi in cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols. 
33-35, where Papafava spoke of his "fatiche incredibili."^^ lacopo 



^^ The sylloge includes: Poetica narratio {Epist, 453-58), . . . Super reditu natorum eius 
Francisci et lacobi . . . {RIS 16:242), Omnia Petrarcae opera ....... Epitomata in Africam 

(Solerti, ed., Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 301-2), Paulus . . . prologus (ed. Perosa, 
"Per una nuova edizione," 321-22), De Francisco Seniore de Carraria . . . epitaphium 
{RIS 16:198C), <Proverbia et sententiae>, incorrectly entitled Alegabilia dicta ex Timaeo 
Platonis. 

^* The sylloge includes: <Sicco Polenton>, De vita Senecae {Scriptorum illustrium 
Latinae linguae, ed. Ullmann, 493-94); PPV, De repuhlica Venetorum, De republica Veneti- 
arum fragmentum (ed. Robey and Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republica Veneta," 
38-49), Romae descriptio {Epist., 211-20 [Ep. 86]); M. Iunian(i)us lustinus <excerpt.> 
{Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum 323.13-15); FlavioBiondo < excerpt. > {Italia illustrata, 
Basel, 1531, 386-88); and PPV, De situ urbis lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-241D). 

^^ Baretta served as assistant librarian {vicebibliotecario) of the Marciana from 1847 until 
his death in 1852. See Carlo Frati, Dizionario bio-bibliografico dei bibliotecari e bibliofili 
italiani dal sec. XIV al XIX, edited by Albano Sorbelli, Biblioteca di bibliografia italiana 13 
(Florence, 1933), 52; and Marino Parenti, Aggiunte al Dizionario bio-bibliografico dei 
bibliotecari e bibliofili italiani di Carlo Frati (Florence: Sansoni Antiquariato, 1952-60), 1:80. 

^' The colophon oi PM is cited by Smith, Epist., lil n. 1. Marc. ital. VI.431 is described 
by Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71. The codex has the following works of Vergerio: De 
principibus Carrariensibus (fols. 59-91v); Carmen ad Franciscum luniorem (fol. 94); Epistolae 
(fols. 96-137v, 146); Oratio pro populo Patavino {io\s. 148-55); De dignissimo funebri apparatu 



Manuscripts 57 

Morelli left the codex to the Marciana in 1819. Half-parchment binding 
covered by brown marbled paper (445 X 290 mm,). Old and new 
Marciana shelfmarks on the spine. 
Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opera 

1 (fol. 1) frontispiece (fols. lv-4v) blank 

2 (fols. 5-3 8 v) PPV, . . . Liber de principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum 

. . . (Gnesotto, ed., . . . De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum 
liber) (fols. 39-52v) blank 

3 (fol. 53r-v) PPV, . . . carmen (inc: Carriger nobis pater) {RIS 16:242) 

(fol. 54r-v) blank 

4 (fols. 55-137) PPV, Epistolae (same order as B^)^ (fols. 74v, 87r-v, 

132v) blank 

5 (fols. 137-38) PPV, De situ urbis lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-41D), 

followed by inscription {CIL 5.1:4 [no. 12]) 

6 (fol. 138r-v) Ep. 52 (also on fols. 59v-60) {Epist., 118-19) 

7 (fol. 138v) <Dialogus de morte, fragm. > P. P. Vergerii Testamentum 

. . . {Epist., 445-46) 

8 (fols. 139-44) PPV, De vita, moribus, et doctrina illustris poetae Fran- 

cisci Petrarcae ... et eius poemate quod "Africa" inscribitur (Solerti, 
ed., Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 294-302) 

9 (fol. 144) Ep. 66 (also on fol. 84v) {Epist., 157-59) 

10 (fols. 144v-46v) Franc. Petrarca, . . . Testamentum {Petrarch's Testa- 
ment, ed. Mommsen, 68-92) 

11 (fol. 147r-v) PPV?, <Proverbia et sententiae> (inc: Non sinit obscu- 
rum facinus) 

12 (fols. 147v-49v) PPV, Poetica narratio {Epist., 453-58) 

13 (fol. 150) PPV, <Sermopro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Gloriosi docto- 
ris, fragm. at beginning) 

14 (fols. 150-51) PPV, <Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Hodie 
mihi) 

15 (fol. 151) PPV, <Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Sermo hodie, 
fragm.) 

16 (fols. 151-52) PPV, < Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Praestan- 
tissimi patres, fragm. at beginning) 



(fols. 156-59); and Oratio in funere Francisci Senioris (fols. 160-62). The last three are not 
included in PM. 

'" Papafava added (fol. 86r-v): Bartolomeo Facio, ...Ad Alfonsum regent epistoU. 



58 CHAPTER 3 

17 (fols. 152-63) PPV, Paulus (ed. Perosa, "Per una nuova edizione," 
321-56) (fols. 163v-64v) blank 

18 (fol. 165) PPV, Fragmentum orationis ... ex ms. Vergeriano (inc: O 
altitude divitiarum, fragm. at beginning) (ed. Smith, "Note cronolo- 
giche vergeriane, III-V," 132-33) 

19 (fols. 165-71) PPV, Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia . . . (ed. 
Combi, "Un discorso inedito," 360-74) 

20 (fols. 171-72v) Ep. 107 {Epist., 278-82). 

Bibliography: Zorzanello, Catalogo, 3:289-91; Epist., xxxiii, xlv-xlvi; 
Theodor E. Mommsen, ed. and trans., Petrarch's Testament (Ithaca, 
N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1957), 54; Iter 2:248a; and Alessandro Pe- 
rosa, "Per una nuova edizione del Paulus del Vergerio," in Vittore 
Branca and Sante Graciotti, eds., L'umanesimo in Istria, Civilta vene- 
ziana: Studi 38 (Florence: Olschki, 1983), 281-84. 

R Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1287 
Cart, in quarto. Watermarks: fols. 12-23, 35-136, Balance, Briquet 2509, 
var. idem. Venice, 1487, Friuli, 1487; fols. 26-33, Balance, sim. Briquet 
2454, var. diverg. Venice, 1476-80, Brescia, 1481, Udine, 1495. s. XV 
(ex.), Venetian Empire. 206 X 152 mm. I + 161 + I (missing fols. 2-9, 
11, 108, 142-53). Foliation in upper right-hand corner in faded ink. 
Collation: l^^'^), l'\ 3-4^°, 5^ 6^°, 7'\ 8^^ 9'^^-'\ \0'\ 11«, 12^ 13^(-^). No 
signatures or catchwords. Many blank folios. The orations of Vergerio 
on Jerome occupy fascicles 4-5. The final five folios contain material 
not directly related to Vergerio. An average of 26 lines per page on ca. 
140 X 80 mm. The folios were folded twice yielding four columns of ca. 
38 mm. each. Writing restricted to middle area and in single column 
throughout. No decoration; depiction of an inscription in rustic majus- 
cules on a marker-stone (fol. 27) and tracing of an astrological table (fol. 
98). Humanist cursive hand. Though the scribe controlled his pen well, 
he wrote so quickly that the hand can be difficult to decipher. The same 
scribe made marginal corrections, while a later Italic hand made addi- 
tions and cross-references.^^ 

History: Smith postulates origins in Capodistria. The codex entered the 



^* The scribe also used a "tellos" explicit in Greek characters; see Dieter Wuttke, "Telos 
als explicit," in Fritz Krafft and Dieter Wuttke, eds.. Das Verhdltnis der Humanisten zum 
Buck, Kommission fvir Humanismusforschung, Mitteilung 4 (Boppard: H. Boldt, 1977), 47- 
62. 



Manuscripts 59 

library from the suppressed convent of the Padri Riformati in Padua 
(San Carlo, n. 6). It was in the possession of the convent at the time 
that Gian Roberto Papafava collated it with the codex Brunaccianus 
in the late eighteenth century. Half-leather binding in brown covered 
by marbled paper (215 X 158 mm.). Spine has five horizontal rolls of 
ovals with lines traced within. 
Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio et al., Opera 

1 (fol. 12r-v) Pietro Dolfin, Ep. to Enrico Petronio, dated San Michele 

di Murano, 23 January 1480 {Epist., xxxix) (fol. 13r-v) blank 

2 (fols. 14-19) PPV, Ep. 81 {Epist., 189-202) 

3 (fols. 19-21) PPV, Ep. 140 {Epist., 384-87) 

4 (fols. 21-24v) PPV, Ep. 141 {Epist., 388-95) 

5 (fols. 24v-29v) <Histrica>: 1 (fol. 24v) <M. Iunian(i)us lustinus, 

excerpt. > {Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum 32.3.13-15). 2 (fol. 25r- 
v) Flavio Biondo, <excerpt.> {Italia illustrata, Basel, 1531, 386-88). 
3 (fol. 25v) < excerpt. > Ex chronica patriarcarum Aquileiensis ecclesiae 
(ed. De Rubeis, Chronicon alterum. Appendix, 9a). 4 (fol. 25v) <ex- 
cerpt. > Ex chronica Sancti Nicolai . . . (Andr. Dandolo, Chronica, RIS, 
n.s., 12.1:65). 5 (fol. 26r-v) C. Plinius Secundus, < excerpt. > {Natu- 
ralis historia 3.18.22 [no. 126]-3. 19.23 [no. 129]). 6 (fol. 26v) Strabo, 
<excerpt.> translatio Latina {Geograph. 1.2.39, 7.5.3). 7 (fol. 27) 
Inscriptio {CIL 5.1:4 [no. 12]). 8 (fols. 28-29v) PPV, . . . De situ urhis 
lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-41D) 

6 (fols. 30-31v) PPV, Ep. 45 {Epist., 102-6) (fols. 32-33v) blank 

7 (fol. 34r-v) PPV, Ep. 4 {Epist., 12-14) 

8 (fols. 35-36) PPV, . . . Oratio pro Sancto Hieronymo (inc: Reverendi 

patres fratresque carissimi) 

9 (fols. 36v-38v) Eiusdem Pro eodem (inc: Agite fratres carissimi diem) 

10 (fols. 38v-41) Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo eiusdem (inc: Decet qui- 
dem omnes ubique) 

11 (fols. 41V-42) PPV, Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37) 

12 (fol. 42r-v) PPV, Ep. 116 {Epist., 307-8) 

13 (fols. 42V-44) PPV, Ep. 117 {Epist., 308-10) 

14 (fol. 44r-v) PPV, Ep. 132 {Epist., 349-50) 

15 (fols. 45-46v) PPV, . . . Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio (inc: Hodie mihi 
fratres carissimi) 

16 (fols. 47-51) PPV, . . . Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio (inc: Sermo mihi 
hodie habendus ad vos) 

17 (fols. 51-54) PPV, . . . Oratio pro Sancto Hieronymo (inc: Gloriosi doc- 
toris ac patris nostri) 



60 CHAPTER 3 

18 (fols. 54-57v) PPV, . . . Pro Divo Hieronymo oratio (inc: Praestantis- 
simi patres ecclesiastica nos doctrina) (fol. 58r-v) blank 

19 (fols. 59-67) PPV, Ep. 34 {Epist., 66-78, where Smith incorrectly gives 
fol. 50) 

20 (fols. 67V-68) PPV, Ep. 35 {Epist., 79-80) 

21 (fol. 68r-v) PPV <i.e., S. Polenton>, ... Def^J vita Senecae (inc: 
Seneca longissime vixit) {Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae, ed. 
Ullmann, 493-94) 

22 (fols. 69-70) PPV, Ep. 74 [Epist., 174-75) 

23 (fols. 70-71) PPV, Ep. 98 [Epist., 249-51) 

24 (fols. 71-72) PPV, Ep. 48 [Epist., 109-12) 

25 (fols. 72v-73) PPV, Ep. 51 [Epist., 115-18) 

26 (fols. 73-74) PPV, Ep. 52 [Epist., 118-19) 

27 (fol. 74r-v) PPV, Ep. 53 [Epist., 119-20) 

28 (fols. 74v-75v) PPV, Ep. 55 [Epist., 123-24) 

29 (fols. 75V-76) PPV, Ep. 57 [Epist., 126) 

30 (fols. 76-78) PPV, Ep. 58 [Epist., 127-31) 

31 (fols. 78-79) PPV, Ep. 61 [Epist., 141-42) 

32 (fols. 79v-80v) PPV, Ep. 64 [Epist., 154-56) 

33 (fols. 80v-81) PPV, Ep. 65 [Epist., 156-57) 

34 (fols. 81-82) PPV, Ep. 68 [Epist., 160-61) 

35 (fols. 82-84) PPV, Ep. 69 [Epist., 162-65) 

36 (fol. 84r-v) PPV, Ep. 77 [Epist., 182-83) 

37 (fols. 85-90v) PPV, . . . In exequiis principis Francisci Senioris de Carra- 
ria [RIS 16:189A-94A) 

38 (fols. 90v-95v) < PPV, Oratio in funere Francisci Senioris de Carra- 
ria> (i?/5 16:194B-98C) 

39 (fol. 96) PPV, ...Pro eodem epitaphia [RIS 16:198C) 

40 (fols. 97v-98) Repertum in archivo Patavino ante palatii combustio- 
nem, followed by an astrological table for 25 March 421 (cf. V. Lazza- 
rini, "II preteso documento," 107-11) (fol. 98v) blank 

42 (fols. 99-107) <PPV, De republica Venetorum> (ed. Robey and Law, 
"The Venetian Myth and the De republica Veneta," 38-49) (fol. 107v) 
blank 

43 (fols. 109-10) <PPV, De republica Venetorum> (shorter redaction) 
(ed. Robey and Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republica Ve- 
neta," 38-40, lines 1-52) 

44 (fol. llOv) PPV, Ep. 137 [Epist., 360-62) 

45 (fols. lll-12v) PPV, Ep. 109 [Epist., 283-92) 

46 (fols. 113-15) PPV, Ep. 43 [Epist., 94-97) 



Manuscripts 61 

47 (fols. 115-16) Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Cicero {Familiares 24.3) 

48 (fols. 116-20) PPV, <Ep.> nomine Ciceronis ad Franciscum {EpisL, 
436-45) 

49 (fol. 120v) PPV, Ep. 148 {Epist., 426-27) 

50 (fols. 121-30) PPV, . . . Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia ad cardi- 
nales Romanos oratio in concistorio habita (ed. Combi, "Un discorso 
inedito," 360-74) (fol. 130v) blank (except for "D") 

51 (fols. 131-35v) Ep. 86 {Epist., 211-20) 

52 (fols. 135v-37) Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Giovanni Colonna {Familiares 
6.11, fragm. concerning Rome) 

53 (fols. 137V-39) PPV, Ep. 107 {Epist., 278-82) 

54 (fol. 139) Ep. 108 {Epist., 283) 

55 (fols. 139v-40v) PPV, < Oratio > (inc: O altitudo divitiarum) (ed. 
Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," 132-33) (fols. 141, 
154-56v) blank 

56 (fols. 157-59) Bern. Giustiniani, . . . Ad summum pontificem oratio 
dum fungeretur legatione ad serenissimum Ferdinandum Neapoli regem 
(Bern. Giustiniani, Orationes, sig. D, 2-D, 3; Piccolomini, Opera in- 
edita, ed. Cugnoni, 156-58) 

57 (fols. 159v-60) Ippolita Sforza, . . . Oratio ad summum pontificem Pium 

58 (fol. 160) <Pius II> , Responsum ex tempore (oration and response in 
Pii II Orationes, ed. Mansi, 2:192-93; ed. De Tummulillis, Notabilia 
temporum, 231-33) 

59 (fols. 160v-61) Galeazzo Maria Sforza, . , , Ad serenissimum principem 
Franciscum Fuscarum oratio {RIS 22:1160-61; cf. Sottili, IMU 12 
[1969]: 397 [/ codici del Petrarca, 249]) (fol. 161v) blank. 

Bibliography: Epist., xxxi, xxxviii-xl; and Iter 2:23b. 

Ra Venice, Bibl. Naz. Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535) 
Cart, in folio. Watermarks: fols. 13-24, Arc, sim. Briquet 814, att. Man- 
tua, 1482; fols. 25-94, Oiseau, sim. Briquet 12130, att. Verona, 1475. s. 
XV (ex.)-XVI (in.), Venetian Empire. Vergerio material written between 
1486 and 1502. 338 X 225 mm. II + 98 + II. Foliation in black ink in 
upper right-hand corner. Collation: \^\ 2^ 3^^ 4^^ 5^^ 6^^ 7^^^-^\ No 
signatures. Catchwords only on fol. 13v (plain horizontal that corre- 
sponds to quire that begins on fol. 15) and on fol. 24v (plain vertical 
corresponding to quire). An average of 40 lines on a widely varying text 
area. No ruling; each folio is folded twice. Frontispiece (fol. 1: "Ramusi 
ad virtutis / callem Arduum su- / dore vultus tui / enitere / cuncta 



62 CHAPTER 3 

domat / virtus / 1486"). Titles and divisions of Officium in greenish- 
blue ink. Use of colored ink, especially red, for titles and marginalia 
frequent from fols, 64-86. 3 line initial in blue with red decoration (fol. 
74). Autograph of Paolo Ramusio the elder in Humanist cursive script 
(to fol. 95v).29 

History: copied by Paolo Ramusio the elder between 1486 (fol. 1) and 
1502 (fol. 95v). Appended notes on earthquakes in Padua in 1504 and 
1505 and an earthquake and consequent acqua alta at Venice in 1511 
(fol, 95v), the latter not by Ramusio who died in 1506.^° Girolamo 
Contarini left the manuscript to the Marciana in 1843. Bibliographi- 
cal notes by G. Valentinelli (second flyleaf) and Andrea Baretta 
(passim). One-eighth parchment binding covered by brown marbled 
paper (348 X 240 mm.). Spine reads: "P. P. Vergeri / Sen. / Epistolae 
/ et / Carmina" and has the old and new shelf marks of the library. 

Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio et al., Opera 

1 (fols. 2-4 v) Franc. Petrarca, . . . Testamentum {Petrarch's Testament^ ed. 

Mommsen, 68-92) 

2 (fols. 5-8) PPV, Ep. 81 {Epist, 189-202) 

3 (fols. 8-9) PPV, De situ urbis lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-41D), fol- 

lowed by inscription {CIL 5.1:4 [no. 12]) 

4 (fols. 9-lOv) PPV, Ep. 11 {EpisL, 46-53) 

5 (fols. 11-15V, fol. 14r-v blank) PPV, Ep. 34 [Epist., 66-78) 

6 (fols. 15v-17v) Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam . . . 

de dispositions vitae suae (ed. Ferrante, "Lombardo della Seta," 480- 
87) 

7 (fols. 17v-21v) Franc. Petrarca, . . . Responsio facta Lombardo a Serico 

{Seniles 15.3) 

8 (fols. 21v-22) PPV, Ep. 16 {Epist., 31-32) 



^ The codex betrays the evolution of Ramusio's hand (Plate 4) over the twenty years 
that he worked on it. Stage 1 (fols. 2-4v): single example of Tironian note for et; uncial and 
cursive minuscule a; ct ligature; open v; tendency to close lower loop on final 5; elegant 
minuscule t. Stage 2 (fols. 27-86): et written out in full, complementary use of Tironian note 
and nexus; v closed by overlap on final stroke; variation in final s\ distinctive minuscule r 
and -«r abbreviation; use of cursive and block majuscules occasionally for same letter, e.g., 
E and L. Stage 3 (fols. 86v-95v): use of Tironian note for et; no overlap on initial « or v; 
single form of final s; different -ur abbreviation. 

^ The notes were transcribed by Smith, Epist., xliii-xliiii n. 1. On Ramusio, see the 
profile in Margaret L. King, Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Prince- 
ton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1986), 423-24. 



Manuscripts 63 

9 (fols. ll-li) PPV, . . . Pro fortissimo viro Cermisono Patavino ad ... 

Franciscum luniorem de Carraria acta feliciter oratio {Epist., 431-36) 

10 (fols. 23-30) PPV, . . . Ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria oratio pro 
populo Patavino {RIS 16:204-15) 

11 (fols. 30v-31v) PPV, Ep. 128 {Epist., 339-43) 

12 (fols. 31V-32) PPV, Ep. 99 {Epist., 251-53) 

13 (fols. 32-33) PPV, Ep. 104 {Epist., 269-73) 

14 (fols. 33-35) PPV, . . , Sermo omatissimus in honorem Sancti Hiero- 
nymi . . . (inc: Quotiens reverendissimi patres fratresque carissimi) 

15 (fol. 35r-v) PPV, Ep. 131 {Epist., 347-48) 

16 (fols. 35V-37) PPV, Ep. 75 {Epist., 176-79) 

17 (fol. 37r-v) PPV, Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47) 

18 (fols. 38-42v) PPV, Incipit Officium Divi Hieronymi editi <sic> per 
spectabilem iuris utriusque consultum dominum Petrum Paulum Ver- 
gerium lustinopolitanum Paduae (inc: Sancti Hieronymi clara prae- 
conia) 

19 (fol. 43r-v) PPV, Ep. 96 {Epist., 243-46) 

20 (fols. 43V-44) PPV, Ep. 125 {Epist., 332-35) 

21 (fol. 44) PPV, Ep. 126 {Epist., 335-36) 

22 (fol. 44r-v) PPV, <Ep.f> (inc: Plutarchus in describenda) {Epist., 
451-52) 

23 (fols. 44V-45) PPV, Ep. 123 {Epist., 323-29) 

24 (fol. 45v) PPV, Ep. 145 {Epist., 423) 

25 (fols. 45V-46) PPV, Ep. 124 {Epist., 330-32) 

26 (fol. 46r-v) PPV, Ep. 127 {Epist., 337-39) 

27 (fols. 46V-47) PPV, Ep. 119 {Epist., 313-15) 

28 (fol. 47r-v) PPV, Ep. 97 {Epist., 246-48) 

29 (fols. 47V-48) PPV, Ep. 102 {Epist., 263-67) 

30 (fol. 48v) PPV, Ep. 112 {Epist., 299-300) 

31 (fol. 48v) PPV, Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37) 

32 (fol. 49) PPV, Ep.\\% {Epist., 311-12) 

33 (fols. 49V-50) PPV, Ep. 89 {Epist., 228-30) 

34 (fols. 50-51v) PPV, Ep. 59 {Epist., 131-37) 

35 (fol. 52r-v) PPV, De monarchia (fragm.) {Epist., 447-50) 

36 (fols. 53-56) PPV, Ep. 138 {Epist., 362-78) 

37 (fols. 56-57) PPV, Ep. 45 {Epist., 102-6) 

38 (fol. 57r-v) PPV, Ep. 91 {Epist., 232-34) 

39 (fol. 58r-v) PPV, Ep. 76 {Epist., 180-82) 

40 (fols. 58V-59) PPV, Ep. 71 {Epist., 171) 

41 (fol. 59r-v) PPV, Ep. 78 {Epist., 184-85) 



64 CHAPTER 3 

42 (fols. 59v-60v) PPV, Ep. 88 {Epist, 224-27) 

43 (fols. 60v-61) PPV, Ep. 90 {EpisL, 230-32) 

44 (fol. 61r-v) PPV, Ep. 87 {EpisL, 220-23) 

45 (fols. 61V-62) PPV, Ep. 92 {Epist., 235-36) 

46 (fol. 62) PPV, Ep. 80 (fragm.) {Epist., 187-88) (fol. 62v) blank 

47 (fol. 63) PPV, Ep. 132 {Epist., 349-50) (fol. 63v) blank 

48 (fols. 64-73v) PPV, <Paulus> (ed. Perosa, "Per una nuova edizio- 
ne," 321-56) 

49 (fols. 74-77v) <PPV, De republica Veneta> (ed. Robey and Law, 
"The Venetian Myth and the De republica Veneta," 38-49) 

50 (fols. 78-82v) PPV, Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia . . . oratio 
(ed. Combi, "Un discorso inedito," 360-74) 

51 (fol. 83) PPV <i.e., S. Polenton>, De vita Senecae (inc: Seneca lon- 
gissime vixit) {Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae, ed. Ullmann, 
493-94) 

52 (fols. 83v-85v) PPV, . . . De situ veteris et inclitae urbis Romae {Epist.y 
211-20 [Ep. 86]) 

53 (fols. 85v-86) < Franc. Petrarca, £p. > {Familiares 6.11, fragm. con- 
cerning Rome) 

54 (fol. 86v) < Giovanni Soranzo, Doge>, Littera<e> ... transmis- 
sa<e> domino papae pro valendo navigare cum navibus et galeis in 
terras ultramarinas de 1327 (to John XXII) (inc: Piissime pater sancti- 
tati) 

55 (fol. 87r-v) Copia litterarum missarum a Consilio domini imperatoris 

< Vinceslai VI > cardinalibus Gallicis petentibus quod fiat generale 
concilium etc. (inc: Cum verendum est) 

56 (fols. 87v-92v) Litterarum copia scriptarum per Comune Florentiae ad 
antipapam et anticardinales et exarata a Ser Collutio .. . de anno 1335 
<sic> (actually 1378) (inc: Reverendissimi in Christo patres et do- 
mini quanta cordis amaritudine)^^ 

57 (fols. 92v-93) Ant. Venier, Doge . . . <Ep. > Francisco de Carraria Se- 
niori ac Francisco luniori eiusfilio (inc: Sicut publicum et notorium) 

58 (fol. 93r-v) Franc. Novello da Carrara, Responsio suprascriptarum lit- 
terarum . . . (inc: Illustris ac magnifice domine hodie hora duodecima) 

59 (fol. 93v) Giangaleazzo Visconti, ... < Ep. > Francisco de Carraria 
Seniori eidem bellum indicendo . . . (inc: Fallimini magnifice vir) {RIS, 
n.s., 17.1:318-19) 



'' Ramusio indicated that he copied this text from a codex owned by Niccolo Barisone. 



Manuscripts 65 

60 (fols. 93v-94v) Franc, il Vecchio da Carrara, Responsio suprascripta- 
rum litterarum . . . (inc: lUustris ac magnifice vir ad litteras vestras) 

61 (fol. 94v) Giangaleazzo Visconti, Litterae diffidantiae . . . transmis- 
sa<e> ... Communitati Florentiae (inc: Pacem Italicam omni studio) 

62 (fols, 94v-95v) Col. Salutati, Responsio litterarum suprascriptarum 

. . . (inc: E manu tabellarii cuiusdam) (letter and response in RIS 
16:815-17)^2 

63 (fol, 95v) < Nota de inventione corporis Titi Livii > (transcribed by 
Ramusio on 28 November 1502 and followed by note on Livy's 
age)" 

64 (fols. 96-97) loan, de Collionibus, and Testinus, Paulus, and Donda- 
cius de Collionibus, < Ep. > to Giovanni Martinengo, dated Trezzo, 
21 July 1411 (inc: Si litteris vestris quas heri) (Italian translation in 
Spino, Istoria, 233-42) 

65 (fols. 97v-98) loan, de Collionibus, and Testinus, Paulus, and Donda- 
cius de Collionibus, <Ep. > to Christoforus de Conradis, dated Trezzo, 
13 July 1411 (inc: Si vobis amice facti Veritas) (fol. 98v) blank. 

Bibliography: Giuseppe Valentinelli, Regesta Documentorum Germaniae 
Historiam Illustrantium: Regesten zur deutschen Geschichte aus den 
Handschriften der Marcusbibliothek in Venedig (Munich, 1864), 116 
(no. 306); Valentinelli, Codici manoscritti d'opere di Francesco Petrarca 
od a lui riferentisi posseduti dalla Biblioteca Marciana di Venezia 
(Venice, 1874), 47-48 (no. 52), 48 (no. 53), 73-74 (no. 77); Zorza- 
nello, Catalogo, 3:444-50; Ferrante, "Lombardo della Seta," 478; 
Epist., xxxiii, xliii-xlv; Mommsen, Petrarch's Testament, 53; Iter 
2:249b-50a, 6:258a; and Perosa, "Per una nuova edizione," 284-87. 

S San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 144 

Cart, in quarto (last flyleaf at beginning of volume is membr.).^"* Com- 



'^ See Ludovico Frati, "La Lega dei Bolognesi e dei Fiorentini contro Gio. Galeazzo 
Visconti (1389-90)," Archivio storico lombardo 16 (1889): 23, who gives a date of 18 April 
1390 for the letter of Giangaleazzo Visconti and 2 May 1390 for the Florentine response. 

^^ On the supposed discovery of Livy's body, see lacobus Salomonius, with Georgius 
Cornelius Senior, Gregorius Barbadicus, and Georgius Cornelius Junior, Urbis Patavinae 
Inscriptiones Sacrae et Prophanae . . . quihus accedunt vulgatae anno MDCXLIV a lacobo 
Philippo Tomasino . . . (Padua, 1701), 480-81; and Gabriele Braggion, "Un indice cinquecen- 
tesco della biblioteca di S. Giovanni di Verdara a Padova," IMU 29 (1986): 242-43. 

'^ Laura Casarsa, La Lihreria di Guamerio d'Artegna (Udine: Casamassima Libri, 1991), 
400, says that the parchment was used to wrap some of the fascicles sent to Guamerio by 
courier. 



66 CHAPTER 3 

posite codex, s. XV (1456-66), Italy. 215 X 145 mm. IV + 231 + IH. 
Modern foliation in pencil in lower left-hand corner; old numeration in 
fascicle 4 in upper right-hand corner. Ruled area varies from ca. 140 X 
90 mm. to ca. 185 X 110 mm. 

I 
fols. l-20v. Watermark: fols. 1-10, Monts, sim. Briquet 11703, att. Vi- 
cenza, 1442. Collation: 1-2^°. No signatures. Catchword centered below 
last line within periods (fol. lOv). Space left for initials with guides. 

1 (fols. l-20v) Paulinus, Vita Ambrosii (fragm.) [PL 14:44-46). 

n 

fols. 21-30. Collation: 3^°. No signatures. Space left for initials with 
guides. 

2 (fols. 21-30, cf. fols. 227-28v) Homerus, Batrachomyomachia translatio 

Latina Car. Marsuppinus, with glosses on fols. 29-30 (cf. Bertalot and 
Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 1:242 [no. 5283]) (fol. 30v) blank. 

Ill 
fols. 31-62v. Watermark: fols. 31-62, Monts, sim. Briquet 11703, att. 
Vicenza, 1442. Collation: 4^^. Enlarged initials. 

3 (fols. 31-52v) < Franc. Barbaro, Epistolae>: 1 (fols. 31-32) Franc. Bar- 

baro, Ep. to Bart. Facio {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 158-60 [no. 119]; 
Sabbadini, Lettere, 53); 2 (fols. 32v-33) Ep. to Federigo da Monte- 
feltro {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, App. 110-11 [no. Ill]; Sabbadini, 
Lettere, 56); 3 (fols. 33v-35) Ep. to Lud. Scarampo [Epistolae, ed. 
Quirini, 251-53 [no. 174]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 55); 4 (fols. 35v-37v) 
Ep. to Franc. Condulmer {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 231-34 [no. 161]; 
Sabbadini, Lettere, 56); 5 (fols. 37v-40) Ep. to George of Trebizond 
{Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 292-95 [no. 199]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 56; 
Monfasani, Collectanea Trapezuntiana, 204); 6 (fols. 40-44) Ep. to 
Gentile da Leonessa {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 221-27 [no. 158]; Sabba- 
dini, Lettere, 57); 7 (fols. 44v-46v) Ep. to Nic. Canali {Epistolae, ed. 
Quirini, 239-42 [no. 167]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 57); 8 (fols. 47-49) Ep. 
to Febo Capella {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 227-30 [no. 159]; Sabbadini, 
Lettere, 57); 9 (fols. 49v-51v) Ep. to Lud. Scarampo {Epistolae, ed. 
Quirini, 253-57 [no. 175]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 58); 10 (fols. 51v-52v) 
Ep. to Lud. Scarampo {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 258-59 [no. 177]; Sabba- 
dini, Lettere, 58) (fols. 53-62v) blank. 



Manuscripts 67 

IV 
fols. 63-142v. Watermarks: fols. 63-82, Monts, sim. Briquet 11703, att. 
Vicenza, 1442; fols. 83-124, Monts, sim. Briquet 11902, att. Pistoia, 1421; 
fols. 127-40, Lettre R, Briquet 8936, att. Venice, 1443-49, Fabriano, 
1448. Collation: 5^°, 6^^, 7-8'*. No signatures. Horizontal catchwords 
flush with or across right-hand margin (fols. 82v, 106v, 124v). 

4 (fols. 63-142) <Poggio Bracciolini, Invectivae in Vallam> (Braccio- 

lini, Opera, 1:188-251, 2:869-85): 1 (fols. 63-84v) P. Bracciolini, In 
Vallam prima < invectiva > ; 2 (fols. 84v-l 18) . . . Invectiva secunda in 
Vallam; 3 (fols. 11 8-25 v) < Invectiva tertia in Vallam >; 4 (fols. 
125v-35) Invectiva quarta in Vallam; 5 (fols. 135-42) Invectiva quinta 
in Vallam (fol. 142v) blank. 

V 
fols. 143-67v. Collation: 9'^, 10'^^"'^ No signatures. Horizontal catch- 
words centered below last line within spirals. 

5 (fols. 143-67) Sextus Pompeius Festus, <De significatu verhorum, 

fragm. N-Z> (fol. 167v) blank. 

VI 
fols. 168-75v. Watermark: fols. 170-73, Tetede boeuf, sim. Briquet group 
14871-74. Collation: 11*. No signatures or catchwords. An average of 30 
lines on ca. 170 X 90 mm. No decoration. Humanist cursive hand. The 
scribe made his own marginal corrections and apparently had difficulty 
in deciphering the q abbreviations of his source. "Raptissime" at the end 
of the texts (fol. 174v). 

6 (fols. 168-74v) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Sermones>: 1 (fols. 168-71) 

PPV, . . . In laudem Beati Hieronymi oratio feliciter incipit acta Senis 
m.cccc.viii (inc: Quotiens reverendissimi patres fratresque carissimi); 
2 (fols. 171v-74v) Oratio . . . <pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Sanctis- 
simum doctorem fidei nostrae) (fol. 175r-v) blank. 

VII 
fols. 176-8 Iv. Collation: 12^. No signatures. Identified by Casarsa as an 
autograph. 

7 (fols. 176-79) <Giacomo da Udine, Oratio pro patria Foroiulii ad 

Venetiarum ducem > (to Doge Pasquale Malipiero, inc: Bene ac sapi- 
enter illustrime princeps) (ed. Tilatti, "L'elezione del Doge Pasquale 
Malipiero," 44-47) (fols. 180-81v) blank. 



68 CHAPTER 3 

VIII 
fols. 182-87v. Watermark: fols. 183-86, Tete de boeuf^ sim. Briquet 
14752, att. Wiirzburg, 1429. Collation: 13^. No signatures or catchwords. 

8 (fol, 182r-v) Herodianus, . . . Severi imperatoris funus et deificatio trans- 

latio Latina Omnibonus Leonicenus (inc: Mos est Romanis conse- 
crare imperatores)^^ 

9 (fols. 183-86) Augustinus, Ep. . .. ad Optatum episcopum de origine ani- 

mae [CSEL 57:137-62 [no. 190]) (fols. 186v-87v) blank. 

IX 
fols. 188-226V. Collation: W^^-^\ 15-17^°. No signatures. Horizontal 
catchwords centered below last line within volutes (fols. 196v, 206v, 
216v). Scribal note on fol. 226v refers reader to fol. 194 (using "A" as 
sign). Titles, initials, and marginalia in red ink. 

10 (fols. 188-226v) <Agostino Dati, ... Elegantiolae> . Laurentius e 
Valle elegantiolae feliciter incipiunt (inc: Credimus iamdudum a pie- 
risque viris) (Reggio Emilia: F. Mezzali.-*, ca. 1494, IGI 3571). 

X 

fols. 227-3 Iv. Collation: 18^^"^\ No signatures or catchwords. 

11 (fols. 227-28v) Homerus, Batrachomyomachia translatio Latina Car. 
Marsuppinus (with dedicatory letter to Marasius Siculus) (cf. Resta, 
"Giovanni Marrasio," 271-72) 

12 (fol. 229) Anon., < excerpt. > (inc: Existimas ut reor) 

13 (fol. 229) C. Plinius Caecilius Secundus, Ep. to Cornelius Tacitus (inc: 
Ridebis et licet rideas) {Epistolarum libri decern, ed. Mynors, 1 1 [no. 
1.6]) (fols. 229v-31v) blank. 

History: the codex is not listed in the inventory of books given by 
Guarnerio d'Artegna (1461). It first appears in the inventory of 
Domenico Rangan (cod. 62, 30 June 1528). Casarsa dates the fascicles 
from the last years of activity of Guarnerio's scriptorium, especially 
given the presence of the copyist NiccoHno da Zuglio in fascicles II 
and IX. Half-leather binding over pasteboards from an eighteenth- 
century restoration (two sets of three vertical lines on front and rear 



^* The same translation is preserved in Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.G.19. See 
Francois Fossier, La bibliotheque Famhe: Etude des manuscrits latins et en langue vemacu- 
laire, vol. 3.2 of Le Palais Famhe (Rome: Ecole fran^aise de Rome, 1982), 283-84; and Iter 
6:111b. 



Manuscripts 69 

of leather portion; four nerves on spine framed by three Hnes above 
and below). The fifth panel of the spine has shelf mark CLII assigned 
by Gian Girolamo Coluta in 1766 and below in pencil "Vita S. 
Ambro." 
Bibliography: Mazzatinti, 3:134; Iter 2:568b; Claudio Griggio, "Note 
guarneriane in margine alia recensio dell'epistolario di Francesco Bar- 
baro e alia Mostra di codici umanistici friulani," Lettere italiane 31 
(1979): 217 (no. 25); and Laura Casarsa et al., La Libreria di Guar- 
nerio d'Artegna (Udine: Casamassima Libri, 1991), 397-400. For 
information on the inventories, see Casarsa, Gli inventari antichi 
delta Biblioteca Guameriana di San Daniele del Friuli, Quaderni 
Guarneriani 9 (Udine: Del Bianco, 1986). 

T Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5 
Cart. Watermark: fol. 80, Monts. s. XVII, Padua. 205 X 150 mm. 80 
folios. Foliation in pencil in upper right-hand corner. Collation: 1-10^. 
Signatures A-K on first folio of each fascicle ("F" repeated on fol. 42). 
Catchwords on recto and verso of each folio. 27 lines on ca. 165 X 95 
mm. without ruling. Writing in single column with use of a template. 
Titles centered above individual works and each work has "P. P. Ver- 
gerii" centered below last line. Italic hand of copyist, who also added 
marginal emphases. Smith attributes the notes in the codex to Gian Ro- 
berto Papafava, disagreeing with the catalog's attribution to Rambaldo 
Avogaro. Papafava also completed the titles and collated occasional read- 
ings with the codex Brunaccianus (cf. fol. 38). Binding in pasteboards 
(207 X 155 mm.); broken spine has been taped together. 

History: The codex is entitled "P. P. Vergerii Orationes, Epistolae, et 
Opuscula ex ms. cod. Patavino pugillari apud Zabarellas, cura I. C. 
Z." It is therefore in all likelihood a copy of the manuscript that 
once belonged to Count Giacomo Zabarella in Padua. Given the 
similarities between this collection and the one published by Mura- 
tori, Smith posited that the manuscript used by Muratori was identi- 
cal to the codex in folio of Giacomo Zabarella. From G. B. Rossi to 
the library (stamp: "Municipio di Treviso" on fol. 1). 

Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio, Orationes, Epistolae, et Opuscula . . . 

1 (fol. 1) <Titulum> 

2 (fol. 2) Index rerum 

3 (fols, 3-8v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Ep. de funeralibus Francisci Senioris 

de Carraria . . . {RIS 16:189A-94A) 



70 CHAPTER 3 

4 (fols. 9-13v) PPV, . , . Oratio in funere Francisci Senioris de Carraria 

... (i?/5 16:194B-98C) 

5 (fols. 14-19v) PPV, . . . Ep. de morte Francisci Zabarellae . . . [Epist.y 

362-78 [Ep. 138]) 

6 (fols. 20-32) PPV, . . . Oratio ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria . . . 

pro Communitate Patavina {RIS 16:204-15) (fol. 32v) blank 

7 (fols. 33-38) PPV, . . . Ep. de Virgilii statua Mantuae eversa . . . {Epist., 

189-202 [Ep. 81]) (fol. 38v) blank 

8 (fols. 39-41v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 46-53) 

9 (fols. 42-48 v) Ep. 34 [Epist., 66-78) 

10 (fol. 49r-v) Ep. 16 [Epist., 31-32) 

11 (fol. 50r-v) Ep. 98 [Epist., 249-51) 

12 (fols. 51-52) Col. Salutati, Ep. [Epist., 253-57 [Ep. 100]) 

13 (fols. 52v-55) PPV, . . . Responsio ad epistolam Colutii [Epist., 257-62 
[Ep. 101]) 

14 (fol. 55v) Ep. 114 [Epist., 303-4) 

15 (fols. 56-57) Ep. 120 [Epist., 316-19) 

16 (fols. 57V-58) Ep. 99 [Epist., 251-53) 

17 (fols. 58-59v) Ep. 104 [Epist., 269-73) 

18 (fols. 60-63) PPV, . . . Oratio de laudibus Divi Hieronymi (inc: Sanctis- 
simum doctorem fidei nostrae) 

19 (fols. 63v-65v) PPV, . . . In foeneratores facetissima exprobatio (title 
added by second hand) [Epist., 384-87 [Ep. 140]) 

20 (fols. 66-74v) PPV, <Petrarcae vita> (Solerti, ed., Le vite di Dante, 
Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 294-302) 

21 (fols. 75-76v) PPV, <De situ urbis Iustinopolitanae> [RIS 16:240A- 
41D) 

22 (fol. 77) PPV, . . . < Carmen > Francisco Zabarellae . . . [RIS 16:241D- 
E) (fols. 77v-80v) blank. 

Bibliography: lacopo Filippo Tomasini, Bibliothecae Patavinae manu- 
scriptae publicae et privatae quibus diversi scriptores hactenus incogniti 
recensentur ac illustrantur (Udine, 1639), 93; Biblioteca Comunale di 
Treviso: Catalogo numerico di manoscritti [2 handwritten vols.), 1:1; 
Epist., xxxii, xlvii-xlviii; and Iter 2:195a. 

Tp Treviso, Bibl. Capitoiare, cod. 1.177 

(Sala n. -1-, Scaff. Mss. 2, Lettera A.l no. 6) 

Cart, and membr. (membr. folio at beginning and end protected by 

paper flyleaves). Watermarks: fols. 2-27, Monts, Huchet; fols. 28-180, 



Manuscripts 71 

183-87, Monts, Briquet 11707, att. Padua 1453; fol. 181, Croissant?, s. XV 
(2). 296 X 212 mm. I + 1 + I + 191 + I + 1 + I. Modern foliation in 
pencil in upper right-hand corner; fol. 180 (double). Prior foliation in 
black ink in same corner (several errors: 10, lObis, 85, 85', 103 (double), 
last numbered folio is 180). Oldest foliation in fascicle 13. Collation: l\ 
2-3^°, 4^ 5-8^ 9^°(-'), 10^°, ll^ 12«(+i), 13-15^ 16^ 17^^ 18-21^ 22^ 
Late signatures (letters only on last folio in all fascicles but 18). Use of 
catchwords irregular: when present, generally horizontal and centered 
below last line (at times enclosed on sides and bottom by scroll, e.g., fol. 
57v). Number of lines and ruling varies; an average of 40 lines in the 
Vergerio sermons on ca. 245 X 152 mm. 2-7 line initials (fols. 2-57, 132, 
143); initials and guides often missing. No decoration in the Vergerio 
sermons. Several hands; each of the three Vergerio sermons seems to be 
a distinct Humanist cursive hand. The parchment leaf may have been 
the original binding. 

History: the "lost codex" of Count Onigo di Treviso mentioned by 
Sabbadini.^^ Ex libris of Cathedral Chapter on fol. 1. Codex re- 
stored at the Laboratorio di Restauro del Libro, S. Maria di Rosano 
(Florence). Modern binding in dark brown leather (four nerves on 
the spine). Thong and metal hook to pentagonal clasp on rear cover 
(with IHS cryptogram of Bernardino da Siena). List of contents 
attached to rear pastedown (perhaps same hand that added numera- 
tion in black ink). 

Contents: < Miscellanea humanistica> (according to numeration in pencil) 

1 (fols. Iv, 191) Chancery document [membr) 

2 (fols. 2-26v) Franc. Barbaro, De re uxoria (title in late hand) {De re 

uxoria liber, ed. Gnesotto, 23-100) 

3 (fol. 27r-v) <Guarino da Verona, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 27) Guarino, Ep. 

to Martino Rizzon [Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:537-38 [no. 372]); 2 



^ Remigio Sabbadini, in his edition of Guarino's Epistolario, Miscellanea di storia veneta 
8, 11, 14 (Venice, 1915-19), 3:xxi, summarized the contents on the basis of information in 
Memorie per servire all'istoria letteraria (Venice, 1755), 5.2:9-12, 29, 31, 32, 36, 43-44. Sab- 
badini learned of the existence of the codex late in his work; he notes a variant from the 
codex for Ep. 151 (ibid., 3:105). However, he did not identify the codex in the Biblioteca 
Capitolare with that once in the possession of Count Onigo. The codex may help to resolve 
some problems related to Guarino's Epistolario: 1) Sabbadini based his edition of Ep. 105 
upon Vat. lat. 5197 alone and was unsure of the addressee (here given as Galesio della 
Nichesola); 2) Ep. 74 and Ep. 499, for which Sabbadini had only single codices, are included 
in this sylloge; 3) for Ep. 266, Sabbadini used Munich Clm 418 where the letter is addressed 
to Battista Zendrata (the Treviso codex gives Giannicola Salerno). 



71 CHAPTER 3 

(fol. 27v) Ep. to Martino Rizzon {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:565 
[no. 392]); 3 (fol, 17 v) Ep. to Martino Rizzon {EpistolariOy ed. Sabba- 
dini, 1:529-30 [no. 364]) 

4 (fols. 28-45v) < Gasp. Barzizza, Opera rhetorica > : 1 (fols. 28-37v) 

Gasp. Barzizza, < Epistolae ad exercitationem accommodatae > (inc: 
Gaudeo plurimum) (cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 2.1:433- 
34 [no. 7913]); 2 (fols. 38-45v) Exordia (inc: Exordium per ignaviam. 
Noli existimare quemquam hodie)^'' 

5 (fols. 46-48) < Guarino da Verona, Epistolae > : 1 (fol. 46) Guarino, Ep. 

to Filippo Regino {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:250 [no. 152]); 2 (fol. 
46r-v) Ep. to Filippo Regino {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:251-52 [no. 
153]); 3 (fol. 47) Ep. to Lud. Merchenti {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 
1:249 [no. 151]); 4 (fol. 47r-v) Ep. to Martino Rizzon {Epistolario, ed. 
Sabbadini, 1:634-35 [no. 453]); 5 (fol. 47v) Ep. to Martino Rizzon 
{Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:526-27 [no. 361]) 

6 (fols. 48-49) <Gasp. Barzizza, Opuscula>: 1 (fol. 48) <Gasp. Bar- 

zizza, Epistolae ad exercitationem accommodatae > (inc: Genus hone- 
stum. Nulla re scito iam multis annis) {Opera, ed. Furietti, 1:239-40); 
2 (fols. 48-49) Ep. to Daniele Vettori and Valerio Marcello {Opera, 
ed. Furietti, 1:141-43) 

7 (fol. 49r-v) Franc. Barbaro, Ep. to Enrico Lusignano {Epistolae, ed. 

Quirini, 29-31 [no. 18]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 11) 

8 (fols. 49v-50) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 49v) PPV, Ep. 

114 {Epist., 303-4); 2 (fol. 49v) Ep. Ill {Epist., 319-21); 3 (fols. 49v- 
50) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 

9 (fol. 50r-v) <Anon. (Giovanni da Spilimbergo?), Oratio> (inc: Quod 

redimendi sint socii) 

10 (fols. 50v-51v) Giovanni da Spilimbergo, . . . Ad Marcum Lippomano 
... de congratulatione suae praeturae oratio incipit feliciter (inc: Cum 
viderem praetor magnifice) 

11 (fols. 51v-52v) < Guarino da Verona, Opuscula>: 1 (fols. 51v-52) 
Guarino, Ep. to Mazo de' Mazi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:340-42 



'' The work is assigned to Barzizza on fol. 45v: "Expliciunt Exordia praeclarissimi 
oratoris, magistri Gasparini Pergamensis." It was first published at Padua: <Matthaeus 
Cerdonis>, 12 December 1483. On BArzizzz's Epistolae ad exercitationem accommodatae, see 
the remarks of Gilles Gerard Meersseman, "La raccolta dell'umanista fiammingo Giovanni 
de Veris De arte epistolandi," IMU 15 (1972): 235-37. The collection of 165 letters in 
Ciceronian Latin served to teach epistolary style and republican ideology. 



Manuscripts 73 

[no. 213]); 2 (fol. 52r-v) Oratio . . . inprincipio rhetoricae {Epistola rio, 
ed. Sabbadini, 1:342-44) 

12 (fols. 52v-53v) Ant. de Cumpteis?, Copia responsionis ad citationem 
domini Benedicti XIII decretam per Concilium Constantiae, dated Pe- 
niscola, 30 December 1416 (inc: Benedictus episcopus . . . Audiant 
caeli quae loquimur) (cf. Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 357 [/ codici del Pe- 
trarca, 209]) 

13 (fols. 53v-54) Anon., Ep. to Marchese Lud. < Gonzaga? > (inc: Desi- 
derio magno desideravi)'^ 

14 (fol. 54r-v) Simone De Lellis da Teramo?, Oratio vel epistola ... in 
compatrem . . . Guedonem de Francia (inc: Inopinata doloris sagitta 
percussus) (diagonal line through text; cf. Brandmiiller, "Simon de 
Lellis," 259)^' 

15 (fol. 54v) Anon., Ep. (inc: locundissimae fuerunt mihi litterae tuae)^ 

16 (fol. 54v) Anon., Ep. consolatoria (inc: Pleni fuimus anxietatibus et 
maerore)^^ 

17 (fols. 54v-55v) Anon., Ep.} regarding death and funeral of Gianga- 
leazzo Visconti (d. 1402) (inc: Stella cometa longe satis patula) 

18 (fols. 55v-56v) Gasp. Barzizza, Oratio ... in laudem Martini summi 
pontificis . . . {Opera, ed. Furietti, 1:76-79) 

19 (fols. 56v-65) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae>: 1 (fols. 56v-57v) 
PPV, Ep. 128 {Epist., 339-43); 2 (fol. 57v) Ep. 99 {Epist., 251-53); 3 
(fols. 57v-58v) Ep. 104 {Epist., 269-73); 4 (fols. 58v-59) Ep. 48 {Epist., 
109-12); 5 (fol. 59) Ep. 51 {Epist., 115-18); 6 (fol. 59r-v) Ep. 52 {Epist., 
118-19); 7 (fols. 59v-60) Ep. 53 {Epist., 119-20); 8 (fol. 60) Ep. 55 
{Epist., 123-24); 9 (fol. 60r-v) Ep. 57 {Epist., 126); 10 (fols. 60v-61) Ep. 
58 {Epist., 127-31); 11 (fol. 61r-v) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42); 12 (fols. 



^ The same work is preserved in cod. Arundel 70 (Anon., Oratio gratulatoria in nativi- 
tate filii marchionis). 

" The same work is preserved in cod. Arundel 70, cod. Ambros. D 93 sup., and cod. 
Mun. UnivB. Folio 607. On the Ambrosiana codex, see Giorgio Ronconi, "II giurista Lauro 
Palazzolo, la sua famiglia, e I'attivita oratoria, accademica, c pubblica," Q^ademi per la 
storia dell'Universita di Padova 17 (1984): 39 n. 138. 

*° The letter mentions an "execrabile facinus" of a Vitalianus. The Cronaca Carrarese of 
Galeazzo and Bartolomeo Gatari, RIS, n.s., 17.1:482 n. 6, 566, 577, mentions three possibly 
relevant episodes from the life of Palamino Vitaliani, scion of a wealthy Paduan family. In 
1400, Vitaliani wounded Ludovico da Montecatini; in 1405, he attempted with other Pa- 
duans to surrender the city to the Venetians; and in 1411, he informed the Dieci in Venice 
of his willingness to murder Marsilio da Carrara or to arrange for his murder. 

*' The same work is preserved in cod. Arundel 70 (Anon., Ep. consolatoria ad/ratrem 
eius Franciscum de morte Jiliae), cod. Ambros. D 93 sup., and cod. Mun. UnivB. Folio 607. 



74 CHAPTER 3 

61V-62) Ep. 64 [Epist, 154-56); 13 (fol. 62r-v) Ep. 65 {Epist., 156-57); 
14 (fol. 62v) Ep. 68 (£/?wf., 160-61); 15 (fols. 62v-63v) Ep. 69 (fpwf., 
162-65); 16 (fols. 63v-64) Ep. 77 {Epist., 182-83); 17 (fols. 64-65) Ep. 
101 {Epist., 257-62) 

20 (fols. 65v-69) < Guarino da Verona, Epistolae et oratio > : 1 (fol. 65v) 
Guarino, Ep. to Ugo Mazzolato {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:524-25 
[no. 359]); 2 (fols. 65v-66v) Ep. to Manuel Chrysoloras {Epistolario, 
ed. Sabbadini, 1:19-21 [no. 7]) (fol. 67r-v) blank; 3 (fols. 68-69) 
Laudatio . . . Francisci Pisani Veronensis praetoris . . . acta (inc: Anim- 
adverti saepenumero magnifici viri) (cf. Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 349 [/ 
codici del Petrarca, 201]) 

21 (fols. 69-77) <Leon. Giustiniani, Orationes>: 1 (fols. 69-72) <Leon. 
Giustiniani > , Adc. v. Georgium Lauredanum funehris oratio (Molin, 
ed., Orazioni, 1:12-20); 2 (fols. 72-77) . . . Oratio habita infunere . . . 
Caroli 2eni . . . {RIS, n.s., 19.6:141-46) 

22 (fols. 77v-81) Andr. Giuliano, . . . Oratio infunere . . . Manuelis Chry- 
solorae habita . . . (ed. Boerner, De doctis hominibus Graecis, 16-35) 

23 (fols. 81-88v) < Guarino da Verona, Epistolae>: 1 (fols. 81-85) 
Guarino, Ep. to loan. Chrysoloras {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:62-71 
[no. 25]); 2 (fols. 85-86) Ep. to PPV {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:72- 
75 [no. 27]; Epist., 356-60 [no. 136]); 3 (fols. 86-87) Ep. to Giacomo 
Fabbri {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:112-14 [no. 54]); 4 (fol. 87) Ep. to 
Galesio della Nichesola {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:183-84 [no. 
102]); 5 (fol. 87) Ep. to Galesio della Nichesola {Epistolario, ed. Sab- 
badini, 1:193-94 [no. 110]); 6 (fol. 87r-v) Ep. to Galesio della Niche- 
sola {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:86-87 [no. 105]); 7 (fol. 87v) Ep. to 
Galesio della Nichesola {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:148-49 [no. 74]); 
8 (fols. 87v-88) Ep. to Ant. Corbinelli {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 
1:213-15 [no. 125]); 9 (fol. 88r-v) Ep. to Agostino Montagna {Episto- 
lario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:690-92 [no. 499]) 

24 (fols. 88v-89) Leon. Bruni, < Oratio infunere Othonis adulescentuli> 
(ed. Santini, "Leonardo Bruni Aretino," 142-45) 

25 (fols. 89-90v) Ps. Paulus et Ps. Seneca, Epistolae {L. Annaei Senecae 
Opera . . . supplementum, ed. Haase, 74-79) 

26 (fols. 90v-93) < Guarino da Verona, Epistolae >: 1 (fols. 90v-91v) 
Guarino, Ep. to Giannicola Salerno {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:261- 
64 [no. 159]) (fol. 92) blank; 2 (fol. 92v) Ep. to Giannicola Salerno.> 
{Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:413 [no. 266], who gives Battista Zen- 
drata as the addressee); 3 (fols. 92v-93) Ep. to Giannicola Salerno 
{Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:218-19 [no. 128]); 4 (fol. 93) Ep. to 



Manuscripts 75 

Giannicola Salerno {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:153-54 [no. 79]) 

27 (fols. 93-94v) < Franc. Barbaro, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 93r-v) Franc. Bar- 
baro, Ep. to Giannicola Salerno {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 23-24 [no. 
13]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 13); 2 (fols. 93v-94) Ep. to Palla Strozzi {Epi- 
stolae, ed. Quirini, 22-23 [no. 12]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 13); 3 (fol. 94r- 
v) Ep. to Giannicola Salerno {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 24-26 [no. 14]; 
Sabbadini, Lettere, 13) 

28 (fols. 94v-98) <Guarino da Verona, Epistolae et oratio>: 1 (fols. 
94v-95) Guarino, Ep. to Fantino Zorzi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 
1:677-79 [no. 485]); 2 (fols. 95-96) Ep. to Tommaso Fano and Zeno 
Ottobelli [Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:238-41 [no. 145]); 3 (fols. 96- 
97) < Oratio ad Bartholomaeum Storladum praetorem Veronae> (inc: 
Superiori tempore vir magnifice);'*^ 4 (fol. 97r-v) £p. to Mazo de' 
Mazi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:211-12 [no. 124]); 5 (fol. 97v) Ep. 
to Mazo de' Mazi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:217-18 [no. 127]); 6 
(fols. 97v-98) Ep. to Mazo de' Mazi [Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:216- 
17 [no. 126]); 7 (fol. 98) Ep. to Cristoforo Sabbion [Epistolario, ed. 
Sabbadini, 1:396-97 [no. 255]) (fols. 98v-101) blank 

29 (fols. lOlv-5) < Gasp. Barzizza, Sermones et orationes>: 1 (fols. lOlv- 
2) Gasp. Barzizza, . . . Sermo . . . quern protulit . . . dominus generalis 
fratrum humiliatorum de domo Viscomitorum in suo publico conventu 
decretalium [Opera, ed. Furietti, 1:64-66); 2 (fols. 102-3) Sermo editus 
... in contemplatione magistri Baptistae de Viterbio in suo principio 
artium (inc: Cum saepe mecum reputarem) (cf. Sabbadini, "Lettere 
ed orazioni," 826 [no. 6]); 3 (fol. 103r-v) Sermo ... in principio 
rhetoricae Tulii (inc: Etsi frequens conspectus vester) (cf. Sabbadini, 
ibid., 827 [no. 13]); 4 (fols. 103v-4) < Oratio de laudibus philoso- 
phiae> (inc: Maxime vellem patres eruditissimi ea) (cf. Sabbadini, 
ibid., 828 [no. 27]); 5 (fol. 104r-v) <Oratio ... de laudibus philoso- 
phiae> (inc: Si quis fructus est) (cf. Sabbadini, ibid., 830 [no. 61]); 6 
(fols. 104v-5) In principio disputationis sermo factus . . . (inc: Si quid 
est patres doctissimi quod) (cf. Sabbadini, ibid., 830 [no. 59]) (fol. 
105, note in pencil: "qui il copista e incorso nell'errore di trascri- 
vere— dopo la prima riga— il Sermo Zachariae ad summum pont. Gre- 
gorium XII— di cui piu avanti al fol. 104," i.e., fol. 108v according to 
new foliation) 



*^ The same oration is found in cod. Arundel 70, cod. Arundel 138, cod. Ambros. D 93 
sup., and cod. Mun. UnivB. Folio 607. 



76 CHAPTER 3 

30 (fol. 107) Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna, Ep. to Franc. Zabarella 
(inc: Reverendissime domine karissime conviva ille) (cf. Kohl, 
"Works," 354) 

31 (fols. 107-8v) < Franc, Zabarella, Sermones>: 1 (fols. 107-8) Franc. 
Zabarella, Sermo prolatus . . . cum primo promotus fuit ad dignitatem 
episcopatus Florentini in visitatione sanctissimi pontificis loannis papae 
. . . (inc: Ex prudentum consiliis beatissime pater) (also in Vienna lat. 
5513, fols. 104-5); 2 (fol. 108r-v) Ad summum pontificem per episco- 
pum quendam . . . sermo . . . (inc: Dedisti laetitiam in corde meo 

<Psal. 4> In sacris litteris) (also in Vienna lat. 5513, fols. 103v-4) 

32 (fols. 108v-9, 105-7?) Zaccaria Trevisan, Oratio ad summum ponti- 
ficem Gregorium XII pro ecclesiae sanctae Dei unione conficienda facta 
. . . (ed. Gothein, "Trevisan," 34-42) 

33 (fol. 109r-v) <Pietro Marcello?, Declamationes? > (short speeches 
attributed to Demades and Demosthenes) (ed. Sabbadini, "Pietro 
Marcello," 241-42; cf. Bertalot, Studien, 1:246-47) 

34 (fols. 109v-ll, fol. 110 blank) < Zaccaria Trevisan > , Oratio addomi- 
num Avenionensem pro redintegratione ecclesiae (ed. Gothein, "Trevi- 
san," 43-46) 

35 (fol. 1 1 1 v) lacopo da Forli, Sermo quidam ... in praesentatione 
cui <us> dam scholaris (inc: Constat viri egregii apud veteres)"*^ 

36 (fols. lllv-12) Anon. (Gasp. Barzizza), Sermo . . . in praesentatione al- 
terius<?> (inc: Insigne ac amplissimum deorum immortalium mu- 
nus) (cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 2.1:533 [no. 9708])'*^ 

37 (fol. 112r-v) Anon. (lacopo da Forli?), Sermo pro conventu liberalium 
artium editus (inc: Etsi huius divinae rei magnitudo) 

38 (fols. 112v-13) Anon. (lacopo da Forli.^), Sermo praesentationis<f> 

. . . lacobo Forliviensi etc. (inc: Victrix aeternis tuos expectas labores) 

39 (fol. 113) Anon., Ep. consolatoria de morte (inc: Heu triste admodum 



^' Tiziana Pesenti, Professori e promotori di medicina nello Studio di Padova dal 1405 al 
1309: Repertorio bio-bibliogra/ico, Contributi alia storia dell'Universita di Padova 16 (Padua: 
Centre per la storia dell'Universita, and Trieste: LINT, 1984), 109-10, identified this 
oration as the Pro domino Lauro Bragadino in conventu eius of 1409, which is preserved in 
Vat. lat. 5223, fol. 163r-v. However, the incipit of that oration (Cum varietatem aetatum 
nostrarum quae mihi plurima semper visa est) does not match that in the Treviso codex. 

** Gasparino Barzizza had composed a model sermon (with this incipit) to celebrate the 
awarding of a laurea. Lauro Palazzolo then used the exordium verbatim (with the same 
incipit) in his oration to celebrate Taddeo Quirini's attainment of a laurea in utroque iure; 
see Ronconi, "II giurista Lauro Palazzolo," 39. 



Manuscripts 77^ 

et luctuosum novum) (cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 2.1:479 
[no. 8715])^5 

40 (fol. 113r-v) Anon., Ep. consolatoria (inc: Heu dolenti animoque un- 
dantibus oculis) 

41 (fol. 113v) Anon., <Sermo}> (inc: Accipite et comedite hoc est cor- 
pus meum < Matt. 26:26 > Non satis possum divina mysteria) 

42 (fols. 113v-14) <Pietro Marcello?, Declamatio> Demosthenes, ... 
Pro Athenis ad regem Alexandrum oratio (inc: Nihil habet rex Alexan- 
der) (ed. Sabbadini, "Pietro Marcello," 243-44) 

43 (fols. 114-17v) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae et sermo>: 1 (fol. 
114r-v) PPV, Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47); 2 (fols. 114v-15) Ep. 131 
{Epist., 347-48); 3 (fols. 115-16) Ep. 75 {Epist., 176-79); 4 (fols. 116- 
17v) . . . Sermo omatissimus in honore Sancti Hieronymi Senis per 
ipsum editum 1408 (inc: Quotiens reverendissimi patres fratresque 
karissimi) 

44 (fols. 118-21) <Leon. Bruni, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 118r-v) Guarino, Ep. 
to Leon. Bruni {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 2:403-4 [no. 767]; cf. 
Luiso, Studi, 187, 203). 2 (fol. 118v) Leon. Bruni, Ep. to Flavio 
Biondo {Epistolarum libri VIII, ed. Mehus, 2:180-81 [10.10]; cf. Luiso, 
Studi, 138); 3 (fol. 119r-v) . . , Praefatio addominum Eugenium papam 
quartum < super translatione Politicorum Aristotelis> {Schriften, ed. 
Baron, 70-73). 4 (fol. 120r-v) Flavio Biondo, Ep. to Leon. Bruni 
{Scritti inediti e rari, ed. Nogara, 93-94; ed. Luiso, Studi, 181-82). 5 
(fol. 120v) Leon. Bruni, Ep. to Guarino {Epistolarum libri VIII, ed. 
Mehus, 2:186-87 [10.16]; cf. Luiso, Studi, 158-59; Epistolario, ed. 
Sabbadini, 2:404 [no. 768]); 6 (fol. 120v) Ep. to Nic. Cavitelli {Episto- 
larum libri VIII, ed. Mehus, 2:190-91 [10.20]; cf. Luiso, Studi, 159); 7 
(fol. 121) Ep. to Tommaso Cambiatore {Epistolarum libri VIII, ed. 
Mehus, 2:192 [10.21]; cf. Luiso, Studi, 131) (fol. 121v) blank 

45 (fols. 122-30) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Orationes et sermo>: 1 (fols. 
122-27v) PPV, Ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria oratio pro populo 
(title at end) {RIS 16:204-15); 2 (fols. 128-29) . . . Oratio in honorem 
gloriosi Hieronymi (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae); 3 (fols. 
129v-30) Sermo editus in festo Sancti Hieronymi . . . (inc: Praestantis- 
simi viri atque optimi patres . . . Sermo mihi hodie ad vos, fragm.) 
(fols. 130v-31v) blank 



■•^ The same letter is preserved in cod. Arundel 70, cod. Ambros. D 93 sup., and cod. 
Mun. UnivB. Folio 607. 



78 CHAPTER 3 

46 (fols. 132-34) Ps. Seneca, Liber de moribus (inc: Omne peccatum) (cf. 
Bloomfield et al., Incipits, 306 [no. 3609]; Meersseman, "Seneca mae- 
stro," 51-53) 

47 (fols, 134-35v) Gregorius Magnus, Haec sunt notabilia excerpta de 
libro moralium Beati Job . . , (fol. 136r-v) blank 

48 (fol. 137r-v) < Tobias Burgus, Oratio nuptialis> (inc: Non eram ne- 
scius viri magnifici et cives ornatissimi anteaquam)'*^ 

49 (fols. 137v-38) <Guarino da Verona, Ep.> to Leonello d'Este {Epi- 
stolario, ed. Sabbadini, 2:164-67 [no. 620], fragm.) (fols. 138v-42v) 
blank 

50 (fol. 143) PPV, Ep. 128 (fragm.) (fol. 143v) blank 

51 (fols. 144-45v) Anon., < excerpt. > (inc: Aquae furtivae.^ dulciores 
sunt) 

52 (fol. 145r-v) Anon. (Ps. Seneca?), De contemptu fortuitorum bonorum 
(inc: Nusquam est qui non est) 

53 (fols. 146-47) Leon. Bruni, Ep. to Roberto de' Rossi [Epistolarum libri 

VIII, ed. Mehus, 1:57-59 [2.20]; cf. Luiso, Studi, 49) 

54 (fol. 147v) Sapientes Vincentini, <Ep. > . , . dominis ad utilia magnifi- 
cae comitatis Tarvisinis de pietatis fratribus observandissimus < sic > 
(inc: Spectatissimi viri ac observandissimi fratres non possumus, 
dated Vicenza, 31 January 1460) 

55 (fol. 148) Ps. Plutarchus, Ep. to Trajan (inc: Modestiam tuam nove- 
ram) (cf. Bertalot, Studien, 1:17, 2:248; and Boese, Die lateinischen 
Handschriften der Sammlung Hamilton, 127, 260) 

56 (fol. 148) Antonius, <Ep.> M. Cicero (inc: Occupationibus est) 
{C\cevo Ad Att. 14.13A) (fols. 148v-83v) blank 

57 (fols. 184-85) Ps. Cicero, <Invectiva in Catilinam> (inc: Non est 
tempus otii) (cf. Sottili, IMU 18 [1975]: 52 [I codici del Petrarca, 724]) 
(fols. 185V-88) blank 

58 (fol, 188v) Anon., Tulii epitaphia a duodecim sapientibus edita (inc: 
Hie iacet Arpinas manibus tumulatus amici) (cf. Schaller and Kons- 
gen, Initia Carminum Latinorum Saeculo Undecimo Antiquiorum, 291 
[no. 6449]) (fols. 189-90v) blank. 

Bibliography: Remigio Sabbadini, ed., Epistolario di Guarino, Miscellanea 
di storia veneta 8, 11, 14 (Venice, 1915-19), 3:xxi; and /rer 2:194a-b. 



The same oration is preserved in cod. Arundel 70 and cod. Anibros. D 93 sup. 



Manuscripts 79 

TV Trier, Stadtbibliothek, cod. 788/1372 
Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Cart. s. XV (ex.), 
German Empire. 141 X 106 mm. IV + 240. Folios numbered uniformly 
throughout. Monastic binding of woodboards covered by brown leather. 
The front cover is divided by a diagonal line into triangles, in which 
designs resembling an oak-leaf are stamped. Upper edge of front cover 
has the stamp "Jhesus Maria." The binding has a brass closure. The 
handwriting of the Vergerio oration is a Gothic script typical of the 
German-speaking areas of Europe. 

History: The manuscript passed from the Eberhardsklausen to the li- 
brary in 1802. 
Contents: 

1 (flyleaves) German poetry and excerpt, from Gulielmus Parisiensis 

2 (fols. 1-15) < Thomas a Kempis>, De imitatione Christi liber I 

3 (fols. 16-36) <Ps. Hieronymus>, Ammonitio de laude caritatis 

(inc: Tuae non immemor petitionis banc commonitiunculam) {PL 
134:915-98; cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:235-41, 4:253- 
54) 

4 (fols. 37-46) < loan, de Scoenhovia > , De contemptu mundi (inc: No- 

lite diligere mundum neque ea) (cf. Gruijs, "Jean de Schoonhoven," 
39) 

5 (fols. 47-48) <Petr. Cellensis, O.S.B., Sermo> (inc: Cor mundum 

crea in me Deus) [PL 202:802-5; cf. Schneyer, Repertorium, 4:633) 

6 (fols. 49-68) Anon., De mysteriis missae (inc: Missa secundum Innocen- 

tium tertium) 

7 (fols. 68-71) Anon., <Praecepta abbatis> 

8 (fols. 71v-73) < excerpt. > : de societate mala; departu virginis; de nativi- 

tate domini; Hieronymus, de clericis (fol. 74) blank 

9 (fols. 75-S7) Anon., Quaestiones super oratione dominica (inc: Adver- 

tendum Thomas de Aquino dicit) (cf. Bloomfield et al., Incipits, 679 
[no. 9199]) 

10 (fol. 88) Anon., < Tabula monasteriorum> (inc: Domus campi Beatae 
Mariae in Amsterdam) 

11 (fols. 88v-96) < excerpt. > 

12 (fol. 97) Anon., < Exercitationes grammaticae} > 

13 (fol. 97v) Auctoritates Tobiae de amore (inc: Est amor iniustus iudex 
adversa maritans) 

14 (fol. 98) Auctoritates Alani de amore (inc: Pax odio fraudique fides) 

15 (fols. 98v-99) Auctoritates de amore quae habentur in registro morali 



80 CHAPTER 3 

16 (fols. 99v-100) Auctoritates de amore quae habentur in metro de mori- 
bus 

17 (fol. lOOv) Hieronymus, <excerpt.> 

18 (fol. 101) Anon., Fratres quidam volentes venire ad Beatum Antonium 

19 (fols. 102-21) <Nic. Maniacoria>, Vita Beati Hieronymi ... (inc: 
Beati Hieronymi vitam diversis auctoribus) {PL 22:183-202; cf. Lam- 
bert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:664-65) 

20 (fols. 121v-25) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero- 
nymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem 
fidei nostrae) (copied from the edition printed at Venice on 22 
January 1476) 

21 (fols. 125-31) Ps. Hieronymus, <Ep.> ad Eustochium de vinculis 
Beati Petri (inc: Saepissimo rogatu o virgo Christi) {PL 30:233-40) 

22 (fols. 131-38) Ps. Hieronymus, <Homilia> de corpore et sanguine 
Christi (inc: Magnitudo caelestium beneficiorum) {PL 30:280-84) 

23 (fols. 138-40) Ps. Hieronymus, Sermo de assumptione (inc: Scientes 
fratres dilectissimi) {PL 30:147-48) (fols. 140v-41) blank 

24 (fols. 142-69) Alcuinus, Vita Sancti Willibrordi (inc: Domino eximio) 
{PL 101:693-724) (fol. 170) blank 

25 (fols. 171-81) Anon. <Ps. Hieronymus, Ps. Augustinus, Ps. Bernar- 
dus, etc. >, Speculum peccatorum (inc: Quoniam karissimi in via; 
colophon reads "Datum anno Domini 1420 in profesto Martini epi- 
scopi, completum per manus loannis Geseken") {PL 40:983-92; cf. 
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana^ 3:490-96, 4:260-62) 

26 (fol. 182) Anon., Nota quod septem sunt virtutes missae 

17 (fols. 183-203) < David ab Augusta, O.F.M.>, Speculum monacho- 
rum (inc: Primo considerare debes quare) {PL 184:1189-98) 

28 (fol. 204) Augustinus, < excerpt. > (fols. 205-6) blank 

29 (fols. 207-37) Joannes, Ep. missa Hemescirc < Heemskerk > suo dilectis- 
simo cognato (inc: Dilectissimo mihi in Christo) 

30 (fols. 237v-38) Anon., Nota de mulieribus 

31 (fol. 238v) Anon., German prayer (inc: Jesu der hemmelsche Arste 
gedenke) (fols. 239-40) blank 

32 (fol. 240v) Anon., German proverbs. 

Bibliography: M. Keufer, A. Becker, and G. Kentenich, Beschreibendes 
Verzeichnis der Handschriften der Stadtbibliothek zu Trier (Trier, 
1899-1931), 6:112-14; and Iter 3:717b. 



Manuscripts 81 

V Venice, Bibl. Naz. Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.239 (4500) 
Cart, in quarto. Composite codex, s. XV (m.), Italy. 193 X 147 mm. I + 
47 + I. Late foliation in ink in upper right-hand corner (fol. 22 bound 
out of order). Marginal cross-references in a later Italic hand and modern 
bibliographical notes in black ink and pencil throughout the codex. 
Table of contents on front flyleaf (s. XVIII). 

I 

fols. l-36v. Watermark: fols. 2-15, Basilic, sim. Briquet 2680, att. 
Reggio-Emilia, 1448. Collation: 1-2^^, 3'*. No signatures. Horizontal 
catchwords centered below last line (fols. 16v, 32v); the catchwords on 
fol. 16v read "Non lex dei" and the text on fol. 17 begins "Num lex 
dei." 22 lines per page on ca. 130 X 85 mm. without ruling. Written in 
ink in a single column. Initials enlarged and written outside left margin. 
Humanist cursive hand of high quality. The same scribe made some 
marginal corrections, and he used a. finis explicit. 

1 (fols. l-8v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, Sermo de Beato Hieronymo in modum 

orationis editus . . . (inc: Praestantissimi viri atque optimi patres 
. . . Sermo mihi hodie ad vos) 

2 (fols. 8v-14v) Ant. Loschi, < Ep. > ad . . . Nicolaum marchionem 

Estensem . . . de morte domini Octonis Tertii . . ., dated Vicenza, 1409 
{RIS 18:1066-70)^^ 

3 (fol. 14v) Anon., < Carmen > (introduction and six hexameters from 

cathedral of Chieti) (inc: Sum caput Achillis quondam dominatus in 
urbe) (Ravizza, Epigrammi antichi, 11) 

4 (fols. 15-18, 22) Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam 

. . . epistola de dispositione vitae suae, dialogus (ed. Ferrante, "Lom- 
bardo della Seta," 480-87) 

5 (fols. 18v-21, 23-25) Pierpaolo Vergerio, Oratio infunere domini Fran- 

cisci Senioris de Carraria de laudibus eius {RIS 16:194B-98C) 

6 (fols. 25v-27v) Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Pandolfo Malatesta (Familiares 

22.1) 

7 (fols. 28-29v) Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Lombardo della Seta {Seniles 

11.11) 



*'' On the circumstances surrounding the letter, see Vittorio Zaccaria, Le epistole e i 
carmi di Antonio Loschi durante il cancellierato visconteo (con tredici inediti), Atti e Memorie: 
Classe di scienze morali, storiche, e filologiche, ser. 7, vol. 18, fasc. 5 (Rome: Accademia 
Nazionale dei Lincei, 1975), 394-95 n. 66, 402. 



82 CHAPTER 3 

8 (fols. 30-36v) < Pierpaolo Vergerio > , Ep. seu oratio de honore, pompa, 

et ordine hahitis in exequiis domini Francisci de Carraria [RIS 
16:189A-94A). 

n 

fols. 37-43 V. Watermark: fols. 38-41, Couronne, sim. Briquet 4764, att. 
Parma, 1492. Collation: 4^^~^\ No signatures or catchwords. 26 lines on 
122 X 82 mm. bounded by single vertical lines. Written in ink in a 
single column. Humanist cursive hand that inclines noticeably to the 
right. The scribe used a telos explicit. 

9 (fols. 37-43v) Enea Silvio Piccolomini, < Ep. > to Prokop von Rab- 

stein, dated Vienna, 26 June 1444 {Der Briefwechsel, ed. Wolkan, 
1:343-53 [no. 151]). 

Ill 
fols. 44-47v. Watermark: fols. 44-45, Huchet, sim. Briquet 7693, att. 
Naples, 1459, var. ident. Naples, 1461-65, Rome, 1461-79, Mantua, 
1462, Palermo, 1469. Collation: 5'^. No signatures or catchwords. An 
average of 28 lines on ca. 158 X 90 mm. bounded by single vertical lines 
and an upper horizontal margin. Written in ink in a single column. 
Titles, initials, marginalia, and telos explicit in red ink. Humanist cursive 
hand with minimal ligatures (minuscule d is notable for an ascender that 
angles to the left and curves back toward the top). 

10 (fols. 44-47) Martino Filetico, , . . Libro quinto de noctibus Romanis 
(inc: Cenabamus apud loannem MazancoUum) (with dedicatory 
letter to Alessandro Sforza, inc: Diebus superioribus quam apud 
te)^« 

11 (fol. 47v) < Anon. > , Index textuum evangeliorum ex quibus loca mo- 
ralia in promptuario dominicali eruuntur (fragm.) (for Thomas Sta- 
pleton, Promptuarium morale super Evangelia dominicalia totiusanni, 



"•* Filetico tutored the children of Alessandro beginning in 1456. On his career, see 
Remigio Sabbadini, Epistolario di Guarino, 3:474-76; Giovanni Mercati, "Tre dettati 
universitari dell'umanista Martino Filetico sopra Persio, Giovenale, ed Orazio," in Leslie 
Webber Jones, ed., Classical and Mediaeval Studies in Honor of Edward Kenneth Rand, 
Presented upon the Completion of His Fortieth Year of Teaching (New York, 1938), 221-30; 
and Carlo Dionisotti, " 'Lavinia venit litora': Polemica virgiliana di M. Filetico," IMU 1 
(1958): 296-97, 307-10. Filetico expressed admiration for Vergerio in his commentary on 
Cicero's De senectute (cited by Dionisotti, ibid., 308 n. 4, from London, British Library, cod. 
Add. 10384: "quem <PPV> doctrina et eloquentia Ciceronem secundum audeo 
appellare"). 



Manuscripts 83 

Opera, 4:l-542v; the same scribe who copied this fragment apparent- 
ly wrote marginal comments in part I). 

History: from lacopo Morelli (cod. 279) to the Marciana in 1819. Binding 
of pasteboards covered by brown marbled paper (194 X 148 mm.). 
New library shelfmark pasted onto the lower part of spine. 

Bibliography: Valentinelli, Codici manoscritti d'opere di Francesco Pe- 
trarca, 41 (no. 44), 45-46 (no. 49), 47-48 (no. 52); Zorzanello, Cata- 
logo, 3:398-99; Ferrante, "Lombardo della Seta," 478-79; and Iter 
2:248b. 

Z Toledo, Archive y Biblioteca Capitolares, cod. 102, 17 
Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Cart. 1496-1497, Marti- 
nengo (Province of Bergamo). 284 fols. Colophons by Romelius Gua- 
lenus de Solto (fol. 28: "sub die 7 lulii 1496 in oppido Martinengi per 
Romelium Gualenum de Solto ibidem ludi praeceptorem et notarium"; 
fol. 67v: "transcriptae per me Romelium olim domini Marchesii de Gua- 
lenis de Solto pubis scholasticae rectorem sub luce tertia mensis Octobris 
millesimo quadringentesimo nonagesimo VI Martinengi"; fol. 95: "Per 
me Romelium de Solto in Martinengo anno salutis 1497 die 29 lulii"). 
Humanist cursive hand for the Vergerio sermon. 

History: from Cardinal Francisco Javier Zelada (1717-1801) to the Chap- 
ter Library in Toledo in 1796-97.'^^ 
Contents: 

1 (fols. ?-.^) Pamphylus Moratus, < Carmen > (damaged) 

2 (fols. ?-28) Claudius Claudianus, <Carmina}>^ 

3 (fols. 41-46) loan. Matias Tyberinus, . . . <Ep. > senatui populoque Bri- 

xiano de morte Beati Simonis < Tridentini> (cf. BHL 2:1124) 

4 (fol. 46v) Pamphylus Moratus, <Carmen> ad Andr. Leonum ex car- 

cere 



*' Zelada managed to move most of his codices from Rome before the arrival of the 
French revolutionaries. On his library, see Jose M. March, "Documentos insignes que 
pertenecieron al Cardenal Zelada tocantes a la Compania de Jesus," Archivum Historicum 
Societatis lesu 18 (1949): 119-20; Giovanni Mercati, Note per la storia di alcune hiblioteche 
romane nei secoli XVI-XIX, Studi e testi 164 (Vatican City: BAV, 1952), 64-65, 68-69; and 
Jeanne Bignami-Odier, La Bibliotheque Vaticane de Sixte IV a Pie XI: Recherches sur I'histoire 
des collections de manuscrits, Studi e testi 272 (Vatican City: BAV, 1973), 184, 192 n. 17, 209, 
219-20 n. 23. 

^ The Toledo codex is not included in the massive catalog of Claudian manuscripts 
supplied by J. B. Hall, Prolegomena to Claudian, Bulletin Supplement 45 (London: Universi- 
ty of London, Institute of Classical Studies, 1986), 4-39. 



84 CHAPTER 3 

5 (fols. 47-48?) Cristoforo Barzizza, Oratio edita . . . ad benedictionem 

campanae 

6 (fol. 48r-v) Pamphylus Moratus, < Carmen > 

7 (fols. 49-67v) Laudivio Zacchia, ed., Epistolae Magni Turci (Rome: 

loannes Philippus de Lignamine, 17 Nov. 1473), Hain 10506; IGI 
5965; and lERS 203 

8 (fol. 68) Anon., De Hermafrodito (inc: Cum mea me genitrix) (cf. 

Walther, Initia, 183 [no. 3662], 247 [no. 4902])^^ 

9 (fols. 68v-69) Pamphylus Moratus, < Carmen > 

10 (fol. 69 v) Phalaris Paurolae filio translatio Latina (inc: Maxime utrum- 
que) 

11 (fols. .•*-95) A. Persius Flaccus, Saturae 

(fols. 115-18v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero- 
nymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem 
fidei nostrae) (copied from volume one of the editio princeps printed 
at Rome, 1468). 

Bibliography: Iter 4:647b. Dr. Ramon Gonzalvez, director of the library, 
summarized the remaining contents of the codex as "diverse works 
of Jerome principally and of Augustine in lesser quantity, and a 
letter of Pope Damasus to Jerome." 



^' In 1466, Pamphylus Moratus copied the Hermaphroditus of Antonio Panormita into 
cod. Vat. lat. 3164 (see Iter 2:359a). 



CHAPTER 4 

Printed Editions' 



1 Hieronymus, S. Tractatus et epistolae, ed. Giannandrea Bussi. 2 vols. 

<Rome: in domo Petri Maximi (Conrad Sweynheym & Arnold 

Pannartz), 13 December 1468 > . 
z (Irfols. 301-2) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti 

Hieronymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum 

doctorem fidei nostrae) 
Bibliography: Hain 8551; BMC 4:5; /G/4733; and lERS 10. 

2 Aristeas de septuaginta interpretibus translatio Latina Mathias Palme- 

rius. Hieronymus, S. Epistolae, ed. Teodoro De Lellis. < Rome: Six- 
tus Riessinger, ca. 1468 > . 

(l:fols. 368-69v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero- 
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum 
doctorem fidei nostrae) 

Bibliography: Hain *8550; BMC 4:27; IGI 4734; and lERS 6. 



' The following incunabular editions of the works of Jerome do not have any of 
Vergerio's sermons: 

a. Epistolae < Strasbourg: Johann Mentelin, not after 1469 >, Hain *8549. 

b. Epistolae (Mainz: Peter Schoeffer, 7 September 1470), Hain *8553-54. 

c. Epistolae ^asel: Nikolaus Kessler, 8 August 1492), Hain *8561. 

d. Epistolae (Basel: Nikolaus Kessler, 1497), Hain *8565. 

e. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum ex epistolis S. Hieronymi excerpta, Italian 

translation Matteo da Ferrara (Ferrara: Lorenzo de' Rossi, 12 October 1497), Hain 8566. 
In a communication of 28 October 1994, Ms. Mary S. Leahy, the Seymour Adelman Rare 
Book Librarian at Bryn Mawr College, informed me that the editions of the Epistolae pub- 
lished at Basel by Nikolaus Kessler on 8 August 1489 (Hain *8559) and at Nuremberg by 
Anton Kober^er on 12 November 1495 (Hain "'8562) also do not include Vergerio's sermon. 



86 CHAPTER 4 

3 Hieronymus, S, Epistolae, ed. Giannandrea Bussi. < Rome: in domo 
Petri Maximi (Conrad Sweynheym & Arnold Pannartz), 1470 (not 
after 30 August) > . 

118 (l:fols. 288v-89v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti 
Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanc- 
tissimum doctorem fidei nostrae) 

Bibliography: Hain *8552; BMC 4:10; /G/4736; and lERS 61. 

4 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Rome: Arnold Pannartz, 28 March 1476; 
Georg Lauer < using the type of Arnold Pannartz > , 5 April 1479). 

118 (l:fols. 289v-90v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti 
Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanc- 
tissimum doctorem fidei nostrae) 

Bibliography: Hain 8555; BMC 4:40, 62; IGI 4738; and lERS 468. 

5 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae, ed. Teodoro De Lellis. (Venice: Antonio 
Miscomini, 22 January 1476). 

(l:sig. S, 6r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero- 
nymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem 
fidei nostrae) 

Bibliography: Hain *8556; BMC 5:240; and IGI 4737. 

6 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Parma: s.t., 18 January 1480 and 15 May 
1480). 

118 (l:sig. ee, 8v-ee, 9v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti 
Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctis- 
simum doctorem fidei nostrae) 

Bibliography: Hain *8557; BMC 7'3M\ and IGI 4739. 

7 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae, ed. Teodoro De Lellis. (Venice: Andrea 
Torresano, 15 May 1488). 

(l:fol. 164r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero- 
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum 
doctorem fidei nostrae) 

Bibliography: Hain *8558; BMC 5:309; and /G/4740. 

S Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Venice: Bernardino Benagli, 14 July 1490). 

(l:fol. 164r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero- 
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum 
doctorem fidei nostrae) 

Bibliography: Hain *8560; BMC 5:372; and IGI 4742. 



Printed Editions 87 



9 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum ex epi- 
stolis Hieronymi excerpta (< Venice: Filippo Pinzi> , 7 January 1496). 

(l:fol. 164r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero- 
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum 
doctorem fidei nostrae) 

Bibliography: Hain *8564; and IGI 4744. 

10 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum ex 
epistolis Hieronymi excerpta (Venice: Giovanni Rosso, 7 January and 
12 July 1496). 

(l:fol. 164r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero- 
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum 
doctorem fidei nostrae) 

Bibliography: Hain *8563; BMC 5:419; and /G/4745. 

Vail Hieronymus, S. S. Eusebii Hieronymi Stridonensis presbyteri Opera, 
ed. Domenico Vallarsi. 11 vols. (Verona, 1734-42). 

(11:295-98) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . De Divo Hieronymo oratio (inc: Sanc- 
tissimum doctorem fidei nostrae) 

Sal Dominico M. Salmaso, Petri Pauli Vergerii Senioris De Divo Hiero- 
nymo opuscula . . . adiecta sua de eiusdem Divi Hieronymi studiis ora- 
tione (Padua, 1767). 

1 (4-7) < PPV, Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi > (inc: Gloriosi doctoris ac 

patris, fragm. at beginning) 

2 (7-19) < PPV, Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi > (inc: Hodie mihi fratres 

carissimi) 

3 (19-24) < PPV, Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi > (inc: Praestantissimi 

patres ecclesiastica nos doctrina, fragm. at beginning) 

PL J.-P. Migne, ed. Patrologia Latina, vols. 22-30, S. Eusebii Hieronymi 
Stridonensis presbyteri Opera omnia (Paris, 1845-46). 

(22:231-36) Pierpaolo Vergerio, ...De Divo Hieronymo oratio (inc: Sanc- 
tissimum doctorem fidei nostrae) 



Part III 

History of the Texts 



CHAPTER 5 

Vergerio's Lettered Public 



By emphasizing public service through oratory, Pierpaolo Vergerio 
suppHed a new matrix for ItaHan humanism. He promoted a re- 
covery of rhetoric in its primary sense, the act of pubHc speaking on a 
specific civic occasion. As conceptualized by the Greeks, rhetoric looked 
primarily to persuasion, it was primarily employed in civic life, and it 
was primarily oral.^ Vergerio and his fellow humanists diffused their 
ideas about rhetoric in writings that were copied into humanist miscel- 
lanies now conserved in libraries around the world. Form followed func- 
tion: such codices assisted the rhetorical education of the students and 
teachers who put them together. That fact led Paul Oskar Kristeller to 
propose a new criterion for establishing the origin of a given humanist 
miscellany. In the absence of explicit attribution, one could posit that 
the original owner of the codex was the author of its rarest text.^ As a 
corollary, one can usually infer that the owner fashioned his collection 
as a basic resource for his own education. Because the miscellany needed 
to supply models of effective prose, letters and speeches comprise the 
vast majority of entries in those codices. The miscellanies are one indi- 
cation that humanists after Vergerio followed his proposals for educa- 



' See George Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from 
Ancient to Modem Times (Chapel Hill, N.C.: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1980), 4-6; and 
John M. McManamon, "Innovation in Early Humanist Rhetoric: The Oratory of Pier Paolo 
Vergerio the Elder," Rinascimento, n.s., 22 (1982): 3-9. 

^ Paul Oskar Kristeller's norm, first proposed in "An Unknown Letter of Giovanni 
Barbo to Guarino," IMU 8 (1965): 244, is cited by Claudio Griggio, "II codice berlinese Lat. 
fol. 667: Nuove lettere di Francesco Barbaro," in Umanesimo e rinascimento a Firenze e 
Venezia, vol. 3 of Miscellanea di studi in onore di Vittore Branca, Biblioteca deWArchivum 
Romanicum 180 (Florence: Olschki, 1983), 1:139 n. 14. 



92 CHAPTER 5 

tional reform. They also point to a collaborative effort by humanists in 
various regions of Italy. The miscellanies regularly mixed texts of hu- 
manists in the Veneto (Vergerio, Gasparino Barzizza, Guarino da Ve- 
rona) with other texts of humanists in Tuscany (Leonardo Bruni and 
Poggio Bracciolini). While Bruni and Poggio pursued a career in politics, 
Guarino and Barzizza taught rhetoric in schools. 

The general survival of Vergerio's works and the specific case of his 
panegyrics for Saint Jerome both exemplify the shaping force of rhetoric 
in his thought. Since Leonardo Smith's edition of Vergerio's Epistolario 
in 1934, only one new letter of Vergerio has come to light. More perti- 
nently, the examination of manuscripts with Vergerio's letters has led 
scholars to appreciate the variety of reasons for which those letters were 
copied. Smith emphasized the role of Vergerio's relatives in Capodistria, 
who began to collect documents related to his career toward the end of 
the fifteenth century. Later research established the existence of smaller 
groups of letters, known technically as sylloges, that were collected in 
places like Padua and Venice before any attempt was made to compile 
the epistolario? One of those groups was put together to assist the task 
of rhetorical education. In its most complete form, the sylloge includes 
thirteen works: a letter of Vergerio to Giovanni da Bologna in 1396 {Ep. 
61), his famous letter on the destruction of the statue of Virgil [Ep. 81), 
a caustic invective against Cardinal Antonio de Calvis for evicting Ver- 
gerio from a house in Rimini {Ep. 120), a group of letters about a gift of 
"Tartar razors" to Niccolo Leonardi {Ep. 120bis, 121, 122), a letter to 
Francesco Zabarella on the virtues of Cristoforo Zeno {Ep. 130), four let- 
ters of introduction that Vergerio, Francesco Zabarella, Gasparino Bar- 
zizza, and Guarino exchanged between 1414 and 1415 (£p. 133, 134, 135, 
136), Vergerio's letter in praise of Francesco Barbaro's De re uxoria {Ep. 
137), and his epistolary eulogy after the death of Zabarella at Constance 
{Ep. 138).^ 



^ See Vittorio Rossi, review of Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio, ed. Leonardo Smith, 
Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 108 (1936): 315-16; Marcello Zicari, "11 piu antico 
codice di lettere di P. Paolo Vergerio il vecchio," Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 58-59; Griggio, 
"II codice berlinese," 137-38, 143 n. 23; and Vittorio Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi, i suoi 
corrispondenti, e una lettera inedita di Pier Paolo Vergerio," Atti e memorie dell'Accademia 
di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 95 (1982-83): 99, 103-10. 

"• The codices and their letters are: Berlin Lat. fol. 667 (no. 114, 120, 120bis, 121, 122, 
133, 134, 135, 137, 138); Chemnitz 57 (no. 120, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 141, 142); 
London Arundel 70 (no. 61, 81, 120, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138); Milan Ambros. D 93 sup. 
(no. 52, 61, 120, 130); Munich UnivB. Folio 607 (no. 61, 81, 120, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 
138); Oxford Canon, misc. 484 (no. 120, 121, 133, 134, 135); Padua Seminario 692 (no. 120, 



Ver^erio's Lettered Public 93 



The earliest datable version of the sylloge is preserved in a manu- 
script now in the Biblioteca Oliveriana in Pesaro. That composite codex 
has as its original core a miscellany of letters and speeches that Agostino 
Santucci gathered together at Padua sometime between 1420 and 1425.^ 
The codex illustrates the humanist method of instructing from models. 
There are letters by Vergerio, Barzizza, and Guarino, and there are 
speeches by Poggio, Barzizza, Guarino, and their students Leonardo 
Giustiniani and Pietro Donato. Santucci also transcribed the letters and 
orations he had composed according to the classicizing standards he had 
learned. A second codex, now in Berlin, was written by several hands in 
the Veneto during the first forty years of the fifteenth century. The core 
elements again consist of letters and orations written between 1400 and 
1420 by Guarino and his students, by Barzizza, and by Leonardo Bruni. 
The largest collection of models comes from Guarino, who added auto- 
graph notes indicating his approval for changes made by the redactor. 
Around 1440, a new hand added a sylloge of the letters of Niccolo Leo- 
nardi, including those he had exchanged with Vergerio. Those letters 
have such precise data, found in no other exemplars, that scholars trace 
the codex to the household of Niccolo himself. Blind by the time that 
the sylloge was assembled, Niccolo likely instructed his son Girolamo 
to rummage among his papers and copy for their library the humorous 
letters he had exchanged with Vergerio some years before.^ 

The two codices demonstrate that more than one factor motivated 
those who collected such compendia. First, bonds of affection tied Ver- 
gerio to his Italian friends well after his departure for Buda in 1418. Still 
amused late in life by Vergerio 's gift of Tartar razors, Niccolo Leonardi 
wanted to preserve his memories of their lifelong friendship.^ Secondly, 



136, 137); Pesaro Oliver. 44 (no. 114, 120, 120bis, 121, 122, 133, 134, 137); Sankt Paul im 
Lavanttal 79.4 (no. 114, 120, 120bis, 121, 122, 133, 134, 135, 137); Stuttgart Poet, et Philol. 
quarto 40 (no. 114, 120, 121, 122, 133, 135, 137); Venice Marc. lat. XI.59 (4152) (no. 100, 
120, 138); Venice Marc. lat.XI.102 (3940) (no. 114, 120, 120bis, 121, 122, 133, 134, 137); and 
Vienna 3330 (no. 61, 81, 120, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138). The relationship among Arundel 
70, Munich UnivB. Folio 607, and Vienna 3330 is discussed further in n. 12 below. See also 
the description of codices Bp and Tp in Part II above. Bp has ten letters (no. 16, 27, 34, 81, 
98, 121, 129, 131, 140, 141). Tp has twenty-one letters (no. 48, 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 58, 61, 64, 
65, 68, 69, 75, 77, 104, 114, 120, 121, 128, 130, 131). 

^ Zicari, "II pill antico codice," 38-42. 

* Griggio, "II codice berlinese," 138-39; and Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 103-8. 

'' The letter, which Smith did not find, was published by Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 
54-55 (from Oliveriana 44), and Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109 (from Berlin Lat. fol. 
667 and Venice Marc. lat. XI. 102 [3940]). The letter is also found in Camaldoli 1201 and 
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal 79.4. 



94 CHAPTER 5 

Vergerio had established himself as a respected apologist for a humanist 
education. In Vergerio's invective against Carlo Malatesta, for example, 
educators found a persuasive example of classicizing oratory and an elo- 
quent defense of the humanities. In that same letter, Vergerio had 
pushed his fellow humanists to concentrate on a revival of the culture of 
the orator as well as the poet. The letter was frequently copied during 
the Renaissance and well beyond the smaller sylloge.^ Thirdly, younger 
adherents of the movement exploited their links to Vergerio in order to 
launch their own careers as teachers of grammar and rhetoric. Gasparino 
Barzizza and Guarino used the letters that Vergerio had written to them 
as a recommendation for their abilities. Barzizza and Guarino could 
both claim Francesco Barbaro as one of their best students. They appre- 
ciated Vergerio's positive reaction to the treatise that Barbaro wrote on 
marriage: it helped to confirm the efficacy of their lessons. The letters 
constitute an endorsement of humanist learning across three generations 
from Vergerio to Barzizza and Guarino and then to their students — 
Francesco Barbaro and Leonardo Giustiniani. Humanist learning had 
spread throughout the Veneto and helped prepare Venetian patricians 
for their governing role.' 

The sylloge of Vergerio's letters formed part of a larger collection of 
materials, which educators like Guarino and Barzizza used to instruct 
their students in classicizing rhetoric. Later humanist instructors contin- 
ued to utilize those materials, and they spread beyond Italy to other 
areas of Europe. Sometime after 1452, Hans Pirckheimer assembled a 
huge number of model letters and orations, many of which he himself 
copied into a miscellany now preserved in the British Library. ^° The 



* In addition to inclusion in three manuscripts with the sylloge, the letter on the 
destruction of Virgil's statue {Ep. 81) is conserved in thirty-two other humanist miscellanies 
and in seven of the Vergerio manuscripts described in Part II; for details, see the "Finding- 
List" below (Part VI, chap. 11). The eulogy for Zabarella {Ep. 138) exemplified the use of 
epideictic principles to extol a friend and learned cleric. 

' For the Berlin codex, see Griggio, "II codice berlinese," 136 n. 9, 140-45. Besides 
inclusion in seven manuscripts with this sylloge, the letter praising the De re uxoria {Ep. 
137) is conserved in forty-two other humanist miscellanies and in three Vergerio manu- 
scripts described in Part H. See the "Finding-List" below (Part VI, chap. 11); Percy Gothein, 
Francesco Barbaro: Friih-Humanismus und Staatskunst in Venedig (Berlin, 1932), 86-89; and 
Tiziana Pesenti, Professori e promotori di medicina nello Studio di Padova dal 1405 al 1509: 
Repertorio hio-hibliografico, Contributi alia storia dell'Universita di Padova 16 (Padua: 
Centro per la storia dell'Universita, and Trieste: LINT, 1984), 125. In general, see Germano 
Gualdo, "Barbaro, Francesco," D5/ 6: 101-3; and Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance 
Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300-1600 (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 
1989), 125-32. 

'° London, British Library, cod. Arundel 70. See Cesare Foligno, "Codici di materia 



Ver^erio's Lettered Public 95 



collection reflects the pedagogy of Giovanni Lamola, under whom 
Pirckheimer studied in Bologna. Lamola, in turn, was a product of the 
school of Guarino. The miscellany therefore includes letters and ora- 
tions by Vergerio, sixty-four works of Guarino, and seven letters of 
Lamola himself, who also delivered a panegyric for Jerome in Bologna 
on 30 September 1442.^^ After Pirckheimer lugged his prized textbook 
back across the Alps, other German students interested in the new learn- 
ing made their own copies of the massive collection of over two hun- 
dred and twenty-five texts. From its origins in Padua and Venice, the 
sylloge of Vergerio's letters migrated across Europe as the desire for an 
education in the humanities spread. ^^ 



veneta nelle biblioteche inglesi (cont.)," Nuovo archivio veneto, n.s., 27 (1907): 215-24; Josiah 
Forshall, The Arundel Manuscripts, vol. 1, n.s., of Catalogue of Manuscripts in the British 
Museum (London, 1834-40), 1:15-21; and Arnold Friedrich Siegfried Reimann, Die alteren 
Pirckheimer: Geschichte eines NUmberger Patriziergeschlechtes im Zeitalterdes Fruhhumanismus 
(bis 1501) (Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, 1944), 103-20. 

" Lamola's Laudatio Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Animadverto non mediocre ac paene) is 
conserved in Lucca, Bibl. Govemativa, cod. 1394, fols. 173-75; Munich, Staatsbibliothek, 
cod. elm 504, fols. 243-44 (copied by Hermann Schedel); and Munich cod. Clm 522, fols. 
194-95. It was also published by Albrecht von Eyb in his Margarita poetica (Nuremberg: 
Johann Sensenschmidt, 2 Dec. 1472), GW 9529, fols. 401-2. Munich cod. Clm 504, fols. 
101-2, has a letter of Vergerio to Carlo Zeno [Epist, 269-73 [Ep. 104D; it was copied from 
Munich, UnivB., cod. Quarto 768. The Lucca codex also has two anonymous panegyrics for 
Jerome: 1) fols. 171-73 (inc: Mihi in venerabilem ac sanctissimum patrem) and 2) fols. 175- 
76 (inc: Hie est dies colendissimi patres). On the panegyrics and the codices, see Iter 1:259a; 
Agostino Sottili, "I codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidental, " Z^/t/ 12 (1969): 439-58; 
and Ludwig Bertalot and Ursula Jaitner-Hahner, Initia Humanistica Latina: Initienverzeichnis 
lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts: Prosa A-M (Tubingen: 
Max Niemeyer, 1990), 2.1:64 (no. 1208), 479 (no. 8722), 659 (no. 11920). 

'^ Among the manuscripts with the sylloge, Berlin Lat. fol. 667, Chemnitz 57 (from 
1463), Oxford Canon, misc. 484, Pesaro Oliveriana 44, and Venice Marc. lat. XL 102 were 
copied in Italy during the fifteenth century. For the relationship among London Arundel 
70, Munich UnivB. Folio 607, and Vienna 3330, all written by German hands, see Ludwig 
Bertalot, Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller, 
Raccolta di Studi e Testi 129-30 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1975), 1:9 ("Eine 
humanistische Anthologie"), 2:105-8 ("Eine Sammlung paduaner Reden"); and Gianni 
Zippel, "Analisi di lavori dell'ultimo decennio," Quademi per la storia dell'Universita di 
Padova 7 (1974): 85-87 n. 15. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 44-59, offers collations of 
Vei^erio's letters based upon this family of manuscripts. The Stuttgart codex (Poet, et 
Philol. quarto 40) was written by a German hand between 1465 and 1469, while the manu- 
script in Sankt Paul im Lavanttal has Italian and German hands. Giovanni Bernardo Dalle 
Valli copied two letters of Vergerio {Ep. 104, Ep. 136) while at the University of Padua in 
1452 (Munich Clm 78). Dalle Valli's variant ("Lenoni" for "Zenoni") is also found in the 
copies of Ep. 104 made by Johann Heller (Munich UnivB. quarto 768) and Jakob Schenk 
von Seydaw (London Harley 3716); see Bertalot, "Eine humanistische Anthologie," in 
Studien, 1:16-17. On 21 July 1424, Vergerio and Johann Schenk von Seydaw together wit- 
nessed a decision of King Sigismund; see Wilhelm Altmann, ed., Die Urkunden Kaiser 
Sigmunds (1410-37), vol. 11 of Regesta Imperii (Innsbruck, 1896-1900), 1:419 (no. 5911). 
Hartmann Schedel, who with his uncle Hermann accounts for a large proportion of Italian 



96 CHAPTER 5 

Humanist educators appropriately rode to success on the shoulders 
of Pierpaolo Vergerio, Vergerio's treatise on humanist education, De 
ingenuis moribus, far and away proved the most influential element of 
his scholarly legacy. Hundreds of manuscripts conserve the text. It was 
also published at least thirty times in Italy before the year 1500 and 
frequently thereafter. The earliest known manuscript was copied at 
Padua on 12 September 1403. The scribe, Antonius Petri Donadei de 
Rocca S. Stephani de Aquila, studied canon law at the University of 
Padua and passed examinations in June of 1408 before a board that 
included Francesco Zabarella. Another early copy was finished at Padua 
on 17 April 1423 by Antonius Gurceensis Brixiensis, perhaps one of 
Guarino's students. Guarino is known to have lectured on the text. Fit- 
tingly, Leonello d'Este, Guarino's great patron, commissioned a luxury 
copy of the work as a gift for his tutor. ^^ 

Many of the copies of the treatise that survive are written on parch- 
ment in antiqua, and they certify that Vergerio was popular with the 



humanist texts now in Germany, twice copied Vergerio's letter on the De re uxoria (Munich 
elm 362 and 418). On the Schedels, see Richard Stauber, Die Schedehche Bibliothek: Ein 
Beitrag zur Geschichte der Ausbreitung der italienischen Renaissance, des deutschen Humanis- 
mus, und der medizinischen Literatur, Studien und Darstellungen aus dem Gebiete der 
Geschichte Band 6, Heft 2-3 (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1908), 228; Claude Jenkins, "Dr. 
Hartmann Schedel and His Books," in Veronica Ruffer and A. J. Taylor, eds.. Medieval 
Studies Presented to Rose Graham (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1950), 98-105, 132; and 
Agostino Sottili, / codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidentale, Censimento dei Codici 
Petrarcheschi 4 and 7 (Padua: Antenore, 1971-78), 3. 

'^ On the number of editions, see Luzi Schucan, Das Nachleben von Basilius Magnus "ad 
adolescentes": Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des christlichen Humanismus, Travaux d'humanisme 
et Renaissance 133 (Geneva: Droz, 1973), 82 n. 17 (seven undated, twenty-two from 1470- 
1500, thirteen from 1501-64); David Robey, "Humanism and Education in the Early Quat- 
trocento: The De ingenuis moribus of P. P. Vergerio," Bibliotheque d'humanisme et Renais- 
sance 42 (1980): 56-58; and Grendler, Schooling, 117-18. For the incunabular editions, see 
Hain 15981-16003; IGI 10149-73. The eariiest manuscript, Naples BN cod. Vin.C.8, is 
described by Cesare Cenci, Manoscritti francescani della Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli, Spici- 
legium bonaventurianum 7-8 (Quaracchi: Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, and 
Grottaferrata: Editiones Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1971), 2:819-21 (no. 450), 
who cites the colophon on fol. 128. Cod. Zan. lat. 498 (1919) of the Marciana in Venice, 
copied by Antonius Gurceensis Brixiensis at Padua, is described by Giuseppe Valentinelli, 
Bibliotheca manuscripta ad S. Marci Venetiarum (Venice, 1868-73), 4:184-86 (who reads 
"1425"); and Carlo Miani, "Petri Pauli Vergerii—ad Ubertinum de Carraria de ingenuis mori- 
bus et liberalibus adolescentiae studiis liber (Codicum conspectum recognovit brevique adno- 
tatione critica instruxit Carlo Miani)," Atti e memorie della Societa istriana di archeologia e 
storia patria 72-73, n.s., 20-21 (1972-73): 185-86, 200 (who reads "1423"). Fol. 1 of the 
manuscript also has the following note: "Sancti Bamabae Brixiae, ad usum fratris Seraphim 
de Luzago — Frater Paul us de Pergamo." Guarino's codex is now preserved in the Bibl. 
Estense at Modena, cod. Est. lat. 572 (Alpha M.9, 8). The scribe, Biagio Bosoni, also copied 
Est. lat. 17 (Alpha F.2, 59). 



Ver^erio's Lettered Public 97 



wealthiest patrons of Renaissance society. Members of the ruling classes 
wished to have a luxury copy of the work for their libraries. As late as 
1471, the renowned scribe Federico Veterani finished a parchment codex 
for the library of Federigo da Montefeltro.^^ Rulers patronized human- 
ism because they realized that the movement served as a valuable bul- 
wark in defense of elitism. One cannot assume, however, that those 
princely patrons could understand, much less read the treatise. It served 
primarily as a symbol of status. Nor was the copying of the work 
restricted to the elite of Renaissance society. Students also made copies 
at the school of Vittorino da Feltre in Mantua and at other schools. 
Vergerio's principles for the education of adolescents quickly ended up 
in adolescent hands. ^^ A soldier in the service of the podesta of Anco- 
na copied the text in 1464, dating his work by the death of Pius II 
during an unsuccessful attempt to launch a crusade. ^^ The only two 



'^ The codex is BAV, Urb. lat. 1194, which also contains Ps. Plutarchus, Vergerio's 
letter on the statue {Ep. 81), a declamation (by Pietro Marcello?), and Bruni's translation of 
Basil. See Cosimus Stomajolo, Codices Urbinates Latini (Vatican City, 1902-21), 3:203-4; 
Cecil H. Clough, "Federigo Veterani, Polydore Vergil's Anglica Historia, and Baldassare 
Castiglione's Epistola . . . ad Henricum Angliae regem," English Historical Review 82 (1967): 
772-83; Elisabeth Pellegrin et al., Les manuscrits classiques Latins de la Bibliotheque Vaticane 
(Paris: Editions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1975ff.), 2.2:667-69; and 
Albert Derolez, Codicologie des manuscrits en ecriture humanistique sur parchemin, Bibliologia 
5-6 (Tumhout: Brepols, 1984), 2:138 (no. 979). For further examples of parchment codices, 
see ibid., 2:77 (no. 455), 2:91 (no. 580), 2:93 (no. 595), 2:93 (no. 602), 2:152 (no. 1105), and 
2:155 (no. 1130). 

'* Marco Soardo copied the work (Budapest cod. Clmae 314) while a student under 
Vittorino, who taught at Mantua from 1423 to 1446. In Padua in 1474, Bartolomeo Squara 
made a copy of the treatise at the age of fourteen (Oxford Canon, misc. 87, fol. 79v). 

'^ See Iter 2:62b, where Kristeller records the subscription in Perugia, Bibl. Comunale 
Augusta, cod. 2862 (formerly N.F.81): "Scriptus per me Bastianum Ser Antonii de Monte- 
falco in civitate Anconae, cum essem ibi socius miles domini Albertini de Fulgineo potestatis 
dictae civitatis anno . . . 1464, quo tempore Pius papa II obiit in dicta civiute." Among 
other subscriptions, one might note: Parma Pal. 156 copied at Calchis (Greece) in 1441; 
Florence Rice. 952 copied at London in 1447 by Milone da Carrara for Magister Thomas 
Franchus Graecus; BAV Chig. S.V.8 copied by Antonius Pe<t?>ri Guidonis de Callio in 
1450; Venice Marc. lat. VI. 131 (3596) finished by Caspar Tyburtinus in 1451; Oxford 
D'Orville 525 copied by the Dutch scribe loannes Pottere at Rome from 1454 to 1456; 
Weimar Octavo. 142 copied at Padua, 17 September 1456, by lop R. (perhaps lob Resta 
according to Bertalot, Studien, 2:241-43); BAV Ottob. lat. 1615 copied by Nicolaus Ser 
Guasparis in the houses of lulius Florentinus and Bemardus de Cursis in 1458 and 1459; 
Venice Marc. lat. XIV.236 (4499) copied by the notary Bartholomaeus de Rambaldo in 1460; 
Bergamo Delta VI.33 copied by Bartholomaeus de Gandino in 1468; San Daniele 110 
written in antiqua by Battista da Cingoli; BAV Vat. lat. 1690 copied in 1461 and glossed by 
Marianus de Magistris (see Concetta Bianca, "Marianus de Magistris de Urbe," in Massimo 
Miglio, with P. Farenga and A. Modigliani, eds., Scrittura, biblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel 
Quattrocento 2, Littera antiqua 3 [Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, 
e Archivistica, 1983], 567-68); Padua Antoniana 1.19 by Gulielmus Salinus? in 1467; BAV 



98 CHAPTER 5 

portraits of Vergerio from the fifteenth century indicate the extent to 
which he had become identified with the De ingenuis moribus. Both 
appear in historiated initials in copies of the treatise from 1441 and 1444. 
The images depict Vergerio as a mature scholar in academic robes and a 
long beard. ^'^ 

Eventually the treatise became part of a compendium of texts de- 
signed to present the ideals of humanist education. First and foremost, 
Vergerio's text was conjoined with Leonardo Bruni's translation of a 
letter of Basil the Great (ca. 330-379) entitled Ad adolescentes. Bruni 
completed the translation sometime between 1401 and 1402; he con- 
ceived it as an homage to the pedagogy of Manuel Chrysoloras and as a 
rebuttal to the criticism of clerics who questioned whether humanist 
studies were suitable for Christian youth. While medieval interpreters of 
the letter had restricted Basil's endorsement of liberal studies to monks, 



Pal. lat. 1740 written by Petrus Ursuleus and obtained by Agnolo Manetti in 1467 (see 
Giuseppe M. Cagni, "Agnolo Manetti e Vespasiano da Bisticci," IMU 14 [1971]: 304; 
Derolez, Codicologie, 1:157-58 [no. 358]); and Savignano 23 by loannes Can de Lunardellis 
de Monte Florum around 1479. Undated copies include Gotha Memb. 11.105 by Angelus 
Tutus, Naples V.C.44 by Raenardus, and BAV Vat. lat. 11547 by Matthias Antonii. The 
scribe Milone da Carrara was the brother of Marsilio, who led an unsuccessful attempt in 
1430 to restore Carrara rule in Padua. See Bertalot, Studien, 2:128-29; and Iter 6:258b. 
Notable cases of ownership include: BAV Chig. J.VI.214 (Leonardus Marchio Malaspina in 
1430 and marginal notes by Cesare Baronio); Milan Ambros. C 43 sup. (Francesco Pizzol- 
passo, d. 1443) (see Angelo Paredi, La biblioteca del Pizzolpasso [Milan: Hoepli, 1961], 96-97 
[no. 7]); Milan Ambros. G 29 sup. (Francesco Vimercati); Cape Town 3.C.11 (Giovanni 
Barbo); London Harley 2678 (probably from Raphael de Marcatellis); Munich Clm 487 
(Hartmann Schedel); New York Columbia Univ. Plimpton 154 (Antonius Vursatus); Paris 
Lat. 6722 (Palla Strozzi); Paris Lat. 16593 (Guillaume Fichet); Oxford Canon, misc. 146 
(lacopo Zeno, bishop of Padua in 1460); San Daniele 105 (marginal notes by Guamerio 
d'Artegna); BAV Vat. lat. 2906 (Angelo Colocci); BAV Vat. lat. 3440 (Fulvio Orsini); Berlin 
Lat. quarto 468 (Convent of S. Maria Incoronata in Milan to Carlo Morbio); Holkham Hall 
486 (Cario Sigonio); Venice Marc. lat. VL129 (3037) and 130 (3205) (Giacomo Zabarella); 
Venice Marc. lat. VL501 (1712) (Giovanni Battista Recanati); and Rome Vitt. Eman. 474 
(Giacomo Manzoni) (see Annibale Tenneroni, Catalogo ragionato dei manoscritti appartenuti 
alfu Conte Giacomo Manzoni, Bibliotheca Manzoniana 4 [Citta di Castello, 1894], 81 [no. 
89]). A codex with the De ingenuis moribus now in Innsbruck, UnivB. 962, had some 
association with the University of Paris in 1460; see Iter 3:20a. 

'^ Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Rawlinson G.47 [Summary Catalogue no. 14778) was copied 
in 1441, perhaps at Milan. The portrait of Vergerio is found on fol. 51 (Plate 5). For 
descriptions of the codex, see Otto Pacht and Jonathan James Graham Alexander, Illuminat- 
ed Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966-73), 2:73 (no. 
696); Andrew G. Watson, Catalogue of Dated and Datable Manuscripts ca. 435-1600 in 
Oxford Libraries (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1984), 1:113 (no. 682); and Derolez, Codico- 
logie, 2:93 (no. 602). Venice, Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV. 126 (4664) was copied by Hiero- 
nymus de Sandellis at Pirano d'Istria in 1444. The portrait of Vergerio is reproduced in 
Miani, "De ingenuis moribus," 201. On the manuscript, see 'Wz[tn\int\Y\, Bibliotheca Manu- 
scripta, 4:190-91; and Miani, "De ingenuis moribus," 186-87. 



Vergerio's Lettered Public 99 



Bruni saw it as universally applicable to adolescents.^^ So closely were 
the two works joined in the minds of fifteenth-century publishers that 
their titles were written chiastically: Vergerio's De ingenuis morihus et 
liberalibus studiis and Basil's De liberalihus studiis et ingenuis morihus. 
Shortly after translating Basil's letter, Bruni wrote his Dialogi as a 
manifesto for humanist leadership in rhetorical education. He dedicated 
that work to Vergerio and thereby acknowledged that Vergerio had first 
emphasized rhetoric as the proper matrix for humanist studies. In later 
writings, Bruni continued to supplement the resources available to hu- 
manist educators. By November of 1409, for example, he had translated 
Plato's Gorgias, a dialogue warning of rhetoric's dangers that Bruni 
turned into a playful debate about rhetoric's worth. Throughout his life, 
Bruni carried on the struggle on behalf of rhetorical culture that reflect- 
ed his close friendship with Vergerio. ^^ 

Scholars and publishers also linked Vergerio's treatise with works on 
education written by humanists in the Veneto. The De ingenuis morihus 
was frequently copied with Guarino's translation of the De pueris edu- 
candis, then attributed to Plutarch. Both works stressed the importance 



'* Statistical information is supplied in Schucan, Das Nachleben, 79-82, 117-18. More 
than fifty codices have both works. Sample codices are: Brussels Albert ler 1.10731-38; 
Florence Rice. 978; Milan Ambros. F 51 sup.; Padua Seminario 92; Philadelphia U. of Penn. 
Smith lat. 34 (with Bruni's De studiis et litteris); Rome Corsiniana Nic. Rossi 304; Vienna 
960; and Weimar 0.142 (copied at Padua in 1456). Among printed editions, 25 of the 31 
incunabular editions (81 percent) have both treatises, while 8 of the 13 editions (62 percent) 
published from 1501-64 pair them. In both cases, the percentages are even higher for Italy. 

" By May of 1403, Bruni had translated Xenophon's dialogue, Hiero sive Tyrannus, 
interpreting it as a mirror for princes. In 1424, he also translated Plato's Phaedrus. In a letter 
to Battista Malatesta da Montefeltro, he adapted the principles of humanist education for 
noble women. Bruni recommended that women not bother with rhetoric because they had 
no role to play in public life. All of those works were copied together with Vergerio's 
treatise. BAV Chig. J.VI.214 has the De ingenuis morihus, Bruni's Dialogi, and his transla- 
tions of Basil's letter, the Hiero, and the Gorgias. BAV Vat. lat. 3407 has the De ingenuis 
moribus and Bruni's translation of Basil's letter and the Phaedrus. Genoa Durazzo B.V.14 has 
Bruni's translations of Basil's letter and the Hiero, his Dialogi, Ps. Plutarchus, and the De 
ingenuis morihus. BAV Regin. lat. 1321, copied for Zenone Castiglione by Ubertino da 
Parma in 1434, has Bruni's Dialogi, his translations of the Gorgias, the Phaedrus, the Hiero, 
and Basil's letter, and the De ingenuis morihus; see James Hankins, Plato in the Italian 
Renaissance, Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition 17 (Leiden et al.: E. J. Brill, 1990), 
2:724. A sampling of manuscripts with the Hiero and the De ingenuis morihus includes: 
Dresden Db.89; Florence Rice. 952; Kremsmiinster 329 (with Basil's letter); Milan Ambros. 
A 166 sup. (with Basil's letter), C 43 sup.; Munich Clm 19652; New York Goodhart 
Gordan 73 (with Basil's letter); and Venice Zan. lat. 501 (1712) (with Basil's letter and the 
Dialogi). On Bruni's translations and the relevant manuscripts, see Schucan, Das Nachleben, 
7i-79, 83-85, 117; Hankins, Plato, 1:29-101, 2:367-400; and David Marsh, "Xenophon," 
CrC 7:149-55. 



100 CHAPTER 5 

of moral formation in education. Since Vergerio argued that humanist 
studies had special efficacy in training the character of adolescents, he 
carried on educational theory from the point in human development 
where Plutarch had left off.^° Copyists also paired Vergerio's treatise 
with the De re uxoria of Francesco Barbaro. The pairing was natural 
once Vergerio had written a letter to express his admiration for Bar- 
baro's treatise. It also made sense given the developmental perspectives 
of Vergerio's approach to education. If Vergerio himself offered princi- 
ples for early adolescence, Barbaro continued to guide one after entering 
upon the difficult commitment to marriage.^^ The program of educa- 



^° Guarino translated the treatise of Ps. Plutarchus in 1410/1411; see Schucan, Das 
Nachleben, 82-83. Sample codices that conjoin the translation with the De ingenuis morihus 
include: Bergamo Delta 11.15; Milan Ambros. N 104 sup.; BAV Ottob. lat. 1669, Vat. lat. 
9306; Verona Capitolare CCLV (227); and Verona Comunale 2822. A significant group of 
the manuscripts has the three works (Basil's letter, Vergerio's treatise, and Guarino's 
translation of Ps. Plutarchus). Among the codices, the earliest are BAV Chig. J.VI.214, 
copied in 1430 and owned by Leonardus Marchio Malaspina (see Bertalot, Studien, 2:268-70; 
and Hankins, Plato, 2:722); BAV Regin. lat. 1321 copied in 1434 by Ubertino da Parma; and 
Milan Ambros. C 43 sup. (first third of 15th century). Further codices include: Bergamo 
Delta VI.33; Berlin Lat. octavo 108; Dresden Db.89; London Harley 2678 (copied from a 
printed edition); Univ. of London 288; Munich Clm 3849, Clm 19652; Padua Seminario 165 
(with the Hiero); Oxford Canon, misc. 87; Paris Lat. 16593; Paris Nouv. acq. lat. 2609 (with 
Barbaro's De re uxoria); Schaffhausen Min. 120; BAV Ottob. lat. 1800, Ross. lat. 50 (with 
the Hiero), Urb. lat. 1194, Vat. lat. 1792; and Verona Capitolare CCXLIH (212). The 
combination of the three texts was likewise preferred by printers in the fifteenth century (9 
of 31 editions; see Hain 15982-16003, and Schucan, ibid., 115-21). Around 1474 or 1475, 
Giovanni Calfumio added to his edition of the treatises a letter attributed to Jerome {De 
liberorumofficiisergaparente5).Cz\{urmoi'st(iAXxon{IGI 10153, 10166, 10171) had Vergerio's 
treatise, Bruni's translations of Basil and Xenophon, Guarino's translation of Ps. Plutarchus, 
and the Jerome letter. Calfumio had in his possession the manuscript of a retractatio of 
Leonzio Pilato's Odyssey based on the autograph that Vergerio had borrowed from Palla 
Strozzi; see Agostino Pertusi and Ezio Franceschini, "Un'ignota Odissea latina dell'ultimo 
Trecento," Aevum 33 (1959): 327. 

^' The following codices have both works: Berlin Lat. quarto 468 (with Ps. Plutarchus 
and Vegio's De educatione liberorum); Forli 111.66 (with Ps. Plutarchus); New York 
Goodhart Gordan 18; San Daniele 110 (with Ps. Plutarchus and Bruni's De studiis et litteris); 
BAV Ottob. lat. 241 (with Ps. Plutarchus); and Venice Marc. lat. VI.84 (3202) (with Ps. 
Plutarchus). Cod. 49 of the Biblioteca Arcivescovile in Udine supplies an instructive example 
of a compendium of such treatises. Bound together with a twelfth-century fascicle of 
Cicero's orations, one finds a fifteenth-century miscellany, copied by an M. C, that con- 
tains: Vergerio's treatise, Bruni's translations of Basil's letter and the Hiero, Guarino's trans- 
lation of Ps. Plutarchus, Barbaro's De re uxoria, Leonardo Giustiniani's funeral oration for 
Carlo Zeno, and letters and orations by Leonardo Bruni. On the Udine codex, see Iter 
2:201a, 6:237a; Emanuele Casamassima et al., eds., Mostra di codici umanistici di hiblioteche 
friulane (Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Firenze) (Florence: Bibl. Medicea Laurenziana, 1978), 
53-54 (no. 55); Cesare Scalon, La Biblioteca Arcivescovile di Udine, Medioevo e umanesimo 
37 (Padua: Antenore, 1979), 118-19; and Hankins, Plato, 2:721. On the diffusion of Bar- 
baro's work, see Gothein, Francesco Barbaro, 61-99. In Oxford Canon, misc. 87, Vergerio's 
treatise is linked to a work attributed to Aulus Gellius, ... De modera<n>do victu pue- 



Vergerio's Lettered Public 101 



tion advocated by humanists now had a clear conceptualization of stages 
in education— correct grammar in childhood, humanist studies in adoles- 
cence, ethical duties in marriage. 

While Vergerio's theory of humanist education won him a vast 
public, his practice of classicizing oratory had more restricted circula- 
tion. The bulk of his orations are preserved in the same codices that 
have his sermons on Jerome, and they are discusssed in the section that 
follows.^ Due to its wider diffusion, however, Vergerio's Sermo de vita 
Francisci Petrarcae requires some explanation. Vergerio originally deliv- 
ered the sermon at a ceremony, which Francesco Zabarella organized in 
Padua's cathedral to honor the memory of Petrarch.^^ Subsequently, it 
came to be used as a short biography that was often appended to the 
writings of Petrarch. There are approximately thirty copies of the work 
in existing manuscripts. In 1398, Ramus Ramedellus copied it for Mar- 
gherita Malatesta, the wife of Francesco Gonzaga. Before 1400, another 
Italian scribe transcribed the Vita into a parchment codex now in the 
University Library at Greifswald. By 1432, the short biography had also 
become part of the library of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester.^^ Gen- 



rorum. The treatise was also paired with the De nobilitate of Buonaccorso da Montemagno 
in codices like Augsburg UnivB. n.Lat.l.quarto.33 (with Basil, Ps. Plutarchus, letters of 
PPV, and letters of Jakob Wimpfeling) and Kassel Philos. quarto 6 (with Basil and dated 
Ulm, 1470). On Buonaccorso's popular work, completed by 1429, see Bertalot, Studien, 
2:402-5; Hans Baron, TTje Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Repub- 
lican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1955), 
1:365-66, 2:623-24 n. 22, rev. ed. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1966), 420-23; and Paul 
Oskar Kristeller, Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters 2 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e 
Letteratura, 1985), 332-33. 

^ The oration for Francesco Novello's return is preserved in fifteen codices, of which 
seven do not figure among the manuscripts described above. Five of the seven have the 
sylloge of letters described earlier: London Arundel 70 (of Hans Pirckheimer); Milan 
Ambros. D 93 sup.; Munich Clm 78 (written by Giovanni Bernardo Dalle Valli in 1452); 
Munich UnivB. Folio 607; and Vienna 3330. The other two are late copies from the seven- 
teenth century. The description of the funeral of Francesco il Vecchio and the funeral ora- 
tion are paired in twelve codices, of which only four do not figure in the descriptions: 
Naples Gia Viennesi lat. 57 (formerly Vienna lat. 3160); Venice Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900) 
(Roberto Papafava's draft for Marc. lat. XIV.210 [PiW]); Venice Marc. lat. VI.208 (3569) 
(formerly in the Nani library); and Yale Osbom a. 17 (formerly Phillipps 9627). The two 
orations that Vergerio delivered at the papal court in 1406 are only preserved in the 
manuscripts described above. 

" Giuseppe Billanovich, Petrarca letterato I: Lo scrittoio di Petrarca, Raccolta di studi e 
testi 16 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1947), 358-68. 

^* Florence Laur. Ashb. 1014 was copied by Ramedellus and discussed by Nicola Festa 
in the preface to his edition of L"'Africa," Edizione nazionale delle opere di Francesco 
Petrarca 1 (Florence, 1926), xvi-xvii, xxx-xxxi; and by Riziero Zucchi, "Ottonello Descalzi 
e la fortuna del De viris illustribus," IMU U (1974): 488. The Greifswald codex is UnivB. 
682, which Kristeller dated "sec. XFV ex." Nicolaus Bildestone gave Duke Humphrey the 



102 CHAPTER 5 

erally coupled with Vergerio's edition of the Africa^ the work was also 
linked with other writings of Petrarch such as the De remediis utriusque 
fortunae. Vergerio had sought to broaden Petrarch's approach to human- 
ism by making oratory the special skill of a humanist. His most fre- 
quently copied oration came to serve as a biographical introduction to 
Petrarch's writings. That pattern also repeats itself with one of Ver- 
gerio's sermons for Saint Jerome. 



copy which is now in Paris (Lat. 10209). A copy from the mid-fifteenth century was added 
to the text of the Africa, which Konrad von Konstanz had copied in 1408 for Gerardus de 
Boyardis Ferrariensis; the manuscript is today conserved at Stuttgart, Wiirtt. Landesbibl., 
HB.X.21. A note in Venice Marc. ital. XI. 120 indicates that Giovanni Conversini da 
Ravenna helped Vergerio to revise and correct his metric summaries of the books of the 
Africa; see Luciano Gargan, "Giovanni Conversini e la cultura letteraria a Treviso nella 
seconda meta del Trecento," IMU 8 (1965): 132 n. 1. 



CHAPTER 6 

The Panegyrics for 
Saint Jerome 



It is possible to gauge the diffusion of the rest of Vergerio's orations 
by examining the manuscripts that contain his panegyrics for Jerome. 
Scribes and collectors copied the sermons for three reasons. First, they 
matched some of the Jerome panegyrics with other public orations by 
Vergerio that they chose for their miscellanies. Dating from the fifteenth 
century, those miscellanies assisted the work of rhetorical educators, 
functioning as textbooks for students from Italy and from other parts of 
Europe. Secondly, when individuals for personal reasons attempted to 
collect all of Vergerio's works, they usually found some of the panegy- 
rics that he gave on Jerome. Relatives of Vergerio and members of the 
Papafava family, direct Paduan descendants of the Carrara, engaged in 
that effort beginning late in the fifteenth century. Vergerio thereby re- 
ceived posthumous recognition from the family whose patronage he had 
actively solicited during his lifetime. Thirdly, editors of the early printed 
editions of the opera of Jerome included one of Vergerio's panegyrics as 
a brief introduction to the saint's life. Sweynheym and Pannartz pub- 
lished the sermon in their editio princeps at Rome in 1468, and later pub- 
lishers followed their editorial choice.^ 



' The following editions, all from Italy, have the sermon of Vergerio as part of their 
introductory material: Hain *8550, 8551, 8552, 8555, *8556, *8557, 8558, *8560, *8563, 
*8564. Vergerio's sermon is not included in the editions published at Strasbourg, Mainz, 
Nuremberg, and Basel (Hain 8549, *8553-54, *8559, *8562, *8565) nor in the Italian 
translation from Ferrara (Hain 8566). In general, see "Opera di San Girolamo, edizione del 
XV. secolo," Bullettino di archeologia e storia dalmata 39 (1916): 158-63. 



104 CHAPTER 6 

a. Humanist miscellanies {Bp, S, Tp, V) 

A composite codex now in Venice {V) contains the earliest copy of 
one of the Jerome panegyrics. The first section of that codex has Ver- 
gerio's sermon on Jerome as well as his description of the funeral of 
Francesco il Vecchio da Carrara and the oration that he wrote for the 
funeral. Vergerio drafted all three texts in Padua between September of 
1392 and November of 1393.^ The texts are also homogeneous from a 
rhetorical perspective and indicate the radical perspectives that Vergerio 
had adopted on public speaking. He appreciated the potential of public 
spectacle to arouse patriotic sentiments and taught humanists to capi- 
talize on those ceremonies as a setting for political oratory that propa- 
gated the ideology of the governing elite. Vergerio likewise proposed to 
use classical principles in preparing his panegyrics of Jerome, thereby 
breaking with the conventions of Scholastic preaching on a scriptural 
theme. The title of the panegyric in V defines the work as "a sermon 
written in the manner of an oration," and the first words of the sermon 
indicate that Vergerio omitted a thematic verse because he preferred to 
follow the most up-to-date conventions for preaching. 

Besides the three works of Vergerio, the collection also includes two 
letters of Petrarch and a letter and dialogue on the value of solitude 
that the Paduan scholar Lombardo della Seta composed for Petrarch.^ 
Those texts were included in later collections of Vergerio's opera; per- 



^ The collection of Vergerio material in the first part of codex E includes the same 
group of texts found in V, except that the version of the Jerome panegyric is fragmentary 
here. The codex comes from the early sixteenth century and has a direct connection with 
the Este family. 

' Giuseppina Ferrante, "Lombardo della Seta umanista padovano (P-1390)," Atti del R. 
Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere, ed arti 93, no. 2 (1933-34): 475-80, observes that the work 
was copied "an infinite number of times" in the fifteenth century. Della Seta had promised 
to find someone to edit Petrarch's Africa, but he died in 1390 without fulfilling his pledge. 
Nicoletto d'Alessio, originally from Capodistria, was one of the two notaries who drafted 
Petrarch's Testamentum. When Vergerio came to Padua in 1390, d'Alessio was chancellor for 
the Carrara; see Paolo Sambin, "Alessio, Nicoletto d'," DBI 2:247-48. The works of 
Petrarch in the Vergerio codices are: 
Bp: Laureationis Petrarcae Privilegium; Nota de Laura; Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franci- 

scum Petrarcam . . . epistola et de dispositione vitae dialogus. 
E: PPV, Vita Francisci Petrarcae; Franc. Petrarca, Nota de Laura. 
PM: PPV, Vita Francisci Petrarcae; Franc. Petrarca, Testamentum. 
Ra: Franc. Petrarca, Testamentum; Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam . . . 

epistola et de dispositione vitae dialogus; Franc. Petrarca, . . . Responsio facta Lombardo a 

Sirico. 
V: Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam . . . epistola et de dispositione vitae 

dialogus; Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Pandolfo Malatesta; Franc. Petrarca, . . . Responsio facta 

Lombardo a Sirico. 



Panegyrics 105 

haps his heirs found them among his personal papers after he had left 
Italy for the Empire. Vergerio had himself carried on a debate with 
Petrarch about solitude and consistently espoused an activist style of 
humanism. Lastly, the fascicle in V has a letter of Antonio Loschi to 
Niccolo III d'Este, describing the murder of Ottobono Terzi. Loschi 
wrote the letter from Vicenza in 1409, two years after he had left Rome 
upon completing a diplomatic mission to Innocent VII. Vergerio and 
Loschi met on that occasion, and the codex may have some relationship 
to their friendship. The two humanists renewed their acquaintance in 
1426, when Loschi received the poet's laurel while on an embassy to 
Emperor Sigismund.'* 

A second composite codex now in San Daniele del Friuli (5) contains 
the two orations for Jerome that Vergerio delivered in 1406 and 1408 
while a member of the papal court. The S codex had ties to humanists 
from the Veneto active at the papal court and derives from the scripto- 
rium of Guarnerio d'Artegna during its final years of activity (1461- 
1466). The texts of Vergerio's sermons have numerous errors and many 
corrections by the scribe, confirming the accuracy of his laconic post- 
script where he admitted working in extreme haste (raptissime). The 
latest dated components in the codex include letters that Guarino wrote 
from 1451 to 1452 and an autograph copy of the oration that Giacomo 
da Udine gave at Venice in 1457. The codex also has a Latin translation 
of an oration by Herodian of Syria on the funeral and deification of 
Emperor Septimius Severus (193-211). The translator was Ognibene 
Bonisoli da Lonigo (Omnibonus Leonicenus).^ Bonisoli had completed 
the translation before 1458, when Marco Barbo, a nephew of the future 
Pope Paul II, gave a copy to Flavio Biondo. 



^ See Amos Manni, "Terzi ed Estensi (1402-1421)," Atti e memorie della Deputazione 
/errarese di storia patria 25, no. 2 (1925): 140, 159-82; Dieter Girgensohn, "Antonio Loschi 
und Baldassare Cossa vor dem Pisaner Konzil (mit der Oratio pro umone ecclesiae)," IMU 30 
(1987): 30-35; and Germano Gualdo, "Antonio Loschi, segretario apostolico (1406-1436)," 
Archivio storico iuliano 147, no. 4 (1989): 750-64. Codex Pal. 262 of the Biblioteca Palatina 
in Parma originally had the De ingenuis moribus as its first work. When the Vergerio text 
was lost, an oration of Antonio Loschi to Doge Francesco Foscari (1423) was added; see 
Bertalot, Studien, 2:241-43. 

^ On Bonisoli's translation, see Flavio Biondo, Scritti inediti e rari . . . , ed. Bartolomeo 
Nogara, Studi e testi 48 (Rome: BAV, 1927), xxxi; it is also found in Naples, Bibl. Na- 
zionale, cod. V.G.19. Smith uncovered correspondence between Guarnerio d'Artegna and 
Raffaele Zovenzoni, the rector of the public school in Capodistria from 1461-64 and 1470- 
71. The correspondence dates from 1463. Early in the sixteenth century, Giovanni Andrea 
Vergerio, a distant relative, had searched for a supposed translation of Herodian by Pier- 
paolo Vergerio. 



106 CHAPTER 6 

It is already evident that students from a variety of places in north- 
ern Italy examined Vergerio's works as a norm for proper oratory and 
as a model for preaching according to classical norms. Humanist gram- 
marians and teachers of rhetoric played a critical role in preserving and 
transmitting his orations to posterity. The fact that humanist miscella- 
nies such as Bp and Tp are written in a humanist cursive supports that 
conclusion. The miscellanies were not compiled as formal texts for li- 
braries, but as working texts for students of humanism. Unlike the luxu- 
ry copies of the De ingenuis moribus prepared by professional scribes for 
the libraries of wealthy patrons, the texts in humanist miscellanies from 
the Veneto had an educational matrix. Vergerio had made his proposal 
for a return to classicizing oratory at Padua late in the fourteenth cen- 
tury. Fifty years later, educators had created a sylloge of model orations 
with the nucleus drawn from Paduan speeches. Though scholars today 
describe such manuscripts by author, they were often organized accord- 
ing to rhetorical genres.^ 

By focusing on the importance of rhetorical education when investi- 
gating the manuscripts, new perspectives emerge on the nature of some 
of their texts. For instance, scholars have sometimes characterized as for- 
geries the letters of Pontius Pilate to two Roman emperors, preserved in 
codex Bp and in similar collections. In all likelihood, they are model 
declamations, offered to students as examples of Latin prose composition 
and as useful exercises in political debate. Grammarians would probably 
not have tried to pass off such texts as authentic documents from a par- 
ticular historical era. Manuscript Tp has copies of the speeches attributed 
to Demades and Demosthenes, which are legion in humanist miscella- 
nies. They comprise short reworkings of positions recorded in the his- 
torical sources as Athenian statesmen debated the policy to adopt before 
Alexander the Great.'' At a moment when Giangaleazzo Visconti threat- 



^ See Bertalot, "Eine Sammlung paduaner Reden des XV. Jahrhunderts," in Studien, 
2:209-13, who characterizes the codex, Udine Arcivescovile 70, as a textbook of rhetorical 
models ("rhetorisches Musterbuch") and demonstrates that it contains all types of speeches, 
though prevalently those from university life. See also Giorgio Ronconi, "II giurista Lauro 
Palazzolo, la sua famiglia, e I'attivita oratoria, accademica, e pubblica," Quademi per la 
storia dell'Universita di Padova 17 (1984): 1, 34-35, 63, who discusses two huge repertories 
from the scriptorium of Palazzolo. The repertories were organized by genre, and their 
exemplars were cited verbatim in other speeches. 

^ See Remigio Sabbadini, "Antonio da Romagno e Pietro Marcello," Nuovo archivio 
veneto 30 (1915): 218-22; and Bertalot, Studien, 2:246-47, 263. The following texts in the 
two miscellanies are probably declamations: 
Bp: (4) Philippus rex Aristoteli salutem (inc: Filium mihi genitum scito) (cf. Bertalot, Studien, 



Panegyrics 107 

ened to unite Italy under a single ruler, an enlightened educator had his 
students imagine themselves confronted with a historical choice of acute 
contemporary relevance: how should Athens respond to Alexander? The 
speeches continued to be studied for stylistic and ideological reasons. 
Those of Demades and Demosthenes promoted ideals of liberty, but the 
letters of Pilate regrettably encouraged anti-Semitism. 

In addition to basic compositional exercises, the miscellanies preserve 
evidence of advanced training in rhetoric as well. Manuscript Tp con- 
tains exordia and model letters that Gasparino Barzizza used to teach his 
students correct rhetorical technique. The same codex has a series of 
speeches written by Barzizza, who used them to illustrate the ways in 
which he himself applied the general principles of the art in determined 
historical circumstances.^ Both codices have a group of orations closely 
associated with Guarino da Verona and written in the Veneto in the 
years from 1415 to 1425. The group includes the speech that Guarino 
gave to welcome Francesco Pisani as podesta of Verona, the funeral ora- 
tions for Giorgio Loredan and Carlo Zeno delivered by Leonardo Giu- 
stiniani in Venice, and the commemorative eulogy for Manuel Chryso- 
loras that Andrea Giuliano gave at Venice. Giuliano and Giustiniani 



2:247-48); (16-18) Legati Scytarum ad Alexandrum regem oratio (inc: Si Dii habitum cor- 
poris tui); (153-54) Anon., Ep. to virgo nohilissima (inc: Tullium Ciceronem Romanae 
virtutis); (155-58) Col. Salutati, Dedamatio Lucretiae (Menesto, ed., Coluccio Salutati 
editi e inediti, 35-43); (158-59) Ps. Pontius Pilatus, Ep. to Claudius (inc: Nuper accidit 
quod et ipse probavi); (159) Ps. Pontius Pilatus, Ep. to Tiberius (inc: De lesu Christo); 
(160) Ps. Avicenna, Ep. to Aurelius Augustinus (inc: Apparuisti compatriota noster). 
Tp: (fol. 109r-v) Pietro Marcello?, short speeches of Demades and Demosthenes (ed. Remi- 
gio Sabbadini, "Pietro Marcello," 241-42); (fol. 148) Ps. Plutarchus, Ep. to Trajan (inc: 
Modestiam tuam noveram) (cf. Bertalot, Studien, 2:248; and Helmut Boese, Die latei- 
nischen Handschriften der Sammlung Hamilton zu Berlin [Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 
1966], 127, 260); (fols. 184-85) Ps. Cicero, <Invectiva in Catilinam> (inc: Non est 
tempus ocii) (cf. Agostino Sottili, IMU 18 [1975]: 52 [/ codici del Petrarca, 724]). 
The speech of the Scythian legates is also found in Brindisi Arcivescovile A/6 {Iter 1:38b, 
5:514b-15a); Brussels Albert ler 11.1443 {Iter 3:122b-23a); Florence Rice. 671 (a copy of the 
Brindisi manuscript); Gotha Chart. B.239 {Iter 3:398b-99a); London Add. 33382 Spanish 
translation (/rer 4:120a), Add. 40676 (/ter 4:122a); Paris Lat. 7868 (/ter 3:222b); and Toledo 
Cap. 13, 15 {Iter 4:640b). Further copies of the letter of Avicenna to Augustine are preserved 
in Berlin Magdeburg 13 {Iter 3:369a) and Munich Clm 28824 {Iter 3:625b). 

* See Alfredo Galletti, L'eloquenza: Dalle origini al XVI secolo, Storia dei generi letterari 
italiani (Milan, 1904-38), 557-58; Gilles Gerard Meersseman, "La raccoltadell'umanistafiam- 
mingo Giovanni de Veris De arte epistolandi," IMU 15 (1972): 215-81; Daniela Mazzuconi, 
"Per una sistemazione dell'epistolariodi Gasparino Barzizza," /Aft/ 20 (1977): 183-84, 198- 
99; and G. W. Pigman, "Barzizza's Studies of Cicero," Rinascimento, n.s., 21 (1981): 123-33. 
At Padua in 1411, Barzizza dedicated his commentary on Seneca's letters to Francesco 
Zabarella; see Letizia A. Panizza, "Gasparino Barzizza's Commentaries on Seneca's Letters," 
Traditio 33 (1977): 308-13. 



108 CHAPTER 6 

were prominent students at Guarino's school of rhetoric in Venice. 
Humanists therefore taught rhetoric not only on the basis of classical 
pedagogy and models but on the basis of their own speeches. They did 
so with an eye to ideological considerations; Giustiniani's oration for 
Carlo Zeno communicated a message sympathetic to the ideals of the 
Venetian patriciate. Though one of Venice's greatest war heroes, Zeno 
had obediently accepted the punishment of a year in prison after his 
conviction for accepting payment from a foreign prince. His submission 
to a system of justice blind to social privilege helped to maintain the 
"most serene environment" desired by the republic's aristocracy.' 

Both codices {Bpy Tp) have a copy of the oration that Vergerio gave 
to celebrate the anniversary of Francesco Novello's return to power in 
Padua. As the first oration that Vergerio composed, it is one of the 
earliest examples of classicizing oratory from Renaissance Italy. One can 
therefore understand why educators wished that students of rhetoric 
copy the speech into their compendia. In a similar way, the panegyrics 
of Jerome included in the miscellanies broadened one's collection into 
the arena of preaching. Though the majority of orations in the two co- 
dices are epideictic, reflecting the general situation of oratory during the 
Italian Renaissance, there are also examples of deliberative orations pro- 
nounced on diplomatic embassies and sermons given in a liturgical con- 
text. ^° Having argued that students should be proficient in all three of 



' See Galletti, L'eloquenza, 561-62; and John M. McManamon, Funeral Oratory and the 

Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill, N.C., and London: Univ. of North 

Carolina Press, 1989), 88-91. 

'° The group of orations has the following order in the two codices: 

Bp: (99-100) Guarino, Oratio ... in principio rhetoricae (inc: Antequam ad hunc locum); 
(101-3) Guarino, Laudatio . . . Francisci Pisani Veronensis praetoris . . . acta (inc: Anim- 
adverti saepenumero magnifici viri) (cf. Agostino Sottili, Icodici delPetrarca, 201); (104- 
12) <Leon. Giustiniani > , /Ic/ . . . Georgium Lauredanum funelms oratio; (112-22) Leon. 
Giustiniani, . . . Oratio hahita in funere . . . Caroli Zeni . . . ; (122-31) Andr. Giuliano, 
. . . Oratio in funere . . . Manuelis Chrysolorae habita . . . ; (131-33) Girolamo Dalle Valli, 
Ad . . . Pasqualem Maripetrum . . . oratio pro universitate sua (inc: Qui celsitudinem tuam 
his temporibus adeunt); (133-36) Bern. Giustiniani, Oratio . . . hahita ad . . . Pium 
secundum . . . (inc: Sanctissime ac piissime pater cum devotissimi). 

Tp: (fols. 68-69) Guarino, Laudatio . . . Francisci Pisani Veronensis praetoris . . . acta; (fols. 69- 
72) < Leon. Giustiniani > , Ad . . . Georgium Lauredanum funebris oratio; (fols. 72-77) 
Leon. Giustiniani, . . . Oratio habita in funere . . . Caroli Zeni . . . ; (fols. 77v-81) Andr. 
Giuliano, . . . Oratio in funere . . . Manuelis Chrysolorae habita. . . . 

Codex R has a small sylloge of diplomatic orations, including that by Bernardo Giustiniani 

in Bp: (fols. 157-59) Bern. Giustiniani, . . . Ad summum pontificem oratio dum fungeretur 

legatione ad serenissimum Ferdinandum Neapoli regem; (fols. 159v-60) Ippolita Sforza, . . . 

Oratio ad summum pontificem Pium; (fol. 160) <Pius II>, Responsum ex tempore; (fols. 

160v-61) Galeazzo Maria Sforza, . . . Ad serenissimum principem Franciscum Fuscarum oratio 

(cf. Agostino Sottili, / codici del Petrarca, 249). 



Panegyrics 109 

the classical genres, Vergerio would be pleased to see a variety of model 
speeches in the miscellanies. 

b. Vergerio's Opera (B, C, E, MB, Pa, PM, R, Ra, T) 

The redactors of manuscripts who sought to collect Vergerio's opera 
omnia never succeeded in their quest; none of the manuscripts has the 
complete sylloge of ten panegyrics for Jerome. The group of four pane- 
gyrics that is preserved in the fourth part of manuscript B was put to- 
gether at the beginning of the sixteenth century and subsequently bound 
with the huge group of letters collected by Vergerio's descendants, 
Pierpaolo di Vergerio and his son Paolo. Both father and son were nota- 
ries active in Capodistria in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centu- 
ries. The sylloge in B'* consists of fragmentary versions of four of Ver- 
gerio's Jerome pangeyrics together with two speeches that he gave in 
Rome in 1406 and a letter that Vergerio wrote to Salutati in the name of 
Pope Innocent VII. The homogeneous nature of this little collection, 
containing rather obscure texts of Vergerio regarding church affairs, sug- 
gests that the texts were originally found in Rome and sent back to 
Capodistria. In the early sixteenth century, Giovanni Andrea Vergerio 
came to Rome from Capodistria in search of lost works of Vergerio. 
Among those that he still had not located in 1509, he mentioned panegy- 
rics of Saint Jerome and orations for resolving the schism.^* 

Leonardo Smith has proposed that the scribe of manuscript C 
worked in Capodistria at the end of the fifteenth century. That scribe 
indicated that he had access to autograph notes of Vergerio in three in- 
stances: the De republica Veneta, the De situ urbis lustinopolitanae, and 
Ep. 27 written by Vergerio in 1391.^^ From those texts one can recon- 
struct elements of Vergerio's scholarly methods. On the basis of his 
reading and his examination of material evidence, Vergerio made a series 
of notes for the treatises on Venice and Capodistria. After further study, 
Vergerio went back to his notes and made additions and revisions in the 
margins. He never had the time or motivation to expand the notes into 
a prose text. In the case of the De republica Veneta, the scribe of manu- 
script R attempted to do that for Vergerio. ^^ 



" Epist., Ivii-lx. 
" Ibid., xxxvii, xlviii-xlix. 

" See David Robey and John Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republica VeneU of 
Pier Paolo Vergerio," Rinascimento, n.s., 15 (1975): 36-38. 



110 CHAPTER 6 

Because Vergerio had offered various hypotheses regarding the 
etymology of lustinopolis, his copyists did further research in historical 
sources to try and resolve the question. The scribe of C copied from the 
historian lustinus a text that recounts the settling of the Colchians in 
Istria. The text almost certainly figured among Vergerio's papers, for it 
supports his preferred explanation and is associated with his incomplete 
treatise on Capodistria in three other manuscripts {Bp, R, Pa). The scribe 
of R added other excerpts on Capodistria and the Istrian peninsula, 
which he found in Pliny, Strabo, medieval chronicles of the region, and 
Flavio Biondo. Finally, three of the codices {PM, R, Ra) contain the text 
of an inscription that purportedly establishes a tie among the legendary 
voyage of the Argonauts, the emperor Justin II (565-578), and lustino- 
polis. Vergerio had speculated that the city's Latin name may have 
derived from that emperor, though he personally found the association 
with the historian lustinus more convincing. Scholars today judge the in- 
scription to be a forgery of the Renaissance, created to fill in the histori- 
cal record and enhance Capodistria's reputation.^'* There are grounds 
to suspect that the forgery was inspired by Vergerio's notes. 

On 2 June 1507, Marsilio Papafava finished copying into manuscript 
MB Vergerio's biographies of the Carrara rulers of Padua. Papafava 
proved to be the first in a series of direct descendants of the Carrara, 
who collected Vergerio's works because Vergerio had narrated the his- 
torical deeds of their family. In that project, Marsilio had as his succes- 
sors the abbot Roberto Papafava in the seventeenth century {PM) and 
Count Gian Roberto Papafava in the eighteenth century (Pa)}^ Ironi- 
cally, neither of the later Papafava succeeded in publishing the edition of 
Vergerio's opera that both had projected. Instead, the manuscript written 
primarily by Marsilio Papafava, or a copy of that manuscript, served 
Ludovico Antonio Muratori when he prepared a collection of Vergerio's 
works for publication in the RIS. Muratori apparently engaged in a con- 
scious subterfuge, claiming that he used a codex in the Estense library 
and thereby hiding the Paduan provenance of his manuscript and its 
connection to the Carrara.^^ By making copies of Vergerio's biogra- 



" Maria Pia Billanovich, "Bernardino Parenzano e le origini di Capodistria," IMU 14 
(1971): 269-70. 

'^ See Epist, xl-xlii, xlv-xlvi, Ixiv-lxviii; and Paolo Preto, "Pietro Ceoldo (1738-1813) 
tra ancien regime e rivoluzione," in Contributi alia bibliografia storica della chiesa padovana 
1, Fonti e ricerche 7 (Padua: Istituto per la Storia Ecclesiastica Padovana, 1976), 13-32. 

'^ See Epist, 490, 494 (Muratori's prefaces); and Anna Burlini Calapaj, "Tra polemica, 
erudizione, e storia: Scritti editi ed inediti di Adamo Pivati, parroco di S. Giuliana in 



Panegyrics 111 

phies, the Carrara and Papafava kept alive their aspirations to regain 
poHtical prominence. Of the thirty odd codices that conserve Vergerio's 
De principibus Carrariensihus et eorum gestis liber, more than half are 
now in Hbraries in Padua or Venice. The most famous copy is a luxury 
codex on parchment that contains portraits of the princes matched to 
Vergerio's biographies.^'' Vergerio himself believed that a verbal por- 
trait that successfully renders the subject visible had the greatest poten- 
tial to inspire the emulation of others. 

Manuscript MB contains only one of Vergerio's panegyrics of Je- 
rome, that delivered in Rome in 1406. Muratori decided not to print the 
work because he felt it had no bearing on his purpose, little that was 
original, and some things that were inaccurate. ^^ Curiously, neither Ro- 
berto Papafava nor Gian Roberto Papafava found a copy of that sermon 
to add to their intended opera omnia. The oversight is especially surpris- 
ing in the second instance, for a correspondent alerted Gian Roberto 
Papafava to the existence of another sermon that would complement the 
seven he had already found in codex R. Perhaps the count failed to find 
the sermon because the letter indicated only that the sermon was pub- 
lished in an incunabulum. Papafava may have searched in vain among 
the incunabular editions of Vergerio's works, not realizing that the ser- 
mon was actually published in the opera of Jerome. Manuscript T was 
copied from a codex in the library of Giacomo Zabarella in the seven- 
teenth century. That manuscript, which Smith described as lost, is al- 
most certainly codex MB or its exemplar. 

Both manuscript R, now in Padua, and manuscript Ra, now in Ven- 
ice, were transcribed late in the fifteenth century. The R codex opens 
with a letter from Pietro Dolfin (1444-1525), the abbot of San Michele 
di Murano, to Enrico Petronio, a doctor of law from Capodistria. The 
letter is dated 23 January 1480. Petronio was related to the Vergerio 



Padova," in Contributi alia bibliografta storica della chiesa padovana 5 (1980-83), Fonti e 
ricerche 15 (Padua: Istituto per la Storia Ecclesiastica Padovana, 1983), 15-16. 

'' Cod. B.P. 158 of the Museo Civico in Padua. See further Vittorio Lazzarini, "Libri 
di Francesco Novello da Carrara," in Scritti di paleogra/ia e diplomatica, Medioevo e 
umanesimo 6 (Venice, 1938; rev. ed., Padua: Antenore, 1969), 280-81; Giovanni Muzzioli, 
ed., Mostra storica nazionale della miniatura (Florence: Sansoni, < 1954 >), 164-65; and Iter 
2:22a. On the surviving manuscripts of the biographies, see the comments of Attilio 
Gnesotto in Petri Pauli Vergerii De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber (Padua, 
1925), ix-x, 125-27. 

'* Muratori is quoted by Smith, EpisL, 495: ". . . tum quod nulla ex parte ad institutum 
meum spectet, tum etiam quod nihil nisi vulgaria, eaque ne a fabulis quidem immunia, 
exhibeat." 



112 CHAPTER 6 

family by marriage and had lent Dolfin a codex of the letters of Pier- 
paolo Vergerio. Dolfin had already acquired an active interest in Ver- 
gerio's work, for in 1462 he had lent his copy of the De ingenuis moribus 
to a relative of the same name, Pietro di Giorgio Dolfin (ca. 1427- 
1506).^^ The abbot asked Petronio if he might keep the codex of Verge- 
rio's letters for a longer time in order to transcribe them. A codex 
presently preserved at Camaldoli but originally in the library of San 
Michele has a sylloge of Vergerio's letters which relate to Venetian 
matters. That manuscript was written in the eighteenth century and can 
only be a later copy of the letters selected by Dolfin.^° In addition to 
Capodistria, the R codex had close associations with Padua. The manu- 
script has a note, which was purportedly copied from the Paduan com- 
munal archive before the burning of the Palazzo della Ragione in 1420. 
The note, a famous forgery often conjoined with an astrological table 
for the year 421, claims that the Paduan Senate sent out colonists to 
found a settlement at the Rialto in that year."^^ The document reflected 
patriotic sentiments among Paduans, who wished to liberate the city 
from Venetian control. Petronio studied law at the University of Padua, 
finishing his degree in 1479. Whether the work of Petronio or some 
other scribe, the codex is valuable for preserving three of the sermons 
on Jerome and a complete text of the short oration that Vergerio 
delivered at the papal court in August of 1406. 



'' The copy of De ingenuis moribus made by Pietro di Giorgio is now Venice Marc. lat. 
VI.268 (3141); see Derolez, Codicologie, 2:152 (no. 1105). Venice Marc. lat. XIV. 126 (4664), 
a De ingenuis moribus copied at Pirano in 1444, once belonged to the library of San Michele 
di Murano. Smith published the letter from Dolfin to Petronio in Epist, xxxix. On the two 
Pietro Dolfin, see the articles of Raffaella Zaccaria in the DBI 40:562-71. The abbot Pietro 
transcribed Jerome's letters into BAV cod. Vat. lat. 13703. Luigi Pesce, La chiesa di Treviso 
nel primo Quattrocento, Italia sacra: Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica 37-39 (Rome: 
Herder, 1987), 1:207-8, discusses the contacts among Vergerio, Carlo Zeno, and Giacomo 
da Treviso. Giacomo served from 1393 to 1395 as vicar general to Leonardo Dolfin, bishop 
of Castello (Venice). 

^° Camaldoli cod. 1201, fols. 193-21 Iv; see /ter 5:522b-23b. Smith, Epist., xxxviii-xxxix 
n. 1, surmised that the manuscript was lost. 

^' See Vittorio Lazzarini, "II preteso documento della fondazione di Venezia e la cronaca 
del medico lacopo Dondi," in Scritti di paleografia e diplomatica, Medioevo e umanesimo 6 
(Venice, 1938; rev. ed., Padua: Antenore, 1969), 107-1 1; Sante Bortolami, "Per la storia della 
storiografia comunale: il Chronicon de potestatibus Paduae," Archivio veneto, ser. 5, 105 
(1975): 76-78; and Edward Muir, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (Princeton: Princeton 
Univ. Press, 1981), 70-72. Ronconi, "Lauro Palazzolo," 28, speaks of a student from Capo- 
distria at the University of Padua by the name of Ericino Petroni; see further Iter 2:241a, 
359a. 



Panegyrics 113 

Between the years 1486 and 1502, Paolo Ramusio the elder (ca. 1443- 
1506) copied the texts into codex Ra. Ramusio was born in Rimini and 
studied at the University of Padua; he eventually settled in Venice and 
frequently served as an assessor for Venice in the cities of her empire. 
Ramusio also raised a family of distinguished humanists.^ His collec- 
tion of the works of Vergerio shared elements with other collections, 
but he managed to give it a personal stamp as well. Like other students, 
Ramusio coupled Vergerio's opera with selected works from the corpus 
of Petrarch. Likewise, Ramusio offered the forged inscription from 
Capodistria immediately after Vergerio's notes on the site of his home- 
town. A note informs the reader that, although the inscription was un- 
known to Vergerio, it confirms the thesis that the emperor Justin II had 
some relationship to lustinopolis.^^ Ramusio's codex is unique for pre- 
serving an office for the feast of Jerome which Vergerio put together 
while studying canon law in Padua (1400-1405). The office differs in 
arrangement from others written in the late fourteenth and fifteenth 
century, though all of them build from a common stock of psalms, 
prayers, and readings.^'^ Ramusio bridges the two worlds of those col- 
lecting rhetorical miscellanies and those collecting Vergerio's opera. 



^ Margaret L. King, Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton: 
Princeton Univ. Press, 1986), 423-24. 

^ According to Smith, Epist., xlv n. 1, Ramusio copied the inscription from cod. 21 of 
the Archivio Papafava in Padua. 

^^ In addition to the one in Ramusio's codex, there are offices for the feast in Oxford, 
Bodleian, cod. Canon, pat. lat. 70, fols. 87-91; BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 1205, fols. 59-61; and 
Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, cod. Car. C.144, fols. 131-55 (dated 1427). Because all of the 
offices begin with the same antiphon, they share a common incipit in the catalogs. The 
office in the Vatican manuscript has some relationship to the Hieronymite congregation of 
Blessed Pietro Gambacorta and was put together after Pietro's death in 1435. The Vatican 
manuscript is described in M.-H. Laurent, Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1135-1266 
(Vatican City: BAV, 1958), 138-39. Information on the Oxford codex is available in Henry 
O. Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Canonicianos Complectens, part 3 of Catologi Codicum 
Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae (Oxford, 1854), 333-34; and Bernard Lambert, Bi- 
hliotheca Hieronymiana Manuscripta: La tradition manuscrite des oeuvres de saint Jerome, 
Instrumenta patristica 4 (Steenbrugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 1969-72), 3:653, 669, 688. 
The Oxford codex was written in antiqua by Francesco da Poppio (see fol. 91). Possessors' 
notes on fol. ii suggest a Florentine provenance: "Questo libro e di Giovan Batista 
d'Attaviano Doni." "Questo libro e di Piero di Simone del Nero comprato da Santi de le 
Volte il di [ . . . ] di gennaio 1580." On the office for Jerome composed by Pietro da 
Viterbo, OESA, at the behest of Giovanni d'Andrea, see Joseph Klapper, "Aus der Friihzeit 
des Humanismus: Dichtungen zu Ehren des heiligen Hieronymus," in Ernst Boehlich and 
Hans Heckel, eds., Bausteine: Festschrift fur Max Koch zum 70. Geburtstag dargebracht (Bres- 
lau, 1926), 273-80. 



114 CHAPTER 6 

c. Jerome's Opera {A, Ar, Br, Gn, Tr, 2) 

The final group of codices all have copies of the panegyric for Je- 
rome, which Vergerio delivered at Rome in 1406. In every case, the ser- 
mon was copied from an incunabular edition of the works of Jerome. 
The six manuscripts testify once again to the fact that, in producing 
books, printing did not immediately replace handwriting. Between 1480 
and 1483, Cardinal Giovanni of Aragon evidently decided to add a copy 
of Jerome's opera to his personal library, and he paid a talented scribe in 
Florence to make a handwritten copy of the works {A). The scribe in 
turn copied Jerome's letters and treatises from the edition published at 
Parma in 1480. The cardinal's luxury manuscripts, written in antiqua on 
high-quality parchment, better mirrored his status as the ecclesiastical 
notable of the ruling family of Naples. After Giovanni's sudden death in 
1485, the two volumes passed to the Royal Library, where in 1495 they 
became part of the spoils of the French invasion of Italy. The codices 
passed from the Aragonese rulers of Naples to powerful French cardi- 
nals (Guillaume Bri^onnet and Georges d'Amboise) and eventually to 
the French Royal Library.^^ 

The Cambridge codex (Gn) is a similar case of luxury manuscript 
production for John Gunthorpe, dean of Wells Cathedral and former 
master of the Royal Palace in London. In its use of two columns and 
Gothic script, the codex testifies to the cultural lag between England and 
Italy. Unlike Giovanni of Aragon, the imperial counselor Jakob Spiegel 
(ca. 1483-1547) had a limited interest in manuscript books. Apparently 
while visiting Buda in 1514, he obtained a codex of Tacitus from the 
Corvinian Library, but he gave it to Beatus Rhenanus a few years later. 
Spiegel was a nephew of Jakob Wimpfeling, among the first of the 
German humanists to endorse Vergerio's approach to humanist educa- 
tion in the De ingenuis moribus. Spiegel himself collected a large number 
of theological works, and his favorite author was Erasmus. His once 
owning the codex of Jerome's works now in London {Ar) reflects the 



^ On the edition printed at Parma, see Pietro Zorzanello, "La stampa nella provincia 
di Parma e Piacenza," in Domenico Fava, ed., Tesori delle biblioteche d'ltalia: Emilia e 
Romagna (Milan, 1932), 538; and Luigi Balsamo, "Editoria e umanesimo a Parma fra Quat- 
tro e Cinquecento," in Paola Medioli Masotti, ed., Parma e I'umanesimo italiano (Atti del 
convegno intemazionale di studi umanistici, Parma, 20 ottobre 1984), Medioevo e umanesimo 
60 (Padua: Antenore, 1986), 80. For the dispersion of the Royal Library at Naples, see 
Armando Petrucci, "Biblioteca, libri, scritture nella Napoli aragonese," in Guglielmo 
Cavallo, ed., Le biblioteche nel mondo antico e medievale, Biblioteca universale 250 (Bari: 
Laterza, 1989), 199-201; and Hankins, P/dto, 1:96, 2:506, 710 (for the similar provenance of 
Paris lat. 6858). 



Panegyrics 115 

interest of a follower of Erasmus in exegesis and the writings of the 
church fathers.^^ 

Three other codices {Br, Tr, 2) are more modest efforts by individu- 
als to assemble a useful collection of texts. An anonymous monk in the 
Benedictine scriptorium of San Faustino probably copied codex Br. In 
addition to the sermon on Jerome, the scribe chose to include a group 
of "praiseworthy sermons" by John Chrysostom that had recently been 
translated into Latin and published at Rome. The entire collection re- 
flects emphases in the evolving spirituality of the monastery through 
contact with humanist textual activities, and it served the monk primari- 
ly as an aid to preaching. The Trier manuscript (TV), copied outside Italy 
in a Gothic script typical of southern Germany and Austria, once 
belonged to the library of the Windesheim congregation at the Augus- 
tinian convent attached to the pilgrimage church of Eberhard. If copied 
at the monastery, the choice of texts, featuring writings related to Je- 
rome, enlightens us on the reform spirituality of the congregation toward 
the end of the fifteenth century. The manuscript from the library of 
Cardinal Zelada (2), now preserved in Toledo, had its origins in Marti- 
nengo, in the province of Bergamo. The scribe of the first texts in the 
codex, Romelius Gualenus de Solto, earned his living as the teacher in 
a grammar school. He used the early folios of his manuscript for poetic 
texts by a local humanist named Pamphylus Moratus.^'' The collection 
probably served the master in his efforts to teach Latin grammar. 

All of the scribes of those manuscripts had access to Vergerio's ser- 
mon on Jerome from 1406 because the sermon was used as a biographi- 
cal supplement in the first edition of Jerome's works published at Rome 



^^ See Otto Herding, eA., Jakob Wimpfelings "Adolescentia," Jzcohi Wimpfelingi opera 
selecta 1 (Munich: W. Fink, 1965), 85-95; Eugenio Garin, L'educazione in Europa (1400- 
1600): Problemi e programmi (2d ed.. Ban: Laterza, 1966), 185; Karl Heinz Burmeister, "Die 
Bibliothek des Jakob Spiegel," in Fritz Krafft and Dieter Wuttke, eds., Das Verhdltnis der 
Humanisten zum Buck, Kommission fiir Humanismusforschung, Milteilung 4 (Boppard: H. 
Boldt, 1977), 166-71, 180-82; and John F. D'Amico, Theory and Practice in Renaissance Tex- 
tual Criticism: Beatus Rhenanus Between Conjecture and History (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and 
London: Univ. of California Press, 1988), 115-16. 

^^ Further manuscripts with works of Moratus are cataloged in Iter 2:204b-5a (Udine 
Comunale F.P. 2686), 2:248a (Venice Marc. lat. XIV.214 [4674]), 2:359a (BAV Vat. lat. 
3164), and 4:623b-24a (Seville 7-1-49). The Toledo codex has the Epistulae Magni Turd 
translated by Laudivio Zacchia da Vezzano Ligurc. Zacchia also wrote a Vita Beati Hierony- 
mi (Rome: J. Gensberg, ca. 1474), IGI 5700. Cod. Clm 18527b of the Bayerische Staatsbiblio- 
thek in Munich has a sermon on Jerome copied in 1483 (fols. 146v-53), which quotes 
Vergerio's Sermo 8 at length from the opening words. Variants indicate that the author used 
the copy of Vergerio's sermon included in the works of Jerome published at Rome in 1470. 



116 CHAPTER 6 

in 1468. The complicated effort to print an opera omnia started with 
Teodoro De Lellis, the bishop of Treviso. Before his death in 1466, De 
Lellis had collected Jerome's letters and organized them into three gene- 
ral groups.^^ The editorial project then passed to the humanist Gian- 
nandrea Bussi. Given Bussi's familiarity with classical and patristic 
manuscripts, he regularly collaborated with the first Roman printers. 
When the Germans Sweynheym and Pannartz decided to publish an 
edition of Jerome's works, they enlisted Bussi's help. Bussi found his 
task simplified by the materials that Teodoro De Lellis had already 
gathered. Using that collection as a basis, Bussi then consulted Theodore 
Gaza on problems of textual transmission and possible emendation. The 
printing of Jerome's works engaged a group of humanist scholars in 
Rome during the pontificate of Paul II (1464-1471). The first run 
numbered two hundred and seventy-five copies, and a second printing 
in 1470 sold for the rather economical price of five ducats for each of 
two volumes.^^ 

Circumstantial evidence suggests that Giannandrea Bussi and his asso- 
ciates made the decision to include Vergerio's panegyric in the introduc- 
tory material.^° First, the only manuscripts of Jerome's works from the 



^^ On Teodoro De Lellis, see Augusto Serena, La cultura umanistica a Treviso nel secolo 
decimoquinto. Miscellanea di storia veneta, ser. 3, torn. 3 (Venice, 1912), 40-42; Luigi 
Alpago-Novello, "Teodoro de' Lelli vescovo di Feltre (1462-64) e dl Treviso (1464-66)," 
Archivio veneto 66 (1936): 238-56; Rodolfo Dell'Osta, Un teologo del potere papule e suoi 
rapporti col cardinalato nel secolo XV ossia Teodoro de' Lelli vescovo di Feltre e Treviso (1427- 
1466) (Belluno: S. Benetta, 1948); Pesce, La chiesa di Treviso, 1:365, 605, 2:7; and Diego 
Quaglioni, "De Lellis, Teodoro," DBI 36:506-9. Teodoro's father, Simone De Lellis da 
Teramo (ca. 1383/88-d. by Aug. 1458), studied under Francesco Zabarella at the University 
of Padua. On Simone's career, see Myriam Billanovich, "Francesco Colonna, // Polifilo, e la 
famiglia Lelli," IMU 19 (1976): 421-24; Walter Brandmuller, "Simon de Lellis de Teramo: 
Ein Konsistorialadvokat auf den Konzilien von Konstanz und ^zst\," Annuarium Historiae 
Conciliorum 12 (1980): 229-55; and Paolo Cherubini, "De Lellis, Simone," D5/ 36:504-6. 
Codex 7p, described above, has the only literary work presently attributed to Simone (fol. 
54v: Oratio vel epistola . . . in compatrem . . . Guedonem de Francia). However, Brandmuller, 
"Simon de Lellis," 259, has challenged the attribution. 

^' Hieronymus, Tractatus et epistolae, ed. Giannandrea Bussi, Hain 8551; BMC 4:5; IGI 
4733. For Bussi's activity, see Sergio Samek Ludovici, "Sweynheym, Pannartz, e Giovanni 
Andrea Bussi," Beitrdge zur Inkunahelkunde, ser. 3, 4 (1969): 162-64; Egmont Lee, Sixtus IV 
and Men of Letters, Temi e testi 26 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1978), 105-11; 
Massimo Miglio, "Bussi, Giovanni Andrea," DBI 15:568-69; Miglio's comments in Prefa- 
zioni alle edizioni di Sweynheym e Pannartz prototipografi romani, Documenti sulle arti del 
libro 12 (Milan: II Polifilo, 1978), xvii-xxxv; and Eugene Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renais- 
sance (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985), 121-22. Miglio published 
the prefaces to vol. 1 (ibid., 3-5) and vol. 2 (ibid., 5-11) of the 1468 edition. 

'° An edition of Jerome's works published at Rome around 1468 claims to reproduce 
the text that De Lellis prepared, and it has Vergerio's sermon on Jerome. That does not 



Panegyrics 117 

fifteenth century which contain Vergerio's panegyric are those copied 
from the various printed editions that had the speech. For example, 
none of the approximately thirty codices of Jerome's works copied in 
the fifteenth century and now preserved in the various fondi of the Vati- 
can Library has Vergerio's sermon. In a few cases, the codices do have 
a biographical introduction such as the life of Jerome that Giovanni 
d'Andrea wrote for his Hieronymianus. Thus, even though the practice 
of appending a biography to a collection of Jerome's works was not 
unknown, no editor prior to Bussi chose Vergerio's panegyric as the 
appropriate text.^^ Secondly, among the Vatican codices, there is a two- 
volume set of Jerome's works that originally belonged to Teodoro De 
Lellis (Vat. lat. 343 and 344). The letters of Jerome are preceded by the 
index that De Lellis had prepared; he distributed the letters under the 
headings of faith, Scripture, and morality. In the second volume, imme- 
diately after the last of Jerome's writings, the manuscript has a biogra- 
phy of Jerome written by Nicolo Maniacoria in the twelfth century and 
two of the letters on Jerome's miracles written by a forger in the four- 
teenth century. Moreover, the two volumes have annotations and 
collations in a hand other than that of De Lellis. The codices appear to 
be the ones that Bussi and his associates used as the basis for their edi- 
tion, but they did not find Vergerio's sermon there.^^ 



necessarily mean that De Lellis himself chose to include Vergerio's sermon. The edition is 
Aristeas de septuaginta interpretihus, translatio Latina Mathias Palmerius; Hieronymus, Epi- 
stolae <Rome: Sixtus Riessinger, ca. 1468 >, Hain 8550; BMC 4:27 ; 7G/ 4734; lERS 6. Ver- 
gerio's sermon is found in vol. 1, fols. 368-69v. 

" Late manuscripts of Jerome's opera in the BAV include: Barb. lat. 568, 569; Pal. lat. 
1262; Regin. lat. 326; Urb. lat. 51; and Vat. lat. 342, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 357, 358 
(with the biography of Giovanni d'Andrea), 359, 362, 363, 364, 365, 367 (with the biogra- 
phy from the Legenda aurea), 368, 4321, 7604, 8124, 8559, 9256. Vat. lat. 348, 349, 358, and 
362 are included in Derolez, Codicologie, 2:141 (no. 1007, 1008, 1009, 1010). 

^^ Vat. lat. 343 and 344 are described in the BAV catalog prepared by Marco Vattaso and 
Pio Franchi de' Cavalieri, Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1-678 (Vatican City, 1902), 248- 
54. According to Massimo Miglio and Concetta Bianca, the hand of the scholar who 
conducted the collation of De Lellis's manuscript is not that of Bussi. The following codices 
all belonged to the library of De Lellis: BAV Ottob. lat. 749, Vat. lat. 216, 343, 344, 345, 
434, 535, 546, 619, 795, 797, 976, 1905, 2107, 4520; and Venice Zan. lat. 345 (1650). In 
addition to the printed catalogs of the Vatican library, see also Marco Vattaso, / codici 
petrarcheschi delta Biblioteca Vaticana, Studi e testi 20 (Vatican City, 1908), 37-38; Jose 
Ruysschaert, "Recherche des deux bibliotheques romaines Maffei des XVe et XVIe siecles," 
La Bibliofilia 60 (1958): 330-31; Ruysschaert, "Le miniaturiste 'romain' de VOpus de Michele 
Carara," Scriptorium 23 (1969): 216-19; Concetta Bianca, "La formazione della biblioteca 
latina del Bessarione," in C. Bianca et al., eds., Aspetti e problemi, vol. 1 of Scrittura, 
biblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento, Littera antiqua 1.1 (Vatican City: Scuola 
Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, e Archivistica, 1980), 158-59; and Bianca, "La 



118 CHAPTER 6 

Thirdly, the text of Vergerio's panegyric on Jerome, as it is preserved 
in the Bussi edition, has a brief series of emendations made to polish its 
Latin style, Bussi liked to confer with other scholars about textual mat- 
ters; he discussed the Jerome edition with Theodore Gaza, who had al- 
ready worked on a text of Vergerio. Gaza and Niccolo Sagundino had 
helped to revise Vergerio's Latin translation of the works of Arrian. In 
the course of that project, Sagundino had expressed his disdain for the 
pedestrian quality of Vergerio's version.^^ A scholar like Gaza, there- 
fore, may have been prone to see a need to emend the text of Vergerio's 
sermon. Most importantly, the content points to Bussi. Because Vergerio 
depicts Jerome as exemplifying the value of humanist studies for a 
Christian intellectual, his portrait better harmonizes with the scholarly 
priorities of Bussi and his circle. In fact, those Roman humanists may 
have consciously selected Vergerio's panegyric as a subtle warning to 
Paul II, who was then quarreling with his humanist secretaries. 

The friction between pope and humanists directly involved Teodoro 
De Lellis too. De Lellis had moved up in the church hierarchy by ex- 
ploiting his Venetian connections at the papal court and by refining his 
skills as a defender of papal primacy.^"* In 1451, he wrote a short trea- 
tise against the Pragmatic Sanction, and, ten years later, he composed a 
letter in the name of Pius II to endorse Gregor Heimburg's condemna- 
tion for heresy. In 1464, De Lellis came to the aid of Paul II when he 
censured any attempt by the cardinals to limit papal sovereignty. De 
Lellis argued that, were the pope bound by electoral capitulations, he 
would find himself as powerless as Venice's Doge, the symbolic prince 



biblioteca romana di Niccolo Cusano," in Massimo Miglio, with P. Farenga and A. 
Modigliani, eds., Scrittura, hiblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento 2, Littera antiqua 
3 (Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, e Archivistica, 1983), 693-94. 
De Lellis also prepared a table of contents for his codex of Gregory the Great (Vat. lat. 
619). Among the curiosities of his library are his employing a left-handed scribe named 
Egbertus Noet (Vat. lat. 976 and 4520) and his purchasing Vat. lat. 2107 from the Roman 
baker Albertus Prent, to whom Cardinal Antonio Cerda y Llascos left the codex in his will. 

" Gaza's collaboration with Bussi is discussed by Massimo Miglio, "Bussi," DBI 15:568- 
69. Philip A. Stadter, "Arrianus, Flavius," CTC 3:7-8, pointed out Sagundino's disparaging 
remarks about Vergerio's translation. 

'■^ See, e.g., Alpago-Novello, "Teodoro de' Lelli," 238-46; Dell'Osta, Un teologo, 23-96; 
Hubert Jedin, Der Kampfum das Konzil, vol. 1 of Geschichte des Konzils von Trient (2d ed., 
Freiburg: Herder, 1951), 56, 67-68; Arthur J. Dunston, "Pope Paul 11 and the Humanists," 
Journal of Religious History 7, no. 4 (1973): 292-94, 298-303, 306; John F. D'Amico, Ren- 
aissance Humanism in Papal Rome: Humanists and Churchmen on the Eve of the Reformation, 
Studies in Historical and Political Science, ser. 101, no. 1 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. 
Press, 1983), 92-97; and Charles L. Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome (Bloomington, Ind.: 
Indiana Univ. Press, 1985), 8-9. 



Panegyrics 119 

par excellence. In his polemical works, De Lellis appealed to the thought 
of Jerome, whom he cited as an apologist for the supreme authority of 
the pope. 

Therefore, when Paul II found himself under attack by the human- 
ists, he naturally turned to Teodoro De Lellis for assistance. The Vene- 
tian pope had almost immediately antagonized his humanist employees 
when he reorganized the Roman Curia in 1464 and eliminated many of 
the posts that they had filled in the College of Abbreviators. The hu- 
manist Bartolomeo dei Sacchi, better known as Platina, bitterly resented 
a papal decision that left himself and many humanist colleagues without 
work. Platina's insulting invective against Paul II earned him a hearing 
where he was interrogated by Teodoro De Lellis. When Platina defend- 
ed his positions and threatened to appeal to a church council, De Lellis 
threw him into prison. Released in January of 1465 through the media- 
tion of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga, Platina found himself back in a cell 
of Castel Sant'Angelo in February of 1468, when Paul II accused the 
members of the Roman Academy of plotting against his life. 

The editors and printers of the Roman press issued the edition of 
Jerome's works at a moment when the papal court and humanists were 
in less than perfect harmony. The message of Vergerio's panegyric, in- 
cluded in the first Roman editions of Jerome's opera, countered the hard 
line taken by Paul II and De Lellis. The panegyric comprised a call for 
humanism in the service of the ecclesiastical community; humanist stud- 
ies would prepare a learned clergy capable of reforming moral corrup- 
tion by living exemplary lives. Attempts to condemn those studies for 
being pagan comprised myopic bigotry on the part of church authori- 
ties. Bussi may have found a copy of Vergerio's panegyric in Rome, 
given that Vergerio had delivered it there. And Cardinal Gonzaga, 
Platina's major Roman defender, may have advised him in that choice. 
In 1462, six years before Bussi's edition, Gonzaga had copied in his own 
hand another of Vergerio's panegyrics for Jerome.^^ 

Whatever the reasons, the decision assured wide circulation for that 
panegyric of Vergerio. In the eighteenth century, it was reprinted in the 



•'* See Alessandro Luzio and Rodolfo Renier, "II Platina e i Gonzaga," Giomale storico 
della letteratura italiana 13 (1889): 433-34; Alpago-Novello, "Teodoro de' Lelli," 240-42; D. 
S. Chambers, "II Platina e il Cardinale Francesco Gonzaga," in Augusto Campana and Paola 
Meldioli Masotti, eds., Bartolomeo Sacchi il Platina: Atti del Convegno Intemazionale di studi 
per il V Centenario (Cremona, 14-15 novembre 1981), Medioevo e umanesimo 62 (Padua: 
Antenore, 1986), 10-12, 15-16; and the description of the Naples manuscript in Part II 
above. 



120 CHAPTER 6 

folio edition of Jerome's works edited by Domenico Vallarsi, and it 
migrated from there into Migne's Patrologia Latina. Even some editors 
who did not include the panegyric still seem affected by its content. 
Erasmus prefaced a masterful biography of the saint to his edition of the 
letters and treatises for Froben in 1516; the general spirit of Erasmus's 
life, admittedly a more subtle piece of historical interpretation, mirrored 
the reformist tone of Vergerio's panegyric.^^ The trail of Vergerio's 
works leads to other churchmen who embraced his call for devotion to 
Jerome. Pietro da Montagnana, a parish priest who taught Latin gram- 
mar in Padua from 1423 until his retirement in 1477, once had in his 
possession the only extensive autograph folios of Vergerio still known 
today. During his long years of teaching, Pietro also copied ninety-five 
letters of Jerome in his distinctive Semigothic script and became fluent 
in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, the three languages that Vergerio adduced 
to demonstrate that Jerome had become a proficient philologist.^^ Joan- 
nes Vitez (ca. 1408-72), bishop of Nagy-Varad and later of Esztergom, 



'^ Froben published the edition of Jerome's works in nine volumes in 1516. On 
Erasmus's editorial contribution and his biography of Jerome, see Joseph Coppens, "Le 
portrait de saint Jerome d'apres Erasme," in J.-C. Margolin, ed., Colloquia Erasmiana 
Turonensia, De Petrarque a Descartes 24 (Paris: J. Vrin, 1972), 2:821-28; John B. Maguire, 
"Erasmus' Biographical Masterpiece: Hieronymi Stridonensis Vita," Renaissance Quarterly 26 
(1973): 265-73; John Olin, "Erasmus and the Church Fathers," in Six Essays on Erasmus and 
a Translation of Erasmus' Letter to Carondelet, 1523 (New York: Fordham Univ. Press, 
1979), 33-47; Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 116-36; and Anna Morisi Guerra, "La 
leggenda di San Girolamo: Temi e problemi tra umanesimo e controriforma," Clio 23 
(1987): 11-1%. Mariano Vittori prepared an edition of Jerome's letters that was published at 
Rome in 1565, and he prefaced to it a biography, which portrayed Jerome as a champion 
of counter-reform. See Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 154-56; and Morisi Guerra, "La 
leggenda," 28-33. Vallarsi's first edition was printed at Verona between 1734 and 1742. The 
Patrologia Latina reproduced his second edition, which was published at Venice between 
1766 and 1772. 

^^ On the career of Pietro da Montagnana, see Giuliano Tamani, "Catalogo dei 
manoscritti ebraici della Biblioteca Marciana di Venezia," La Bihliofilia 74 (1972): 254-63; 
Tamani, "Pietro da Montagnana studioso e traduttore di testi ebraici," IMLJ 16 (1973): 349- 
58; Albinia de la Mare, K. Marshall, and R. H. Rouse, "Pietro da Montagnana and the Text 
of Aulus Gellius in Paris B.N. Lat. 13038," Scriptorium 30, no. 2 (1976): 219-25; Silvio 
Bemardinello, "Gli studi propedeutici di greco del grammatico padovano Pietro da Monta- 
gnana," Quademi per la storia dell'Universita di Padova 9-10 (1976-77): 103-28; and 
Bemardinello, "La Consolatio coisliniana di Boezio: Le glosse e la biblioteca di Pietro da 
Montagnana," /4 m e memorie dell'Accademiapatavina di scienze, lettere, ed arti: Memorie della 
classe di scienze morali, lettere, ed arti, n.s., 93, no. 3 (1980-81): 29-52. Montagnana's 
manuscript of Jerome's works is Venice Marc. lat. 111.35 (2502). Simone Vosich da Montona 
descended from a noble Istrian family and held church offices in Hungary, Rome, and 
Padua. While in Padua, Simone built a burial chapel for his family and dedicated it to 
Jerome in 1467. Six years later, Simone was named bishop of Capodistria; see Mario Botter, 
"Nobili istriani in Treviso: La famiglia da Montona," Atti e memorie della Societa istriana 
di archeologia e storia patria 58, n.s., 6 (1958): 114-18. 



Panegyrics 121 

inherited a number of Vergerio's books and his love for humanism. In 
the prologue of his Epistolario, completed in 1451, Vitez noted that 
Jerome had often cited Virgil, Horace, and Terence in his letters. He 
further argued that erudite Christians should follow Jerome's example 
by writing prose according to the model of Cicero.^* 

The most effective way to diffuse Vergerio's portrait of Jerome con- 
tinued to be the printed editions of the saint's writings, which scholars 
and churchmen bought for their libraries. In the sixteenth century, as 
Vergerio would have hoped, one owner proved to be among the few 
tolerant voices of that militant era. A copy of the edition of Jerome's 
works published in Rome around 1468 and now preserved in the Biblio- 
teca Casanatense has marginalia and emphases by Marcello Cervini, 
Pope Marcellus II (1555). While studying Vergerio's panegyric, Cervini 
underlined the passages on Jerome's trial before the heavenly tribunal 
and his departure from Rome when his election as pope seemed assured. 
In the second case, Cervini added a marginal note to remind himself that 
"Jerome withdrew from the city and repudiated the pomp of a secular 
ruler. "^' Cervini caught the precise emphasis that Vergerio would have 
wished and gave future generations still another reason to remember 
him as "good Pope Marcellus." 



'* See loannes Vitez de Zredna, Opera quae supersunt, ed. Ivan Boronkai, Bibliotheca 
scriptorum Medii Recentisque Aevorum, n.s., 3 (Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1980), 31 {Ep. 
1); and Klara Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Johannes Vitez, Studia humanitatis: 
Veroffentlichungen der Arbeitsgruppe fiir Renaissanceforschung 6 (Budapest: Akademia 
Kiado, 1984), 20-28. 

^' "Hieronymus recessit ab urbe et renuntiavit pompis saeculi." The edition has the 
shelfmark Casanatense Vol. Inc. 707. A note by Antonio Cervini indicates that the margi- 
nalia and emphases were written by Marcellus II ("Postilla quae habentur in hoc et secundo 
volumine sunt ex proprio charactere Marcelli H ex attestatione illustrissimi et reverendissimi 
D.D. Antonii Cervini . . ."). See further Stanley Morison, "Marcello Cervini, Pope Marcel- 
lus H: Bibliography's Patron Saint," IMU 5 (1962): 303-4, 314-17; and William V. Hudon, 
Marcello Cervini and Ecclesiastical Government in Tridentine Italy (DeKalb, 111.: Northern 
Illinois Univ. Press, 1992), 20, 39-42, 58-59. Morison, "Marcello Cervini," 308, discusses 
Cervini's plan to print a polyglot Bible that would be "nothing less than a critical revision." 



Part IV 

Editorial Matters 



CHAPTER 7 

Criteria for the 
Edition 



a. The minimal quantity of autograph material by Pierpaolo Vergerio 
makes it impossible to reconstruct Vergerio's Latin orthography.^ 
Therefore, I have standardized the orthography of the texts accord- 
ing to the norms in the Oxford Latin Dictionary. Modern standards 
have been used for punctuation and capitalization as well. 

b. Professional scribes were employed for the copying of codices A and 
V. In the majority of cases, however, Vergerio's texts were copied by 
persons familiar with humanist Latin. That means that most of the 
codices offer the possibility of editorial intervention by literate copy- 
ists.^ 



' See Episty Ixxiv-lxxviii; and Attilio Gnesotto, "Breve ritomo a due insigni rappresen- 
tanti del primo umanesimo italico," Atti e memorie della R. Accademia di scienze, lettere, ed 
arti in Padova, n.s., 53 (1936-37): 129-35. 

^ See the debate over the possible interventions by Paolo Ramusio the elder in codex 
Ra. Leonardo Smith, Epist., xliv-xlv (". . . la sua imperizia ed il malvezzo di introdurre nel 
testo delle modificazioni ed interVpolazioni affatto arbltrarie, privano Ra di pressoche ogni 
valore per la ricostruzione dell'Epistolario"); Theodor E. Mommsen, Petrarch's Testament 
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1957), 53 ("Ramusio's text in particular contains some 
evident interpolations"); and Alessandro Perosa, "Per una nuova edizione del Paulus del 
Vergerio," in Vittore Branca and Same Graciotti, eds., L'umanesimo in Istria, Civilta vene- 
ziana: Studi 38 (Florence: Olschki, 1983), 296-98, all saw Ramusio as polishing and editori- 
alizing. Vittorio Rossi, review of Epistolano di Pier Paolo Vergerio, ed. Leonardo Smith, 
Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 108 (1936): 315-16; and Sergio Cella, "Il Paulus" 
Atti e memorie della Societa istriana di archeologia e storia patna 66, n.s., 14 (1966): 45-103, 
tend to give precedence to Ramusio's readings. In the case of Sermo 9 below, I judge that 
Ramusio made over thirty obvious errors and approximately twenty unnecessary editorial 
changes, which render his version the least reliable. The changes include four transpositions 



126 CHAPTER 7 

c. I have used angular brackets < > to indicate letters, words, or 
passages that I have added to the text on the belief that something 
was omitted in the course of transmission, I have used square brack- 
ets [ ] to indicate editorial deletions from the transmitted text. In the 
notes, square brackets enclosing dots or a numeral indicate a blank 
space of that many letters in a given manuscript. 

d. Because no sylloge has all ten of the sermons, the relationship among 
the manuscripts must be explained case by case. 

Sermones 1-3: Pa is a copy of i?. Therefore, the edition is based upon the 
text in R. Pa has only been taken into consideration for possibly 
accurate emendation and for correcting scribal errors. 

Sermo 4: Bp and R share two omissions (notes s and qq), a single addi- 
tion at note 1 (et), and two transpositions. They therefore form a 
separate family from C and B. R has three further transpositions and 
gives an abbreviated version of the quotation from Jerome. 5 is a 
copy of C or C's exemplar with minor editorial changes.^ PM, Pa, 
and the text published by Salmaso are copies based upon one or 
more existing manuscripts. The edition is based upon P {Bp, R) + C. 

Sermo 5: V is the only complete text of the sermon. N and Tp, despite 
being fragmentary, have portions of the sermon found only in VJ* 
The scribe of C also knew of a fuller redaction than the one he was 
copying, for he left space in the manuscript at the precise point 



and revisions like maiore for more; est for esse; magis for maius; reddere for reddendae; cor- 
rectus for correptus; tante diem suum for ante hominem suum. In two instances {et Haethiopi- 
cue for Aethiopissae, placerent for placeret), I believe that Ramusio attempted to emend the 
text correctly. 

' There are one instance in which B omits a word found in all the other manuscripts 
(note f ) and two instances where B makes an addition (notes oo and uu). In the case of Cs 
omission at note xx, the scribe of B interpolated concedat where the p manuscripts have the 
correct reading praestet. R has five editorial changes, three of which are transpositions found 
in no other manuscript (notes i, m [double tr.], w). At note hh, the scribe of C indicates 
that he collated the reading in this sermon with that in a later sermon. He did the same 
thing in Sermo 5 (see n. 5 below). 

■* Within the group of three manuscripts {V, N, Tp), N is a copy of V or l^s exemplar. 
When writing N, Gonzaga made three omissions (notes e, hh of seven words, ii), one 
addition, and five transpositions. The material common to V and Tp indicates that they are 
of independent derivation. There are eight omissions in Tp (notes c, m, n, q, qq, ss of 
several words, jjj, HI) and one addition, whereas there are two omissions in V (notes rr of 
several words, ggg). 



Criteria for the Edition 127 



where his copy was deficient.^ The edition is based upon V. Manu- 
scripts C and Tp are used for possibly accurate emendation and for 
correcting scribal errors. 

Sermo 6: The omissions in C at notes q and ii and the space left at note 
cc prove that R is not a copy of C. Likewise, the omissions in R at 
notes w and xx and the space left at note ee prove that C is not a 
copy of R. The fragmentary text in B is again a copy of C or C's 
exemplar. PM, Pa^ and the text published by Salmaso are copies based 
upon one or more existing manuscripts. The edition is based upon C 
and/?. 

Sermo 7: B contains only a fragment of the text but is important for 
preserving several lines lost in R due to a jump from Constantinopo- 
litani to Constantinopoli (note s).^ PM, Pa, and the text published by 
Salmaso are copies of existing manuscripts. The edition is based upon 
R, which is supplemented by B where necessary. 

Sermo 8: the significant variants establish two families, P and y. P con- 
sists of codices Bp, Tp, 5, together with the text printed in the edi- 
tions of Jerome's opera {1-10, Vail, PL) and thence copied by scribes 
into codices A, Ar, Br, Gn, Tr, ZJ The printed texts betray probable 



^ C is the fullest and most accurate version of a group of manuscripts that also includes 
B, E, R. B is the shortest version; it shares a common addition with E and R {vestras at note 
i) but omits ne where those two do not (note h) and does not omit /idem (note j) where 
those two do. E and R share a common omission (note j), but £ also omits libenter (note dd) 
where R does not, while R omits vestris (note aa) where E does not. C and R have two 
common omissions (notes aaaa, zzzz); there are six further omissions in R not found in C 
(notes eee, iii, ttt, xxx, ww, bbbbb) and one further omission in C not found in R (note 
eeee). All four manuscripts have a common variant at note k {et for iri) and make similar 
transpositions at notes d and g (where the scribe of B may also have collated a manuscript 
from the other group). There is a single transposition at note t that is common to these four 
manuscripts and to N, Tp. For the second time, the scribe of C collates the wording in this 
sermon with that used in a later sermon (note uuuu). 

^ In the material common to both manuscripts, there is also one omission in R at note 
t, and there are two omissions in B at notes k and r. 

' Based upon significant common variants, the following relationships may be posited 
between the printed editions and the manuscripts copied from them: 

a. Br was copied from the first Roman edition of 1468 (/). The same is probably true {or Ar 

and 2. The common variants are: cuius] eius (except 2); recte] eum add.\ oneris] honoris 
(oneris ex honoris corr. Ar 2); quidem] qui; illius] illis; cuipiam] cupiam (except Ar); 
quod ipsum] quidem ipsum (quid enim 2). At note ee, Ar has an omission found in no 
other exemplar. Beginning about halfway through the sermon, the scribe oi Ar gives 
readings that differ from the printed edition: ista vulgo] ilia wulgo; huiusmodi] huiusce-; 
iidem et] iidemque et; ductorum] doctorum; utroque] utrosque; vivorum doctorum] 
virorum doctorum. 

b. TV was copied from the edition published at Venice in 1476 (5). They make a common 

addition to the text at note pp. 



128 CHAPTER 7 

interventions by the editors (Giannandrea Bussi and his associates).^ 
5 is a copy of Tp or Tp's exemplar; they share three omissions, while 
S has fifteen further omissions, one totaling twelve words.^ Tp, in all 
likelihood, is a copy of Bp or Bp's exemplar. There is a single omis- 
sion common to all the exemplars of P {et at note s). y consists of 
codices C, MB, T, all of which add an in at note eeee. T is a copy of 
MB or MB's exemplar; they share three omissions, while T has two 
further omissions. ^° The edition is based upon P {Bp, 1) and y (C, 
MB). 
Senno 9: the significant variants establish two families, P (5, 7p) and y 
(C, Ra). When compared to y, the P manuscripts betray seven com- 
mon omissions and five common transpositions.^^ Within p, S has 
eight further omissions and one addition not found in any other 
manuscript, whereas Tp has two such omissions and one transposi- 
tion.^^ Within y, C has one omission and two blank spaces not 



c. A and Gn were copied from the edition published at Parma in 1480 (6). They share a 

common omission at note nnnn. 

d. Omissions in the texts published at Rome ca. 1468 (2) and from 1476 to 1479 [4) are not 

found in any of the codices. The omissions are at note w for 2 and at note 11 for 4. 

* There are five omissions common to the printed texts and the manuscripts copied 
from them (notes w, ddd, fff, kkk, zzz). The same texts share the following significant 
variants: perpetua] propria; non delectatur] non delectari; viventi] viventis; conservanda aug- 
mentandaque] et servanda et augmentanda; qualisqualis sit] qualiscumque sit; me] non add.; 
incensam] intensam (imm- ex int- corr. TV); huiuscemodi] huiusmodi; quidem] quaedem; 
admirabilisque] excellentiae eum add. ; vices gererent et doctorum] vires gererent et ductorum 
(doctorum Ar); quippe] bellum add. (quippe malum 4 quidem bellum A); horridam mona- 
chis habitationem praestabat] horridum monachis habitaculum praestabat (praestabat habi- 
taculum 2); utrosque] utroque (utros- Ar); viros interpretatione linguarum ad eruditionem 
adiuvans] varia interpretatione linguarum vivorum doctorum eruditionem adiuvans (virorum 
doctorum eruditionem adiuvans Ar); ipsa] ipse; deterreret] deterret; per omnia saecula (et 
cetera)] in saecula saeculorum Amen. In one case (at note rr), I believe that the printed text 
offers a correct emendation of nonne. Because Tp and the printed editions share an omission 
at note hhhh, the Roman printers, in all likelihood, had a copy of the sermon that derived 
from the same exemplar as that for Tp. 

' The omissions common to Tp and S are found at notes p (blank space in Tp), eee, 
hhhh. The further omissions unique to S are found at notes e, n, r, t, v, y, dd, hh, ppp, ttt, 
aaaa (twelve words), ffff, gggg, iiii, jjjj. At note m, Tp alone omits an in. 

'° The omissions common to MB and T are found at notes kk, www, 1111. They also 
make an addition to the text at note dddd. At note hhhh, MB and T omit an et, as do most 
of the exemplars in P (see n. 8 above). 

" The common omissions are found at notes i, gg, 1111, pppp, ww, wwww, rrrrr. In 
one instance (note 1111), where the scribe jumped from incendia to inedia, the omission 
shared by S and Tp consists of eighteen words. 

'^ The omissions found only in S occur at notes g, h, t, jj, ss, zzz, nnnn, mmmmm, and 
the addition is found at note qqq {etiarri). The omissions found only in Tp occur at notes 
oooo and sssss. 



Criteria for the Edition 129 



found in any other manuscript, whereas Ra has four omissions, one 
blank space, and numerous editorial changes not found in the other 
codices. ^^ Tp and Ra share a common title. The edition is based 
upon p (5, Tp) and y (C, Ra). 
Sermo 10: s. fragment preserved only in C. 



" There is an omission in C alone at note sss, blank spaces at notes eee and iiii, and an 
addition at note qqqq (et). Ra is the only codex with omissions at notes nn (quae), ppp, vw 
(four words), ssss and a blank space at note hhh. S and Ra both omit et at note nnn. 



CHAPTER 8 

Vergerio's Sources 



a. In examining Vergerio's use of sources in the De principibus Carra- 
riensibus et gestis eorum libera Roberto Cessi and Carmela Marchente 
documented his habit of compiHng data from previous authors.^ 
Vergerio focused upon ethical considerations, and his mind tended to 
work synthetically. In composing the paneygrics for Jerome, Ver- 
gerio had at his disposition the great compilation of material that 
Giovanni d' Andrea had assembled {Hieronymianus) . The clearest in- 
dications that Vergerio used the Hieronymianus are found in Sermo 
3 (the ludicrous story of the woman's dress), Sermo 5 (the comments 
about Gregory the Great), Sermo 6 (the identification of Stridon with 
Sdregna), and Sermo 7 (the summary account of the miracle of the 
two travelers). 

b. Vergerio's use of the Hieronymianus makes it difficult to judge the 
ultimate source of some of his quotations. For example, the proverb 
first recorded in the letter of Ps. Augustinus, the analysis of the ety- 
mology of Jerome from lacopo da Varazze's Legenda aurea, and the 



' See Roberto Cessi, "Prefazione," in Gesta magnifica domus Carrariensis, RIS, n.s., 
17.1.2:xxv-xxxiv (esp. xxvii: "Poiche il componimento vergeriano e un testo composito, 
privo di ogni originalita storica, se non letteraria, e naturale che I'autore segua le sue fonti 
con troppa poverta critica, cui non suppliscono i commenti morali, con i quali tenta invano 
coUegare gli awenimenti e dare una apparente unita organica al racconto"); and Carmela 
Marchente, Ricerche intomo al "De principihms Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber" attribuito 
a Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore, Universita di Padova: Pubblicazioni della Facolta di lettere e 
filosofia 23 (Padua: CEDAM, 1946), 11-37 (esp. 23: "Anche in questa rassegna, il metodo, 
a cui I'autore si attiene per I'uso di ciascuna delle sue fonti, non appare disforme da quello 
rilevato nella prefazione, cogliendo dalle varie lezioni parallele un elemento ora dall'una, ora 
dall'altra per formare un nuovo periodo"). 



Ver^erio's Sources 131 



mistaken assertion in the Legenda aurea that everyone considered 
Jerome worthy to succeed Pope Liberius are all included in the com- 
pendium of Giovanni d' Andrea. 

Vergerio frequently quoted three key passages from Jerome's Epi- 
stolae: Ep. 11.7, Ep. 22.30, and Ep. 45.3. All three quotations were 
traditionally cited in the previous biographies of Jerome. In the case 
of Ep. 11.7, which Vergerio cited in eight of his ten sermons, there 
are only two slight variants from the text of the critical edition. The 
first involves the possible interpolation from Ep. 22.1 oi Aethiopissae 
for Aethiopicae. The second involves a transposition of habitaculum 
praestabat to praestabat/praestat habitaculum. Neither would permit 
a precise identification of a single manuscript or a manuscript family 
that Vergerio may have used. 

I believe that Vergerio consulted the Epistolae of Jerome directly 
rather than cited them from an intermediate source like the Hierony- 
mianus. In Sermo 1 and Sermo 9, he admitted to quoting a passage 
from the Epistolae, which he has apparently reworded slightly in 
keeping with his penchant to improve the literary expression of his 
sources. Other allusions to obscure passages from the Epistolae con- 
firm Vergerio's decision, stated explicitly in Sermo 10, to return to 
the original source. 

There are instances of a more critical approach to the sources than 
may be apparent in Vergerio's biographies of the Carrara. Because 
the sources gave differing ages for Jerome's death, Vergerio simply 
affirmed that Jerome had reached the age of ninety when he died. 
The information ultimately derives from the Epitoma chronicae of 
Prosper of Aquitaine (ca. 390-ca. 463).^ In a first attempt to discuss 
the etymology of Hieronymus, Vergerio relied upon lacopo da Va- 
razze, whom he then reinterpreted in order to underline the scholar- 
ly character of Jerome's activities. Once Vergerio had learned Greek, 
he derived the correct etymology. Finally, Vergerio expressed his 
skepticism that Jerome's town of Stridon should be identified with 
Sdregna in Istria, as Giovanni d' Andrea had claimed. 
In a subtle tribute to Jerome, Vergerio at times used language derived 
from the Vulgate (e.g., coaevus, conforto, congaudeo, demereo, gehenna, 
operationes, superexcresco, supersemino, and saeculum in a negative 



^ Alberto Vaccari, "Le antiche vite di S. Girolamo," in Miscellanea Geronimiana: Scritti 
varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San Girolamo (Rome, 1920), 4. 



132 CHAPTER 8 



sense). Moreover, he used key imagery from the Bible and the Di- 
vine Office (e.g., the sower and the seed, the wheat and the chaff, 
messis, pignus futurae gloriae), especially when speaking to an audi- 
ence of monks. 

In terms of Latin style, the sermons have, on the whole, an experi- 
mental quality. They are not masterpieces of classicizing style, 
though that is clearly the intent. The style improves in the two ser- 
mons delivered before the papal court in 1406 [Sermo 8) and 1408 
{Sermo 9). In Sermo 2, Vergerio uses the figure of speech known as 
anadiplosis {aut ingenio studuit aut studio lavoravit aut labore profe- 
cit), and he more than once employs paralepsis when treating Je- 
rome's miracles. Among the more obvious errors are Italianizations 
like veniebat suffocanda, veniunt praedicanda? 

The errors in Vergerio's version of the miracle of the two travelers 
in Sermo 7 may indicate that he cited the story from memory rather 
than directly from the written source. 



' For comments on Vergerio's style in the Epistolario, see Leonardo Smith, Epist., 
Ixxxiv-lxxxv; and Marcello Zicari, "II piu antico codice di lettere di P. Paolo Vergerio il 
vecchio," Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 52-53 n. 1, 56-57 n. 1. Both authors found the 
strongest traces of classical cursus in the letters that Vergerio reworked, though Zicari felt 
that those resonances could still be fortuitous. 



CHAPTER 9 



Sigla 



A Parisinus latinus 1890 loan. Aragonensis 

Ar Londiniensis Arondellianus Bibl. Britannicae 304 

B Venetus Marcianus latinus XI.56 (3827) Brunaccii 

Bp Patavinus B.P. 1223 

Br Brixianus L,IIL30 

C Oxoniensis Bodleianus miscellaneus 166 Canonici 

E Mutinensis latinus 186 Estensis 

Gn Cantabrigiensis Dd.VII.l Gunthorpi 

MB Mediolanensis Braidensis AC.XII.22 Papafavae 

N Neapolitanus IX,F.62 Gonzagae 

Pa Patavinus B.P, 1203 Papafavae 

PM Venetus Marcianus latinus XIV.210 (2955) Papafavae et Morelli 

R Patavinus B.P. 1287 Patrum Reformatorum 

Ra Venetus Marcianus latinus XIV.254 (4535) Ramusii 

S Sandanielensis 144 Guarnerii de Arthenia 

T Tarvisinus 5 

Tp Tarvisinus 1.177 Cathedralis Ecclesiae Capituli 

Tr Treverensis 788/1372 

V Venetus Marcianus latinus XIV.239 (4500) 

2 Toletanus 102, 17 Zeladae 

1 Editio princeps Hieronymus, S. Tractatus et epistolae < Rome, 
1468 > 

2 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae < Rome, ca. 1468 > 

3 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae < Rome, 1470 > 

4 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Rome, 1476-79) 



134 CHAPTER 9 

5 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Venice, 1476) 

6 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae < Parma, 1480 > 

7 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Venice, 1488) 

8 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Venice, 1490) 

9 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum 
ex epistolis Hieronymi excerpta ( < Venice > , 1496) 

10 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum 
ex epistolis Hieronymi excerpta (Venice, 1496) 

Vail Domenico Vallarsi, ed. 5. Eusehii Hieronymi . . . Opera (Verona, 

1734-42) 
Sal Dominico Salmaso, ed. Petri Pauli Vergerii Senioris De Divo 

Hieronymo opuscula . . . (Padua, 1767) 
PL J.-P. Migne, ed. S. Eusehii Hieronymi . . . Opera omnia (Paris, 

1845-46) 

n Reading common to printed editions and codd. A Ar Br Gn Tr 

z 

add. scribal addition 

add. et del. scribal addition that is crossed out 

add. et expung. scribal addition that is expunged 

ex al. litt. corr. scribal correction where original letters indecipherable 

ex corr. scribal correction in the text 

ex corr. in marg. scribal correction in the margin of the text 

ex corr. interl. scribal correction in the space between the lines 

in marg. scribal addition in the margin of the text 

in ras. scribal correction over an erasure 

interl. scribal addition in the space between the lines 

om. scribal omission 

scripsi editor's proposed emendation 




Antonella da Messina, "St. Jerome in His Study." 

London, The National Gallery. 

With the permission of The National Gallery. 







iMriobiTti v\/^^t M/f4^fM/i>n (S>-^'i»oi^'i M.''fe>'n7A^A 
V ii-c S^^Mi it/c M^lhvi^ lP<'\A»5wuA /tjutj,^ 




Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22, fol. 84. 

Autograph subscription of Marsilio Papafava. 

With the permission of the Library and 

the Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali-Italy. 




ut<" pir«fc»Wf^ ■MistAjrO'tUfca- otiMai'tMjt^f tiM f»aiii;i^U<ac«' t»K1asar <k «.»»» 



Naples, Bibl. Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, cod. IX.F.62, fol. 27. 

Autograph subscription of Francesco Gonzaga. 

With the permission of the Library and 

the Ministero per i Beni Culturali e AmbientaU-Italy. 



f 



*ml:j^f:^>*fn , /t<H»h^^ tf r-n4M^ -mvW fCT I,t«J^ "Ci./^^ l^i"' /»• 
Qm*^*».* JV.^/ »*«<^ fr^^ ik '^^ '^ ^/i-^»- nr^Jir^i. /^^ 






2Sf 




J 



^fnejrt : ll»n^ 44 MO^ r*- >.^ J»f-»? 'i»w -»«*^ »»^ *C^ h^*^ ' f 



•Y^O 



■nf^ — ; 5m-<' jn f-jlrMTt. ffl- «•*«*■ /v^ «**n\^ dfvt«tt* <^*- -njni- a//i</ 
***n 4»i»»«f» n ' C fc i)fkr>*n' fx^ , («, rt^v^ /»«tj*ii<'« \«A./»v>,7 ynMif«/»< ' 






l*f"^/»VHj«^ 



l»»\. 



Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fol. 33. 
Autograph of Paolo Ramusio the elder. 
With the permission of the Library and 
the Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali-Italy. 



AH( 

Titocp teaieixiilr 
btif atpcllmt- . (] 
mill a tacpi^a 
-jootittwri ec^'m 
niilU crra.7C 'c\ 
yxot^ iicmittitt cu 




Oxford, Bodleian Library, cod. Rawl. G.47, fol. 51. 

Historiated initial with a portrait of Pierpaolo Vergerio the elder. 

With the permission of the Library. 



Party 

Pierpaolo Vergerio, 
Sermones decern pro Sancto Hieronymo 



Sermo 1 pro Sancto Hieronymo'' 

Manuscripts: Pa, part 1, 211-12; R, fols. 35-36. 



Reverend < issim > i patres fratresque carissimi, etsi magna semper 
cum delectatione animi munus hoc praestare soleo, qui singulis 
annis glorioso doctori Beato Hieronymo in die dicatae ei*^ sollemni- 
tatis sermonem de laudibus eius facere consuevi, numquam tamen me- 
mini me antehac alacriore animo ad*^ hoc venisse quam* nunc, cum in 
vestro conventu dicturus sum vobisque^ audientibus qui imitatores vitae 
illius estis et pars^ quaedam messis antiquae eius bonaeque culturae. 
Moveor etiam vestro studio vestroque desiderio quos scio de eo libenter 
audituros, cuius vitae sanctimoniam Hbenter imitamini. Excitat enim di- 
centis ingenium auditorum intentus affectus, nee possumus nisi iucunde 
dicere quod scimus libenter audiri. 

Hunc autem diem vobis praecipue celeberrimum esse decet, qui per 
observantiam religionis monasticam vitam agitis. Ceteri nam Christianae 
fidei doctores communes sunt omnibus, Hieronymus vero proprius 
peculiarisque est monachorum. Nam et ipse monachus fuit et mona- 
chorum pater, et nunc etiam mortuus doctor est monachorum ac vester 



* Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Oratio pro Sancto Hieronymo R. Oratio III pro 
Sancto Hieronymo Pa 

*" doctori ex doctoris corr. R 
' scripsi: sibi R. suae Pa 
'^ ad] q- add. et del. R 
' scripsi: quod R Pa 
' scripsi: verbisque R Pa 

H ]P't 



Sermon 1 for Saint Jerome 



Most reverend fathers and most beloved brothers, I am in the habit 
of delivering a sermon each year in praise of the glorious doctor, 
Blessed Jerome. It is my way of marking the day of solemnity consecrat- 
ed to him. Although I am always accustomed to discharge this duty with 
great delight in my soul, I nevertheless cannot recall an occasion when 
I have approached it with greater enthusiasm than I do at this moment. 
For I am about to speak to your assembly and address listeners who are 
imitators of the life of that man and comprise just a part of what he 
began to harvest long ago through sound training. I am also moved by 
your eagerness and your longing; I have no doubt that you will choose 
to listen to a sermon about an individual whose blessed life you have 
chosen to imitate. Strong feelings of sympathy on the part of the audi- 
ence always prompt a speaker to do his best, and no audience will be 
disposed to hear what we have to say if we cannot find an enjoyable 
way to express it. 

This day, however, ought to be especially festive for you, seeing that 
you conduct your lives according to a monastic rule of piety. The other 
doctors of the Christian faith are a common legacy shared by all believ- 
ers, but Jerome is actually a doctor who belongs in a special way to 
monks. As a matter of fact, he himself was a monk and a father to his 
monks, and even now, after his death, he is an instructor for every 



138 Sermo 1 

praecipue, religiosi ac sancti viri, quibus quemadmodum Benedictus 
auctor fuit regulae, ita Hieronymus exemplorum. Vitas enim patrum 
scripsit qui tunc in monasteriis eremoque versabantur, et quae de Sanctis 
viris vidit aut audivit in ilia sua per Aegyptum peregrinatione cuncta de- 
scripsit. Complures ferme tunc essent monachi quam nunc Christiani. 
Erant enim urbes plenae monachis quibus nunc monasteria ipsa sunt 
vacua, nee erant etiam tunc tarn multi quam multo magis boni; nunc 
autem maliciae peius est initium quam paucitatis. Ilia autem lectione 
quid delectabilius ad legendum, quid commodius ad instruendum, quid 
fructuosius ad aedificandum, quae semper est vobis in manibus? Itaque 
cum ea < m > legitis, ilium auditis, illos videtis; quos si in miraculis et 
virtutibus faciendis imitari non licet, at in caritate et bonis operibus 
nemini negatur. 

Hieronymus autem, quasi in se proprium nihil haberet quod imitari 
quis posset, aliena scribebat quae ceteri possent imitari; quorum et ipse 
imitatione, dum crescit merito factus est summus, et quos humiliter 
sectabatur'^ gloriose praegressus est. Factus est enim iustissimus, dum se 
semper existimat peccatorem, evenitque de ipso quod de alio ipsemet 
scribit,' quod, dum se pauperem semper ad discendum credit, ad docen- 



*" sactebatur? R 

' scribit] r- interl. R 



Sermon 1 139 

monk and especially for you, pious and holy men. As Benedict was the 
source of your rule, so Jerome was the source of your examples. For 
Jerome wrote the lives of the fathers who in his day were dwelling in 
monasteries or in the desert, and he described everything he saw and 
heard about those holy men during his pilgrimage through Egypt. ^ I am 
almost of a mind to say that the number of monks in those days was far 
greater than the number of Christians in our own day. Back then, there 
were entire cities of monks whereas now the monasteries are almost 
empty. And it was not only a question of vast numbers in those days, 
but the monks were by and large much better persons; in our day, 
however, the onset of immorality gives cause for greater concern than 
does the scarcity. And yet what gives greater enjoyment for your 
reading, what supplies greater assistance for your instruction, what 
produces greater cause for your edification than Jerome's narrative, 
which you always have in your possession? Therefore, when you read 
that account, you hear Jerome and you see those holy men. If you are 
not allowed to imitate those monks by performing miracles and achiev- 
ing heroic virtue, at least you are all allowed to imitate them by practic- 
ing charity and doing good deeds. 

Nonetheless, Jerome acted as if he had nothing of his own that 
someone else might imitate; he wrote about matters that others accom- 
plished and everyone thereafter might imitate. By emulating the example 
of those men, he himself deservedly came to be ranked among the 
greatest monks as he grew older, and he eventually surpassed in renown 
those whom he followed in humility. For Jerome was made most just 
while he always looked upon himself as a sinner,^ and what he himself 
wrote about another happened to him as well. I refer to the fact that he 



' Cf. Hieronymus £/>. 22.34-37 {CSEL 54:196-202). As an endorsement for the monastic 
life, Jerome wrote the Vita Sancti Pauli, Vita Sancti Hilarionis, and Vita Malchi. See Ctavis, 
140 (no. 617-19); J. N. D. KeWy, Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies (New York et 
al.: Harper & Row, 1975), 60-61, 170-74; and Philip Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority, and the 
Church in the Age of Jerome and Cassian (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1978), 133-39. 

2 Cf. Marc. 2:17; Rom. 3:23-24; Gal. 2:17. 



140 Sermo 1 

dum locupletissimum se fecit. Ecce enim dum Romae ex suis meritis 
atque virtutibus dignus ab om<n>ibus summo' sacerdotio creditur, 
ipse se dignum credidit qui in eremum iret ad sua peccata deflenda; 
dumque'' doctissimus ab omnibus et haberetur et diceretur, tunc de- 
mum Gregorio Nazianzeno se tradidit in disciplinam. Ex quibus factum 
est ut non tarn summo pontificatu, ad quern etiam indigni pervenire 
possunt, quam regno caelorum, quo nullus pertingit indignus, se dignis- 
simum redderet, et qui, si aliis forsitan de se credidisset, auctor plurimis 
fuisset erroris, humiliter de se sentiens, doctor factus est veritatis, eo 
praestante qui vivit et regnat per infinita saecula benedictus. xzXXxoq 
< sic > 



' scripsi: suo R Pa 

^ dumque] -que ex quae? corr. R 



^___ Sermon l 141 

made himself richly endowed to teach because he always thought of 
himself as poorly endowed to learn.^ Here is my evidence: while every- 
one else in Rome felt that Jerome was most worthy of the supreme 
pontificate because of his virtuous deeds/ he felt that he was only 
worthy of retiring to the desert in order to deplore his many sins. At a 
point in Jerome's career when he was universally considered most 
learned and openly described as such, he gave himself over to Gregory 
of Nazianzus for further instruction.^ It all meant that he did not 
render himself most worthy of the supreme pontificate, to which 
heights even the unworthy are able to climb. Rather, he rendered 
himself most worthy of that kingdom of heaven, into which no one 
who is unworthy will ever enter. If by chance Jerome had let himself 
believe what others were saying about him, he would have become a 
source of error for a great many people. But because he looked upon 
himself with genuine humility, he was made a doctor of truth, through 
the intercession of the one who lives and reigns as blessed for ever and 
ever. The end. 



' The precise reference is uncertain. Vergerio cites the same phrase in Sermo 9: ". . . 
cumque doctor plane ab omnibus haberetur denuo coepit esse discipulus, ac more Platonis, 
cum semper se ad addiscendum pauperem credidit, ad docendum se fecit locupletem." In Ep. 
53.1, Jerome described Plato's journeys for the sake of further learning {CSEL 54:443: 
". . . ut, qui Athenis magistererat et potens cui usque doctrina Academiae gymnasia persona- 
bant, fieret peregrinus atque discipulus, malens aliena verecunde discere quam sua aliis impu- 
denter ingerere"). Jerome often quoted the Socratic aphorism "Scio quod nescio"; see, e.g., 
Contra Ruftnum 1.17 {CCL 79:15) and Comm. in Abdiam Proph. Prol. {CCL 76:350). Cf. 
also Ep. 66.9 {CSEL 54:658: ". . . nee temeritate quorundam docere, quod nescias, sed ante 
discere, quod docturus es") and Ep. 127.7 {CSEL 56:151: ". . . ut et in ipso, quod docebat, se 
discipulam fateretur"). 

* Hieronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). Jerome's affirmation is frequently cited in the 
biographies. Cf. Anon., "Vita Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hieronymus noster)," PL 22:178; Vin- 
cent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale 16.18 (Duoai, 1624, 623a); lacopo da Varazze, Legenda 
aurea vulgo historia Lombardica dicta. Ad optimorum librorum fidem, edited by Johann 
Georg Theodor Grasse (2d ed., Leipzig, 1850), 654; and Giovanni d' Andrez, Hieronymianus, 
BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 17. 

5 Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 50.1, 52.8 {CSEL 54:389, 429); Comm. in Isaiam 3.6.1 {CCL 73:84); 
Contra Ruftnum 1.13 {CCL 79:12); De viris illustribus 117 {PL 23:747). Gregory of Nazianzus 
(329-89) was summoned to Constantinople in 379 and briefly served as bishop of the city 
in 381. 



Sermo 2 pro Sancto Hieronymo^ 

Manuscripts: Pa, part 1, 212-15; R, fols, 36v-38v. 



Agite, fratres carissimi, diem hunc natalem sancti doctoris Hierony- 
mi devota laetitia, laetaque cum devotione celebremus, ut eius 
merita gloriose pieque recolentes^ in terris, propitie propitium merea- 
mur in caelis habere patronum. Indiget namque nostrae fragilitatis con- 
ditio talibus semper praesidiis muniri, ut, quae per se subsistere firma 
non potest, sanctorum electorum Dei et ope substentetur ne cadat et 
adiumento confortetur ut proficiat. Accedit ad haec quod, dum virtutem 
alienam recensendo probamus, magis ipsi ad imitationem probitatis ac- 
cendimur, et quod miramur in aliis hoc ipso nos mirandos videri stude- 
mus, Hinc veteri more proponuntur clarorum virorum imagines, descri- 
buntur gesta, et benefacta memorantur ut aemulatione virtutis studiosa 
posteritas assequi quos probat nitatur. 

Hodie autem proponitur nobis magnum sive doctrinae, sive reUgio- 
nis, sive virtutis ac sanctitatis exemplum: sanctus doctor Hieronymus, 
cuius doctrina mirabiUs, reHgio sancta ac immaculata, virtus vero vitae 



' Eiusdem Pro eodem R. Oratio FV pro Sancto Hieronymo Pa 
^ recolentes] re- interl. R 



Sermon 2 for Saint Jerome 



May you mark this birthday of the holy doctor Jerome with dedi- 
cated rejoicing, most cherished brothers, and let us together cele- 
brate it with joyful dedication, so that, by recalling with devout pride 
his merits on earth, we may by grace deserve to have a gracious patron 
in heaven. As a matter of fact, the weakness of our human condition 
always has need of the protection of such defenses. Because we find it 
difficult to stand up on our own, we are supported by the aid of the 
elect saints of God so that we do not fall; because we are weak, we are 
strengthened by their assistance so that we can move forward. I can 
think of another service to add to this list. At the same time that we call 
to mind the virtue of someone else and give it our stamp of approval, 
we ourselves are greatly inflamed to imitate such probity; we give our 
best effort to become an object of admiration because we possess the 
very quality that we admire in someone else. Consequently, in keeping 
with ancient custom, we display the images of distinguished men, we 
describe their deeds, and we recall their services in order that men of 
succeeding generations zealously strive to emulate the virtue and follow 
the path of those whom they esteem.^ 

Today, however, we have before us an exemplar who stands out 
from the crowd whether he is ranked on the basis of learning or piety 
or virtue and holiness. I refer to the holy doctor Jerome, whose learning 
was extraordinary, whose piety holy and blameless, whose virtue truly 



' Cf. P. Ovidius Naso Pont. 4.2.35-36; C. Sallustins Crispus lug. 4.5-6; and Hieronymus 
Ep. 24.1 {CSEL 54:214). 



144 Sermo 2 

excellentissima fuit. De cuius laudibus, cum dicere multa vellem, ne 
pauca quidem mihi attingere posse videor. Tantus se virtutum cumulus 
ac paene infinitus acervus offert meritorum ut, quantum facilitas inco- 
handi ad dicendum promovet, desperatio finis tantum retardet; immo, 
cum facilius sit ubique desinere quam in dicendo longius progredi, exor- 
dium orationi dare difficillimum est, cum inter tam multas magnasque 
viri laudes unde initium cum delectu sumatur non facile inveniri quis 
possit? 

Quid ergo? Congaudere magis possumus quam digne laudare, congau- 
dere, inquam, cum de meritis vitae, tum de praemiis gloriae. Magnum 
iudicatur in terris vicisse regna, occupasse imperium, devictis hostibus 
triumphasse, et terrenam gloriam plausu populorum et favoribus quae- 
sisse mundanis. At quanto maior*^ est triumphus regna possidere caele- 
stia, aeternum parasse imperium mundo calcato, et immarcescibilem 
gloriam iusto Dei iudicio quaesivisse! Quae quidem hodie sancto doctori 
Hieronymo*^ repetitis morum periodis obtigerunt. Congaudeamus ergo 
illi de gloria ut meritorum participes esse valeamus. Reddamus honorem 
ut preces pro nobis fundat apud Deum. 

Nam si natales hominum dies celebrare gentilitas^ caeca solebat, qui- 
bus erant in banc vitam adducti^ miseriarum et omnis angustiae plenam, 
quanto nos magis vera fide illuminati sanctorum Dei festa colere debe- 
mus, quibus in vitam mortis < in > noxiam, calamitatis ignaram, omnis- 
que adversitatis immunem translati sunt! Praecipue vero post apostolos 



' maior ex magis corr. interl. R 

doctori Hieronymo ex Hieronymo doctori corr. R 
* gentilitas ex antiquitas corr. in marg. R 
' scripsi: additi R Pa 



Sermon 2 145 

outstanding throughout his life. Although I would like to say many 
things about his claims to distinction, I have the impression that I will 
only be able to touch upon a few of them. So enormous an assortment 
of virtues and an almost infinite multitude of merits present themselves 
that the ease of beginning your speech spurs you on to the same extent 
that the hopelessness of finishing it holds you back. Now the opposite 
holds as well. Whereas it is rather easy to stop speaking at some point 
rather than continue on at greater length, it is extremely difficult to 
formulate an exordium for an oration when you find yourself in the 
midst of such compelling motives to praise the man. Who could possi- 
bly claim that in such a case it is easy to find a topic from which he 
could begin his speech and feel a sense of satisfaction? 

Where does that leave us? We have a greater capacity to rejoice with 
one another for Jerome than we do to praise him worthily— to rejoice 
together, I say, for the merits of his life and in a special way for the re- 
ward of his glory. It is usually considered a great accomplishment to 
have conquered kingdoms on earth, to have seized power, to have won 
a triumph for defeating the enemy, and to have pursued the glory that 
is attained here by granting worldly favors in exchange for the acclaim 
of various peoples. But how much greater a triumph it is to possess 
heavenly kingdoms, to have prepared dominion for eternity by treading 
the world under foot, and to have pursued the unfading glory that is at- 
tained only through the just judgment of God! Those things certainly 
have occurred on this day for the holy doctor Jerome, as you can con- 
firm by reviewing the patterns of his ethical conduct. Let us therefore 
rejoice together with Jerome for his glory so that we may be able to par- 
ticipate in his merits. Let us render him homage so that he may pour 
out prayers before God on our behalf. 

For if blind antiquity was accustomed to celebrate the birthday of 
human beings,^ the day on which they were conducted into this misera- 
ble life where needs of every sort abound, how much the more should 
we who are illumined by true faith treasure the feast-day of God's saints, 
the day on which they are conveyed into a life free from death, safe 
from catastrophe, and immune from all adversity! Holy Mother Church 



^ Cf. P. Terentius Afer Ph. 48; M. Tullius Cicero Fin. 2.31.101; P. Ovidius Naso Tr. 
3.13.2, 5.5.1; C. Plinius Caeciliiis Secundus Ep. 6.30.1; and M. Valerius Martialis Epigram- 
mata 8.64.14. 



146 Sermo 2 

Christ! summo studio doctorum suorum natalia colere debet^ sancta 
mater ecclesia quae illorum praedicationibus fundata, horum doctrinis 
adornata est, atque ut ab illis instituta, ita ab iis Deo auctore defensa. Illi 
Christo loquente acceperunt quod crederent, ii Spiritu Sancto inspirante 
hauserunt quod docerent. Illi verbum Dei seminaruntl^ ii iam natum colue- 
runt et superexcrescentes errores paenitus extirpare? studuerunt. Quid enim 
proderat uberem fidei segetem in agro dominico germinare, si malis grami- 
nibus suffocanda veniebat,' cum initio ex orientis ecclesiis?' diabolo semi- 
nante zizania novi cottidie generis haereses puUularent? 

Inter ceteros vero fidei sanctae doctores non minime omnium Hiero- 
nymus aut ingenio studuit aut studio laboravit aut labore profecit. 
Totum enim ferme quod in ecclesia Dei legitur ipsius labor est, aut ordi- 
nando aliena, aut extranea^ interpretando, aut propria certe condendo. 
Hinc Psalterium™ distraxit in partes, et divinum officium per hebdoma- 
dam ordinavit. Totum veteris novique testamenti corpus in Latinam ver- 
tit orationem, et prophetas et quaecumque" in sacris litteris aut obscura 
erant aut dubia diffusis commentariis cottidianisque homeliis explanavit. 
Libros edidit complures, multas gravesque materias per tractatus expli- 
cavit, sermones et epistolas magno numero fecit. In omni ferme oratione 
adversus invidos suos et haereticos Catholicae fidei repugnantes nunc 



* debet ex debemus corr. interl. R 

^ seminarunt] q- add. et del. R 

' extirpare ex exst- corr. R 

' veniebat ex veniebant corr. R 

^ scripsi: ecclesias R Pa 

' scripsi: extrema R Pa 

" scripsi: Psalmista R Pa 

" quaecumque ex quo-? corr. R 



Sermon 2 147 

should definitely treasure the birthdays of her doctors and mark them 
with an outpouring of fervor second only to that shown the apostles of 
Christ. Once we grant that God was the ultimate source, it is then fair 
to say that the church was built upon the preaching of the apostles^ and 
decorated by the teaching of the doctors; that means that she was estab- 
lished by the former and protected by the latter. The apostles accepted 
what they were believing through the verbal instruction of Christ; the 
doctors embraced what they were teaching through the interior inspira- 
tion of the Holy Spirit. The apostles sowed the word of God; the doc- 
tors cultivated that word once it had germinated and strove to uproot 
entirely all errors that were growing in its midst. For what good would 
it do for an abundant crop of faith to sprout in the Lord's field, if it was 
being strangled by harmful weeds? From the beginning, chaff planted by 
the devil was springing up every day in the form of new and different 
heresies that came from the churches in the east.^ 

Among all the other doctors of our holy faith, Jerome surely did not 
rank last when it came to giving effort through one's talent or expend- 
ing energy in the struggle or making progress through such energetic 
labor. Virtually everything that is read in the church of God is the fruit 
of Jerome's labor; he either reorganized the works of others or translat- 
ed the works of foreigners or produced thoughtful works of his own. 
He therefore divided the Psalter into parts, and he organized the Divine 
Office by weeks.^ He translated the entire corpus of the Old and New 
Testaments into Latin prose, and in his extensive commentaries he 
explained the writings of the prophets and any matters in sacred letters 
that were obscure or uncertain. He published several books, he offered 
his opinion in treatises on many important issues, he brought out 
sermons and letters in great numbers. In virtually every oration, he 
denounced his jealous rivals and the heretics who were opposing the 



^ Cf. Eph. 2:19. 

* Cf. Matt. 13:24-25, 36-39; and Hieronymus Comm. in Mathaeum 2:958-79 {CCL 
77:111-12). 

* Cf. Nicolo Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi vita," PL 22:191; Honorius of 
Autun, Gemma animae 4.1 {PL 172:689); loznnesBeleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis qfficiis 19(c), 
57(a) {CCL con. med. 41A:41-42, 103-4); lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 657 (citing loan. 
Beleth); Ps. Eusebius, "Epistola . . . de morte gloriosissimi Hieronymi doctoris eximii," in 
Joseph Klapper, ed., Hieronymus: Die unechten Briefe des Eusebius, Augustin, Cyrill zum Lobe 
des Heiligen, part 2 of Schriften Johanns Neumarkt, Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation 6 < Ber- 
lin, 1932 > , 18; Ps. Augustinus, "Epistola . . . de magnificentiisBeati Hieronymi," in Joseph 
Klapper, ed., Hieronymus, 252; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. 
lat. 480, 11-12. 



148 Sermo 2 

acrimonia sermonis, nunc argumentorum vi,° nunc acumine salium 
invectus. 

Verum ut vehemens fuit in corrigendis malis et refellendis haereticis, 
ita multas ab iis persecutiones passus est. Quorum malitiae cedens Ro- 
mae discessit, et, a Gregorio Nazianzeno sufficienter imbutus, trans mare 
se contulit in desertum, cumque a bonis omnibus summo sacerdotio di- 
gnus iudicaretur, se ipsum dignum iudicavit quem in eremo maceraret. 
Ex presbytero urbis Romae monachus transmarinus effectus, Gregorio 
se discipulum praebuit^ ut ab eo disceret quod universos edoceret. Fugit 
urbem ut orbi prodesset. Eremum petiit ut et sibi et iis qui in saeculo 
erant consuleret et viam vitae ac salutis aperiret. 

Quo in loco cum multa Deus magnaque miracula per ilium fecisset, 
illud*' certe non parvum fuit quod leo, saevissima beluarum, in eius usus 
est datus et velut rationis particeps mandatis parebat. Sicque factum est 
ut Romae Hieronymus a bestialibus hominibus immansuete tractatus, 
ferocissimam"^ beluam solo aspectu mansuefecerit in eremo, et qui huma- 
nitatem in hominibus non invenit ferae abstulerit feritatem.'' Hie ego 
iam mihi infinitum pelagus propositum video, sive vitam moresque eius 
aspecto, sive ad miracula mentis oculum verto. Verum sermonis longitu- 
dini parcens finem facio, eo praestante qui dedit initium, qui et vivit et 
regnat per infinita saecula benedictus. T8A,A,coq <sic> 



° vi interl. R 

P praebuit ex credidit corr. in marg. R 

'^ ilium ;? 

■" feracissimam R 

' feritatem] I? add. et del. R 



Sermon 2 149 

Catholic faith; at times he used the sharpness of his speech, at times the 
force of his arguments, at times the cunning of his wit. 

Because Jerome was so forceful in reproving evil men and confuting 
heretics, he suffered much persecution at their hands. Yielding to the 
malice of their machinations in Rome, he left the city, and, once he had 
been sufficiently instructed by Gregory of Nazianzus,^ he sailed across 
the sea and journeyed into the desert. And although everyone else 
judged him worthy of the supreme pontificate,^ he only felt worthy of 
doing penance in the wilderness. From a priest in the city of Rome, he 
transformed himself into a monk overseas; as a disciple, he paid close 
heed to Gregory in order that he learn from Gregory what he might 
teach to everyone else. He fled the city in order to be of benefit to the 
world. He sought out the desert in order that he might have regard for 
his own needs and the needs of those still engaged in the world and 
thereby blaze a trail to life and salvation. 

In that place, God worked many great miracles through Jerome, not 
the least of which involved a lion, the most savage of beasts, who 
dedicated himself to the tasks of Jerome and obeyed his commands as 
though he possessed the power to reason.^ And so it happened that 
Jerome was treated savagely by bestial human beings in Rome, while in 
the desert he tamed the most ferocious beast by his demeanor alone; a 
person who did not find humanity in his fellow human beings removed 
the ferocity from a truly ferocious animal. At this point I see stretching 
before me a boundless expanse of ocean, whether I look toward his life 
and his morals or train my mind's eye upon his miracles. But, in an 
effort not to lengthen this sermon, I now bring it to a close, through the 
intercession of the one who inspired the undertaking in the first place 
and who lives and reigns as blessed for ever and ever. The end. 



* See Sermon 1, n. 5 above. 

' Hieronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). See Sermon 1, n. 4 above. 

* Cf. Anon., "Vita Divi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum)," in Sanctuarium seu vitae 
sanctorum, ed. Boninus Mombritius (Paris, 1910), 2:34; Nicolo Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii 
Hieronymi vita," PL 22:193; Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale 16.18 puoai, 1624, 
623b); lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 655-56; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, 
BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 18. 



Sermo 3 pro Sancto Hieronymo^ 

Manuscripts: Pa, part 1, 215-18; R, fols. 38v-41. 



Decet quidem omnes ubique terrarum Christianos diem hunc sol- 
lemnem habere, memoriam celebrem facientes gloriosissimi doc- 
tori < s > Beati Hieronymi cuius vita, doctrina, ac miraculis tota Chri- 
stiana religio illustrata est. Maxime vero eos qui re[li]gionem istam 
incolunt singulari devotione convenit diem eius festum celebrare, 
quando'' hinc proximo loco illud fidei nostrae praecipuum lumen exor- 
tum est. Nam cum ceteri gloriari permaxime soleant si quos claros 
secundum saeculum homines aut litteris aut virtute originis suae con- 
sortes habuere, quanto nos iustius ex hoc sancto gloriari possumus cui 
praeter mortales virtutes saecularumque peritiam*^ litterarum quae vel 
sola quemvis possent clarissimum reddere, tantum accessit et sanctitatis 
vitae et eruditionis sacrae ut ad harum elationem nihil ilia videri possint. 
Festum hoc igitur inter pauca nobis debet esse sollemne, quod non 
solum illustrem virum habeamus quem imitemur in terris sed et sanctum 
patronum qui pro nobis intercedat in caelis. 

Sed (quod ad omnes attinet Christianos) et hie dies et ceteri, quibus 
sanctorum fidei nostrae doctorum memoriae celebrantur, summo studio 
ab omnibus Christianis colendi sunt. Quid enim proderat fidei nostrae 
praedicatione seminatum esse aut apostolorum studio aut labore excul- 



* Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo eiusdem R. Oratio V pro Sancto Hieronymo Pa 

^ cum Pa 

■^ peritiam ex doctrinam corr. in marg. R 

^ hoc interl. R 



Sermon 3 for Saint Jerome 



It is undoubtedly appropriate for all Christians everywhere on earth to 
see this as a solemn day and accordingly extol the memory of the 
most glorious doctor, Blessed Jerome, for the entire Christian religion 
is given luster by his life, his teaching, and his miracles. Those Chris- 
tians who inhabit this particular region have an even greater obligation 
to celebrate Jerome's feast day with singular devotion since that excep- 
tional light of our faith was born in a place nearby. While others have 
a tendency to boast in the most outrageous way if they have shared 
their birthplace with persons distinguished in letters or in virtue as the 
world reckons things, how much the more justly can we boast about 
this saint, who, over and above virtues in this mortal life and expertise 
in secular letters (which in and of themselves can render someone very 
distinguished), added such great holiness of life and sacred erudition that 
the former could seem to pale before the sublime character of the latter. 
To state matters succinctly, this feast ought to be solemn for us not only 
because we have an illustrious man whom we imitate on earth but also 
because we have a holy patron who intercedes for us in heaven. 

Still (if I may address a matter of relevance to all Christians), this day 
and the others, on which we celebrate the memory of the holy doctors 
of our faith, ought to be revered with the greatest enthusiasm by every 
single Christian. For what good would it do for our faith to be sown by 
the preaching of the apostles or cared for by their zealous labor or 



152 Sermo 3 

turn aut martyrum sanguine irrigatum esse, si superexcrescentibus vario- 
rum errorum spinis universa seges suffocata periret nee posset fructum 
afferre salutis? Ob quam renf ille optimus caelestis agricola, quo possent 
bene nata semina salubriter adolescere, istos sibi ministros delegit qui et 
haereticorum zizania ex agro suo vellerent et teneram segetem spinis tri- 
bulisque ac ceteris noxiis herbis plantisque purgarent. Inter ceteros au- 
tem gloriosus doctor Beatus Hieronymus plurimum in hoc agro, hoc est 
in sacrosancta Dei ecclesia, sua industria suoque labore profectum attuHt. 
Humiles et eos qui se doceri vellent erudiendo non minus exemplo vitae 
quam dignitate sermonis, haereticos et eos qui sanam doctrinam perver- 
terit castigando tarn efficacia quam sacrae auctoritate scripturae, aemulos 
ac doctores ubique corripiendo et acrimonia stili et gravitate monendi^ 
insecutus est. 

Sed, per Deum immortalem, quis maiores est umquam aemulorum 
passus persecutiones, quando^ illi non modo doctrinae detrahebant ve- 
rum etiam honestati nominique insidiati sunt? Nam muliebri veste per 
fraudem contectum de incontinentia calumniati sunt. Quamobrem saluti 
magis eorum quam*^ nomini suo consulens, Roma, ubi iam erat presby- 
ter cardinalis, abire decrevit ne, si praesens perseveraret, radicato iam 
odio, amplius illis praeberet deUnquendi materiam; quos tamen non 



' scripsi: Obigitur R. Ob id igitur Pa 
' monendi] est add. et del. R 
* cum Pa 
••quod/? 



Sermon 3 153 

irrigated by the blood of the martyrs, if the entire crop were then to be 
suffocated by the thorns of diverse errors that grow among it and perish 
before it can produce the fruit of salvation? For that reason, wherever 
the seeds were well sown and able to mature in good health, the most 
skilled heavenly farmer selected as his servants those persons who would 
pull up the chaff of heretics from his field and rid the tender crop of 
nettlesome thorns and other harmful weeds and plants.^ Within that 
group of servants, however, the glorious doctor, Blessed Jerome, pro- 
duced the greatest benefits by his exertion and toil in that field, by 
which I mean the sacred church of God. He accompanied the humble 
and those willing to be taught by instructing them no less through the 
example of his life than the dignity of his speech; he hounded the here- 
tics and those perverting sound doctrine by censuring them on the basis 
of his own cogent positions and on the authority of Holy Scripture; he 
debated his rivals and scholars everywhere by countering their claims 
through the pungency of his style and the urgency of his warnings. 

But, by the immortal God, who ever suffered greater persecution at 
the hands of his rivals! They not only disparaged his teaching, but they 
also conspired to destroy the integrity of his name. For they set a trap 
and used a woman's dress to accuse him falsely of fornicating.^ On that 
occasion, Jerome took more account of the salvation of those men than 
of his own reputation, and he decided to leave Rome, where he was 
already a cardinal-priest.^ If he were to continue to reside in a place 
where hatred had become so deeply rooted, he would give his adversar- 
ies further opportunities to commit crimes. Nevertheless, even after 
departing, he was not able to escape from those men. For, whatever he 



' Cf. Matt. 13:7, 24-30, 37-43; and Hieronymus Comm. in Mathaeum 2:958-1001 {CCL 
77:111-12). 

^ The episode of the woman's dress is narrated in Nicolo Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii 
Hieronymi vita," PL 22:186; Joannes Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis qfficiis 157(i) {CCL con. 
med. 41A:301); Ps. Eusebius, "Epistola de morte," 33-34; lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 
654 (citing loan. Beleth); and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 
17 (citing loan. Beleth and Vincent of Beauvais). Vergerio's language is closest to that of 
Giovanni d'Andrea: "lUi nimium indignati ei insidias paraverunt et per vestem muliebrem 
. . . ab eis turpiter est derisus." Cf. Anon., "Vita Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hieronymus 
noster)," PL 22:178; and Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale 16.18 (Douai, 1624, 623a), 
who spoke only of a trap. 

^ Cf. Anon., "VitaDivi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum)," 2:31; Nicolo Maniacoria, 
"Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi vita," PL 22:185; loannes Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis qfficiis 
157(i) {CCL cont. med. 41A:301); Vincent of Beauvais, 5pec«/«m /«5rorw/e 16.18 (Douai, 1624, 
623a); lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 654; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, 
cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 17. 



154 Sermo 3 

absens effugere potuit, nam' quicquid postea interpretaretur' aut scribe- 
ret aut doceret totum illi carpebant nee quicquid ei abinde morsibus 
tutum erat. Quapropter et in epistolis saepe et in prologis semper nata 
est illi querela qua in calumniantes invehitur aemulos. 

Haec vero tametsi per se gravia sint, levia videri possunt si ad ilia con- 
ferantur quae sua sponte in eremo passus est. Quae libet nunc ut antehac 
sum saepe solitus suis ipsius verbis commemorare. "O quotiens," inquit, "in 
eremo constitutus (et cetera)." Haec ille de se ipso non inanis gloriae causa 
sed exhortationis atque exempli et ut intelligamus tanto nobis maiora 
praemia preparari quanto fuerimus in graviori pugna victores. Nam quid 
tantum'^ demeruerit vir sanctus et per omnem aetatem Deo gratus unde 
tam austeram paenitentiam subiret, nisi quod perfecta innocentia ibi cul- 
pam deputat, ubi culpa non est, sed si quas incurrit, magnas iudicat et ita 
corpus castigat ne in minimis quoque perlabi possit. Omne itaque genus 
vitae laudabilis hie pretiosus sanctus exercuit: Romae apostolicam, ubi et 
defuncto pontifice qui tunc ecclesiae praeerat ab omnibus summo sacer- 
dotio dignus iudicabatur; eremiticam in deserto quod anachoritarum est; 
in Bethlehem coenobiticam; ubique sanctissimam ac Deo placentem. 



' scripsi: nee R Pa 

' scripsi: interpretabatur R Pa 

** quidnam Pa 



Sermon 3 155 

subsequently translated or wrote or taught, those men tore it to pieces, 
and from that moment on nothing was safe from their mordant criti- 
cisms. Therefore, Jerome frequently lodged a complaint in his letters 
and consistently did so in his prologues in which he denounced those 
rivals who had wrongly accused him/ 

Even though these matters might well appear to be serious on their 
own merits, they can seem piddling when compared to the things that 
Jerome voluntarily suffered in the desert. It is a pleasure to refresh your 
memory of those events by citing Jerome's own words, as I have fre- 
quently done in the past. "Oh, how often," he says, "when I was living 
in the desert (etc.)."^ Jerome related these things about himself not for 
the sake of his own vain glory but for the sake of a persuasive example: 
he wanted us to understand that, the more dangerous the battle in 
which we earn victory, the greater the rewards prepared for us. For that 
holy man, truly gratifying to God throughout his life, never committed 
so terrible a sin that he would have to undergo that harsh a penance, 
unless we have a case of scrupulous innocence imputing blame to itself 
where there really is none. Yet whenever such innocence does fall into 
any sins, it considers them mortal and mortifies the body in such a way 
that it will never slip again, even in the most trivial matters.^ Therefore, 
this exceptional saint practiced every type of life that is worthy of com- 
mendation: he practiced the life of an apostle in Rome, where all judged 
him worthy of the supreme pontificate after the pope who was presiding 
over the church had died;'' he practiced the life of a hermit in the 
desert, as typified by the anchorites; he practiced the life of a monk in 
Bethlehem;^ everywhere he lived he practiced a life most holy and 
pleasing to God. 



^ Cf. Hieronymus Contra Rufinum 2.2 {CCL 79:34); Vulg. Isaia Praef. {PL 28:772, quoted 
in Contra Ruf. 2.32, CCL 79:69); and Comm. in Isaiam 11. Praef. {CCL 73:428). 

^ Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select 
Letters of Saint Jerome, Loeb Classical Library 262 (London and New York, 1933; repr. Lon- 
don: W. Heinemann, and Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1980), 67. 

^ Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 15.2 {CSEL 54:64). 

' Hieronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). See Sermon 1, n. 4 above. 

' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 22.34 {CSEL 54:196-97). In general, see Paul Antin, "Le mona- 
chisme selon saint Jerome," in Recueil sur saint Jerome, Collection Latomus 95 (Brussels: 
Latomus, 1968), 101-24. 



156 Sermo 3 

Qui cum talis fuerit tamque mirabilis, plurimum tamen et adiumen- 
tum et ornamentum habuit ex eruditione ac doctrina studiisque littera- 
rum in quibus omnes propemodum doctos homines qui umquam fue- 
runt excessit. Trium enim linguarum peritissimus extitit, Hebraeae, 
Graecae, et Latinae. Omnis historiae tam ecclesiasticae' quam saecularis 
peritissimus fuit. Poetarum fabulas figmentaque novit omnia; notitiam 
omnem rerum contemplatus est. Eloquentia vero tanta ut Ciceronem 
cuius libros studiosissime legebat prope aequaret. Haec omnia ex scriptis 
eius licet*" deprehendere plane. 

Quae quidem quam prompta haberet quamque tenaciter ipsius me- 
moriae inhaererent indicat id quod ipse de se scribit. Nam cum gravis- 
sima quondam febre circa medium, ut ipse ait, quadragesimae laboraret 
iamque ad extremum venisse videretur ita ut pararentur exequiae, subito 
raptus est in spiritu ante iudicis aeterni tribunal ac de conditione interro- 
gatus, Christianum se esse respondit. Tunc iudex, "Mentiris," inquit, 
"Ciceronianus es," et flagellis eum graviter caedi iussit. Ille vero cum 
inter verbera strepitumque flagellorum unam banc assidue vocem emit- 
teret, "Domine, si umquam saeculares libros legero, te negavi," interce- 
dentibus his qui aderant dimissus est. Inde vero ad vitam rediens liventes 
ex verberibus scapulas habuit et in corpore suo vera vestigia flagellorum 
ut non tam somnium dici possit sed res vere gesta certumque iudicis 
aeterni indicium. 



' ecclesiasticae] eccliasticae < sic > ex al. Hit. corr. R 
" licet ex libet corr. interl. R 



Sermon 3 157 

Although he was surely the sort of person who arouses our admira- 
tion, he nevertheless supplied the most appealing assistance through his 
erudition and his teaching and his study of letters, in which he surpassed 
nearly all the learned individuals who ever lived. He became most profi- 
cient in three languages: Hebrew, Greek, and Latin.' His vast expertise 
extended across the range of history, from that of the church to that of 
society. He lifted the veil from the mysterious images of the poets; he 
attentively observed every phenomenon of nature. One can honestly say 
that his eloquence was so great that he practically equalled Cicero, 
whose books he read with the utmost attention. You can easily find 
confirmation for all of these claims by examining his writings. 

I can show that Jerome tenaciously memorized these things and kept 
them ready at hand by referring to something that he wrote about him- 
self. For, when he was struggling with a very severe fever around the 
middle of Lent, as he himself tells us, and he seemed so near to death 
that preparations were being made for his funeral, suddenly he was 
caught up in the spirit before the judgment seat of the eternal judge. 
When he was asked to state his condition in life, he said that he was a 
Christian. Then the judge replied, "You are lying; you are a Cicero- 
nian." And he ordered him to be handed over for a painful scourging. 
Amidst the cracking blows of the whip, Jerome steadfastly repeated a 
single phrase, "Lord, if ever again I read worldly books, I have denied 
you." After the bystanders interceded on his behalf, he was sent away. 
Upon awakening, Jerome found that he actually had shoulders swollen 
black and blue from the blows and such authentic traces of the scourg- 
ing on his body that no one could label the experience merely a dream. 
Rather, it actually took place and indicated an incontrovertible verdict 
rendered by the eternal judge. 



' Cf. Hieronymus Contra Rufinum 3.6 {CCL 79:79: "Ego philosophus, rhetor, gram- 
maticus, dialecticus, Hebraeus, Graecus, Latinus, trilinguis?") 



158 Sermo 3 

Posthac autem, ut ipse asserit, codices gentilium legit, sed tanto 
studio divina tractavit quanto" ilia ante non legerat, unde aut totum aut 
certe partem maximam suorum librorum postquam id even[en]it edidit. 
In quibus tamen tantum est peregrinae historiae, tantum gentilium fabu- 
larum externaeque disciplinae, omnia ad fidei usum accommodata ut 
nihil aliud dies ac noctes egisse quam ut ilia conquirat videri possit. Sed 
et de fide tot tantaque praescripsit ut nusquam ei vacasse libros genti- 
lium legere facile credi queat. Totum enim vetus testamentum ex integro 
interpretatus est Hebraicam veritatem secutus. In omnes prophetas com- 
mentarios scripsit. Expositiones in evangelia epistolasque canonicas, 
contra haereticos libros complures, tractatus varies pro variis quaestioni- 
bus ac materiis, sermones, homilias, epistolas, omnis generis scripturas 
edidit, ut non modo austeritas vitae sed etiam exuberantia doctrinae 
miraculum sit. 

Sed iam de ceteris miraculis quid dicam, quae Deus mirabilis in Sanc- 
tis suis per hunc sanctum gloriosum et in vita et in morte operari di- 
gnatus est? Quae quidem tarn multa sunt tamque° illustria ut, si quip- 
piam attingere possim, nee complectar omnia. Illud asseverare audeo: 
non esse genus aliquod hominum in quod, si modo devotionem in eum 
habuerint, certa illius beneficia miraculosaque opera non extent. Quam- 
obrem horter unumquemque ut singularem in eum devotionem habeant 
eumque sibi cum aliis Sanctis quos colunt patronum eligant. Sentient 
profecto sese ei utiliter commendatos opesque suas bene in illo locatas 
cum ad huius vitae commoda, tum ad aeterna praemia, quae ipsius meri- 
tis et intercessione necnon et aliorum sanctorum ille nobis concedat, qui 
vivit et regnat trinus et unus per infinita saecula saeculorum. Amen. 



scripsi: quam R Pa 
tamquam R 



Sermon 3 159 

Afterwards, however, as he himself asserted, he continued to read the 
books of the pagans, but he treated divine matters with greater enthusi- 
asm than he had ever shown for pagan literature in the past.^° For that 
reason, I infer that he published the entire corpus of his writings or cer- 
tainly the vast majority of them after that event. In those writings, nev- 
ertheless, there is so much from the history of other peoples, so much 
from pagan poetry and foreign practice, and all of it accommodated to 
the utility of faith, that it could actually appear that he did nothing else 
day and night but delve into those matters. On the other hand, he 
taught so many things of great magnitude about the faith that it is 
almost inconceivable that he would have had enough time free to read 
the books of the pagans. For he translated anew the entire Old Testa- 
ment by working from the original Hebrew text, he wrote commentar- 
ies on all of the prophets, he published explanations for the Gospels and 
the canonical epistles, several books against the heretics, various treatises 
on a wide range of controversial issues, sermons, homilies, letters, writ- 
ings of every sort, so that not only the austerity of his life but the 
breadth of his erudition must also be considered a miracle. 

But what shall I say now about the other miracles, which the God 
who proves so awesome in his saints" deigned to perform through this 
glorious saint during his lifetime and after his death? Those miracles are 
honestly so numerous and so impressive that, if I should attempt to 
touch upon any aspect of them, I could never cover them in their entire- 
ty. I will not back away from making one claim: there is no type of 
human beings for whom Jerome did not grant genuine services and 
perform miraculous deeds, provided only that they have nurtured 
sincere devotion toward him. For that reason, let me exhort each and 
every one of you to nurture a special devotion toward Jerome and to 
choose him as a patron along with the saints you already venerate. You 
will undoubtedly feel that I do you a service by commending you to his 
care and by having you invest your money wisely in him, if you earn a 
profit in this life and especially if you gain an everlasting reward. 
Through the merits and intercession of Jerome along with the other 
saints, may God concede such a reward to us, the God who lives and 
reigns, three and one, for ever and ever. Amen. 



'° Hieronymus Ep. 22.30 {CSEL 54:190-91). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select 
Letters of Saint Jerome, Loeb Classical Library 262 (London and New York, 1933; repr. 
London: W. Heinemann, and Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1980), 127-29. 

" Vulg. Ps. 67:36. 



Sermo 4 pro Sancto Hieronymo^ 

Manuscripts: B, fol. 89r-v; Bp, 143-46; C, fols. 146v-49; 

Pa, part 1, 204-6; PM, fols. 150-51; R, fols. 45-46v. 

Edition: Sal, (Padua, 1767), 7-19. 



Hodie mihi, fratres carissimi, pro more institutoque meo veter^ 
habendus est ad vos sermo de laudibus Sancti Hieronymi, ad quem 
digne laudandum tantam vellem mihi suppetere dicendi facultatem quan- 
ta subest illi copia meritorum, meque eum tam eximie laudare posse 
quam cupio. In altero enim satisfactum est illius dignitati, in altero vo- 
luntati meae. Sed contra, nescio quo modo, in his rebus < plus > quam 
in ceteris evenit ut, cum est de alicuius laudibus*^ dicendum, quo maior 
extat laudum copia, eo minor sit semper bene laudandi facultas. Sic opi- 
nor quod maiestate rerum dicendarum aut multitudine meritorum pre- 
mitur vis dicentis. Nam illud quidem commune est in omnibus: num- 
quam^ satis videri a se factum aut fieri posse satis quod magno quis cum 
desiderio facit. 

Longe autem^ lateque superexcedit ingenioli mei modum Hieronymi 
laudum immensitas, quantumque devotione animus ad dicendum impel- 
litur, tantum admiratione retardatur. Nescit enim initium invenire dum 



* Petripauli Vergerii Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio R. Eiusdem Pro Sancto Hieronymo 
elegantissima oratio B. Oratio pro eodem C. Oratio I pro Sancto Hieronymo Pa 
^ veteri Bp R 

' alienis laudibus Bp: laudibus alicuius B 

** dicendarum] aut multitudine rerum dicendarum add. et expung. B 
' numquam numquam Bp: nusquam R 
' autem om. B 



Sermon 4 for Saint Jerome 



Today, most beloved brothers, in keeping with my custom and my 
long-standing commitment, I have to deliver a sermon to you on 
the praises of Saint Jerome. In order to praise him worthily, I would 
wish for two things: to possess at this moment a skill in public speaking 
as great as the abundance of merits that supplies the basis for his praise 
and to be able to praise him as exceptionally as I desire. In the first 
instance, satisfaction is rendered to the worth of that man, in the second 
to my own affection. But the exact opposite tends to occur when you 
have to give a panegyric as opposed to another type of speech, and I am 
not sure why that is so. When you have to extol someone else, your 
ability to do a good job in praising that person always decreases as the 
number of things you need to praise increases. I suppose this is so be- 
cause the splendor of what must be addressed or the multitude of merits 
overwhelms the power of the one speaking. As a matter of fact, I sus- 
pect you all know the feeling: we never seem to have done a sufficient 
job or even seem capable of doing a sufficient job when we come to the 
task so eagerly. 

The immensity of the praises of Jerome, however, far and wide 
surpasses the capabilities of my feeble intellect, and as much as I feel the 
urge to speak out of devotion to Jerome, I am likewise held back by my 
admiration for him. No speaker knows how to find a way to begin a 



162 SERMO 4 

videt sibi non patere^ exitum, dumque se in terrenis*^ metitur desperat 
prorsus digne' commendari posse caelestia. Nam si de mundanorum 
hominum laudibus dicturis' hoc evenit ut non satis dicere posse videan- 
tur, quanto magis enarraturo huius sancti praeconia qui virtute et meritis 
gloriosis Christianam fidem et ecclesiam Catholicam illustravit. Solent 
autem in mundanis laudibus celebrari certamina, victoriae, triumphi, et 
cetera huiuscemodi. Quae profecto multo excellentius alio quodammo- 
do in Sanctis Dei veniunt praedicanda. 

Tres sunt enim hostes" et gravissimi atque infestissimi qui dies noc- 
tesque*^ mentem studentem° placere Deo impugnant: mundus per po- 
tentiamP, caro per blanditias, daemon** cum insidiis. Mundus opum 
magnificentia*^ honorumque fulgore aciem mentis obruit, et, dum reges 
ac populos a se victos ostentat, intelligi vult nemini^ iam turpe esse cum 
vincitur. Caro voluptatibus atque deliciis robur animi enervare conten- 
dit, et, ut vinci se patiatur, dulcia cuncta promittit. Daemon^ vero frau- 
dum omnium artifex instructissimus mille cottidie retia tendit, mille sub- 
nectit laqueos quibus animas Deo devotas apprehendat. 

Age nunc, comparentur, si placet, hae pugnae" animi cum illis quae 
manu ferroque geruntur/ In illis enim indutiae nonnumquam'*' inter- 
veniunt, et post bellum pax tranquilla subsequitur; in istis autem sine 
fine pugnatur, non mora datur aut requies, nee hora* aut momentum 



^ petere B 

^ tererenis B PM {ex terenis corr. al. m.) 

' digne prorsus R 

' dicturus R 

^ Catholicam ecclesiam Bp R 

' multo] et add. Bp R {in ras.}) 

" Tres enim hostes sunt R 

" atque noctes B 

° audentem Bp 

P impotentiam Bp R 

*• daemon ex demum? corr. C R 

' magnificentiam Bp R C 

* nemini om. Bp R 
' Demum B 

" haec pugna B 

* gerantur R 

" nonnumquam indutiae R 

* hora ex Mora corr. interl. B 



Sermon 4 163 

speech as long as he sees that he has no good way to end it, and, as long 
as a speaker appraises himself honestly according to earthly standards, he 
will abandon any hope of being able to commend worthily the affairs of 
heaven. For if those who are about to pronounce the praises of worldly 
men find that they do not seem capable of covering those subjects suffi- 
ciently, how much the more will one feel inadequate who is about to 
pronounce publicly a panegyric of this saint, who by his virtue and glor- 
ious merits has added luster to the Christian faith and the Catholic 
Church. In worldly praises, however, it is customary to celebrate con- 
flicts, victories, triumphs, and other things of this sort. Matters that are 
unquestionably far more excellent according to a different standard must 
comprise the focus when you preach on the saints of God. 

As a matter of fact, there are three enemies, of a most fearsome and 
hostile variety, who day and night attack the mind of one striving to 
please God: the world through power, the flesh through pleasures, the 
devil with his snares. The world breaches the battle line of the mind by 
displaying the brilliance of wealth and the glitter of public office, and, 
while the world boasts about kings and peoples whom it has conquered, 
it wants to give the impression that no one should feel shame in defeat. 
The flesh struggles to weaken one's strength of soul through selfish 
pleasures, and it promises everything agreeable in order that you let 
down your guard. The devil, a craftsman most skilled in every form of 
deceit, daily casts out a thousand nets and sets a thousand traps in which 
he catches those souls devoted to God. ' 

With your permission, I would like to move on and compare the 
battles of the soul with those which are fought with sword in hand. In 
the latter, a truce on occasion intervenes, and, after the war, an interval 
of peace generally follows; in the former, however, one must struggle 
without end, no pause or rest is given, not an hour or even a moment 



164 Sermo 4 

ullum est vacuum. In illis ut plurimum adverse invicem pectore decerta- 
tur^ et facie ad faciem; in his undique impugnatur homo ex nulla parte 
securus. In illis videri licet tela a quibus precaveri oportet; hie autem 
velut in nocte tectum^ est certamen et pugna incerta, cum hostis invisi- 
bilis mentem impugnat. 

Verum conferantur nunc et victoriae. Si enim magnum est urbem 
aliquam** aut^'' regnum unum'^'^ mundi vincere, quanto maius est 
mundum ipsum superare? Nam plane vincit is mundum qui despicit 
omne quod est in eo,*^*^ nee se permittit aut ambitione honorum aut 
opum cupiditate detineri. Vincere vero carnes et dulces Sirenum cantus 
surda aure praeterire, quid est aliud quam se ipsum vincere et sensui 
rationem praeferre? Quod genus pulcherrimum est victoriae. Quam vero 
feram saevissimam aut quod monstrum immanissimum gloriosius est 
vincere quam daemonis artes eludere ipsiusque tendiculas^^ illaeso pede 
pertransire? 

Ab^^ his autem qualiter fuerit in vita praesenti vexatus gloriosus iste 
sanctus et qualiter huiusmodi pugnas cum Dei adiutorio fortiter evice- 
rit^^ minime arroganter de se ipse scribit in epistola ad Eusthochium. 
Quod quoniam elegantius aliter dici non potest, ''*' eius ipsius verba 
subiciantur. "O quotiens," inquit, "in eremo constitutus et" in ilia vasta 
solitudine quae exusta solis ardoribus horridum monachis praestabat 
habitaculum" putavi me Romanis interesse deliciis. Sedebam solus quia 
amaritudine plenus eram. Horrebant sacco membra deformi[s] et squa- 
lida cutis situm Aethiopicae''^ carnis obduxerat. Cottidie lacrimae, cot- 
tidie gemitus, et si quando repugnantem somnus imminens oppressisset, 



'' decertantur CB. decertatur ex decertantur corr. ("redundat n in antiq. codice" in marg. 
al. m.) PM 

^ tecum Bp R C 
aliquem R 



bb 



ve 



\BpR 



" aliquod Bp R 

^ mundo R 

" tendicula B 

f' Ab] is add. et del. C 

" vicerit B 

^^ potest] "aliter posset" in marg. C. posset B Bp R 

" et] cetera add. (in ilia . . . currimus om.) B 

" habitaculum] et cetera add. (putavi me . . . currimus om.) R 

''*' scripsi: Aethiopissae Bp C 



Sermon 4 165 

is free from battle. In the latter, it is most frequently the case that one 
confronts another by squaring off face to face; in the former, a human 
being finds himself attacked from every direction and vulnerable on all 
sides. In the latter, you are permitted to wield weapons as a vital means 
to parry the enemy's thrust; the former, however, involves a hidden 
conflict and an uncertain struggle, as though it were occurring at night, 
when an invisible enemy attacks the mind. 

But let us also compare the victories won in each instance. For if it 
is a great achievement to conquer some city or an individual kingdom 
in this world, how much greater an achievement is it to conquer the 
world itself? Clearly, the person who conquers the world disdains 
everything that is in it, and he does not allow himself to become a slave 
to ambition for office or greed for riches. All in all, if one overcomes 
the flesh and turns a deaf ear to the sweet songs of the Sirens,^ what else 
has he done but conquer himself and put reason ahead of emotions? 
That is the sort of victory that is most rewarding. Is it really more glori- 
ous to overpower a most savage beast or a most inhuman monster than 
it is to elude the artifice of the devil and pass through his snares un- 
harmed? Obviously not. 

To get some idea of the extent to which that glorious saint was 
pestered by these enemies during his lifetime and the extent to which he 
courageously emerged the victor in battles of this sort with God's assis- 
tance, we can read what Jerome writes about himself without the least 
arrogance in a letter to Eustochium. Since no one could express it more 
elegantly, let me now quote his own words. "Oh, how often," he says, 
"when I was living in the desert, in that lonely waste, scorched by the 
burning sun, which affords to hermits a savage dwelling-place, how 
often did I fancy myself surrounded by the pleasures of Rome! I used to 
sit alone; for I was filled with bitterness. My unkempt limbs were 
covered in shapeless sackcloth; my skin through long neglect had be- 
come as rough and black as an Ethiopian's. Tears and groans were every 
day my portion; and if sleep ever overcame my resistance and fell upon 



' Cf. P. VirgiliusMaro/len. 5.684; and Hieronymus £/>. 22.18 [CSEL 54:167). In general, 
see Paul Antin, "Les sirenes et Ulysse dans I'oeuvre de saint Jerome," in Recueil sur saint 
Jerome, Collection Latomus 95 (Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 59-70. 



166 Sermo 4 

nude humo ossa vix haerentia coUidebam. De cibis vero et potu taceo, 
cum etiam languentes monachi aqua frigida utebantur^' et coctum ali- 
quid accepisse luxuriae sit. Ille igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metum tali 
me carcere ipse damnaveram, scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum, 
saepe choreis intereram puellarum. Pallebant ora ieiuniis et mens deside- 
riis extuabat in frigido corpore et ante hominem suum iam carne prae- 
mortua sola libidinum incendia bulliebant. 

Itaque omni auxilio destitutus ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam lacri- 
mis, crine tergebam, et repugnantem carnem ebdomadarum inedia subiu- 
gabam. Non enim erubesco confiteri infelicitatis meae miseriam, quin 
potius plango non esse, quod fuerim. Memini me clamantem diem cre- 
bro iunxisse cum nocte nee prius a pectoris cessasse verberibus, quam re- 
diret domino increpante tranquillitas. Ipsam quoque cellulam meam 
quasi cogitationum mearum consciam pertimescebam et mihimet iratus 
et rigidus solus deserta penetrabam. Sicubi concava vallium, aspera mon- 
tium, rupium praerupta cernebam, ibi meae orationis locus erat, illud 
miserrimae carnis ergastulum; et, ut mihi testis est Dominus, post multas 
lacrimas, post caelo oculos inhaerentes nonnumquam videbar mihi in- 
teresse agminibus angelorum et laetus gaudensque cantabam: In odorem 
unguentorum tuorum currimus." Haec autem tantilla narratio scientibus 
multa ex paucis intelligere satis"™" sit. 

De peritia vero litterarum quae et ipsa laus hominis sancti"" est 
quid dicam, cum maxime in scripturis sacris°° ita doctum fuisse con- 
stet, ut in proverbium deductum sit nullum hominum^P scivisse quod 
Hieronymus ignoravit? Nee fuit, ut in plerisque, otiosa in hoc''*' ho- 
mine tanta doctrina. Multa enim et per se scripsit, et aliorum multa inter- 
pretatus est. Trium linguarum eruditissimus, Hebraeae," Graecae, zcf^ 



" utantur Bp 

""" satis] est add. et del. C. add. et expung. B 



"" sancti hominis Bp R 
°° sacris] eum add. B 
PP hominem Bp R 
<w hoc om. Bp R 
" Hebraicae B 
"et5 



Sermon 4 167 

my eyes, I bruised my restless bones against the naked earth. Of food 
and drink I will not speak. Hermits have nothing but cold water even 
when they are sick, and for them it is sinful luxury to partake of cooked 
dishes. But though in my fear of hell I had condemned myself to this 
prison-house, where my only companions were scorpions and wild 
beasts, I often found myself surrounded by bands of dancing girls. My 
face was pale with fasting; but though my limbs were cold as ice my 
mind was burning with desire, and the fires of lust kept bubbling up 
before me when my flesh was as good as dead. 

And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus' 
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if 
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I do not blush to 
confess my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now what once 
I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my wailings and 
ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned to me at the 
Lord's behest, I used to dread my poor cell as though it knew my secret 
thoughts. Filled with stiff anger against myself, I would make my way 
alone into the desert; and when I came upon some hollow valley or 
rough mountain or precipitous cliff, there I would set up my oratory, 
and make that spot a place of torture for my unhappy flesh. There 
sometimes also— the Lord Himself is my witness— after many a tear and 
straining of my eyes to heaven, I felt myself in the presence of the angel- 
ic hosts and in joy and gladness would sing: 'Because your anointing oils 
are fragrant we run after you.' "^ This brief account should more than 
suffice to help us understand a whole host of things. 

Now what shall I say about his expertise in letters, which also consti- 
tutes fair grounds for praising a person of sanctity? It is especially 
apparent that he was well versed in the Holy Scriptures: you all know 
the saying that nobody has ever discovered something that Jerome did 
not already know.^ Nor did he acquire such vast erudition merely for 
his own personal enjoyment, as tends to be the case with many others. 
He wrote many things of his own accord, and he translated many things 
that others had written. Because he was extremely fluent in three lan- 
guages — Hebrew, Greek, and Latin^— he also wrote several lengthy vol- 



2 Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select 
Letters of Saint Jerome, (37-(>9. 

^ Cf. Ps. Augustinus, "Epistolade magnificentia,"253: "Quae Hieronymus ignoravit in 
natura nullus hominum umquam scivit." 

* Cf. Hieronymus Contra Rufinum 3.6 {CCL 79:79). 



168 Sermo 4 

Latinae, obscura quoque sacrae scripturae per multa ac magna volumina 
commentatus est ut non modo variis nationibus sed rudibus quoque 
ingeniis fundamenta fidei innotescere possent. 

De moribus vero dici hoc potest, quod tota eius vita exemplum bene 
Vivendi fuit. Maledicos bene vivendo confudit. Persequentes secedendo" 
superavit, Sibi parous, ceteris largus, tam mitis in alios ut et feras man- 
suefaceret, et in se tam austerus ut vix in hostem quis eadem pateretur. 
Non mirum igitur si, tantis dotibus praeditus atque ita in terris vexatus, 
nunc coronatus triumphat in caelis, dignum praemium tot certaminum 
tantarumque virtutum,"" quibus propemodum dici potest eum intulisse 
vim^ caelo. Cuius rei argumentum est quod et in vita et post mortem 
ita miraculis claruit, ut miraculum permagnum sit eum tot et tanta ope- 
ratum esse miracula. Ipse igitur cuius diem soUemnem agimus a rege re- 
gum et dominatore"^ omnium Deo, cui in illo caelorum regno semper 
assistit, nobis imploret ut in praesenti gratiam saeculo et in futuro 
gloriam praestet,"' ad quam^ nos perducat ipse Dei Filius, qui cum 
Patre et Spiritu Sancto vivit et regnat per infinita saecula benedictus. 



" secedendo ex secendo? corr. R 
"" virtutum] consecutus add. B 
"" vim] in ras. Bp: in add. et del. R 
"" donatore B 

"* praestet] om. C: concedat B 
^^ quas R 



Sermon 4 169 

umes of commentary on obscure matters in Holy Scripture. That means 
that the fundamentals of faith can be known by various peoples and 
even by those with little formal education. 

In discussing his morals, I have no trouble claiming that his whole 
life serves as an example of ethical conduct. He frustrated those slander- 
ing him by his integrity. He overcame those persecuting him by his 
departure. Sparing to himself, he was generous to everyone else; he was 
so kind to others that he even tamed the wild beasts^ and so strict in his 
own regard that hardly anyone suffered as much when battling an 
enemy. It is no wonder, then, that one who was endowed with so many 
gifts and harassed to such an extent on earth, should now be crowned in 
triumph in heaven, a worthy reward for so many conflicts and such 
great virtues. On that basis, I am almost tempted to say that Jerome 
took heaven by storm. The proof for such a claim lies in the fact that 
Jerome gained wide renown for miracles during his lifetime and after his 
death. In the final analysis, it is truly an enormous miracle that he 
worked so many miracles of such great substance. May Jerome himself, 
therefore, whose solemnity we observe today, make supplication on our 
behalf to the king of kings and lord of all, the God whom he forever 
attends in that kingdom of heaven, that God confer his grace to us in 
the present age and his glory to us in a future one. It is toward that 
glory that the Son of God himself directs us, he who lives and reigns 
with the Father and the Holy Spirit as blessed for ever and ever. 



Vergerio alludes to the story of the lion; see Sermon 2, n. 8 above. 



Sermo 5 pro Sancto Hieronymo^ 

Manuscripts: B, fol. 89v (fragm.); C, fols. 152v-57v (fragm.); 

E, fols. 21V-23 (fragm.); N, fols. 27v-28 (fragm.); Pa, part 1, 206-11 

(fragm.); PM, fol. 151 (fragm.); R, fols. 47-51 (fragm.); 

Tp, fols. 129V-30 (fragm.); V, fols. l-8v. 



Praestantissimi viri^ atque optimi patres, cum bona venia vestra prae- 
termittam nunc parumper solitum morem sermocinandi, et, omisso 
themate (qui mos iam*^ apud modernos deciderat) primo gloriosissimam 
virginem ad auxilium mihi invocabo, dicens "Ave Maria (et cetera)." 

Sermo mihi hodie ad vos habendus est, viri clarissimi, non de stu- 
diis litterarum ut saepe soleo, non de bellicis rebus quae, ut difficiles 
fieri,* ita iucundae sunt memoratu, non denique de ullis negotiis quae 
aut ad publica iura hominum aut ad privatas res pertineant, sed de reli- 
gione et sanctitate. Neque enim vereor, viri optimi,^ ne, cum de reli- 
gione dicturum me pollicitus sim, parum attentas aures' praestituri sitis. 



* Sermo de Beato Hieronymo in modum orationis editus per dominum Petrumpaulum 
Vergerii de lustinopoli devotissimum Beati Hieronymi V. Sermo editus in festo Sancti Hie- 
ronymi per Petrumpaulum Vergerium oratorum elegantissimum Tp. Petripauli Vergerii 
Sermo de laudibus Beati Hieronymi N. Petripauli Vergerii Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio R. 
Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio elegantissima£. Pro Sancto 
Hieronymo oratio 11 Pa 

^ Praestantissimi viri . . . et cetera om. B C E R 
' iam om. Tp 
clarissimi viri B. optimi viri C E R 

* fieri om. N 

' enim in ras. V 

* optimi patres B. clarissimi viri C E R 
^ ne om. B 

' aures] vestras add. B E R 



Sermon 5 for Saint Jerome 



Most eminent men and most honest fathers, with your kind indul- 
gence, I will slightly depart today from the usual manner of deliv- 
ering a sermon. Because I have not cited a thematic verse from Scripture 
(a convention that is no longer observed by the most up-to-date preach- 
ers), I will immediately begin by praying that the most glorious virgin 
assist me, as I say, "Hail Mary (etc.)." 

Today I do not have to deliver a sermon to you, most distinguished 
men, about the study of letters (as I am often accustomed to do), nor 
about matters of war that are gratifying to recall in proportion as they 
were difficult to conduct, nor finally about any dealings that apply to 
the common rights or private affairs of human beings. I must rather 
speak about belief and sanctity. And yet I have no fear that you will not 
listen attentively, most honest men, now that I have stated my intention 
to address matters of faith. I have come to know your devotion, loyalty, 



172 Sermo 5 

Novi devotionem vestram, pietatem, moderationem, fidem,^ palamque 
ab universis perpetuo scitum est, cum summo studio in^ omni vita ho- 
nestissimas res colueritis, divina tamen iura caerimoniasque sacrorum 
primo semper apud vos loco constitisse. 

Quod si igitur, ut*" vere sensit Tales, non modo actus sermonesque 
nostri sed ne cogitationes quidem latere Deum possunt, quam putatis 
nunc ei" gratum fieri quod intra hos sacros parietes ad audiendum de se 
deque Sanctis suis sermonem frequentes convenistis? Delectant siquidem 
Deum homines (si passionibus eum ullis agi existimamus) cum quid erga 
se pie, iuste, sancte, ac religiose factum videt. Quod quam iure quamque 
merito a nobis faciendum sit hinc licet accipiamus.° Si enim tanta pro 
patria, pro parentibus, pro liberis, si pro domo, fortunis, rebusque no- 
stris^ tanta sponte nostra** patimur tamque difficiles et periculosos labo- 
res subimus, quantum debemus eniti ut ea quae ad interiorem salutem 
attinent sedulo exequamur? Nemo est nostrum qui non summo studio 
incolumitatem suam aut praesentem tueri aut amissam recuperare molia- 
tur; nemo qui"^ vitam quam perbrevem et communem cum brutis habet 
non studeat omni nixu,' viribus omnibus^ servare, tenere, et, quoad" li- 
cuerit,^ prorogare. Ne igitur incolumitatem^ animae quam sacrae res 
efficiunt, ne ipsam perpetuam vitam parvo labore consequi studebimus? 



' fidem om. E R 

^ txBCER 

' res colueritis] res recol- V N 

"" ut om. Tp 

" ei om. Tp 

° aucupemur N: experiamur Tp 

P nostris] tanta . . . Amen om. B 

'' nostra om. Tp 

' qui interl. V 

* nisu V Tp 

' omnibus viribus N Tp C E R 
" quoad in ras. V 

* decuerit C E R 

* incolumitatem ex incon- corr. V: columitatem Tp 



Sermon 5 173 

moderation, fidelity, and they have become objects of universal acclaim 
for some time now. Although you have devoted yourselves with the 
greatest enthusiasm to very noble concerns throughout your lives, you 
have always awarded a place of primacy, nevertheless, to the sacred 
duties and ceremonies of religion. 

But if, then, Thales was right to feel that we cannot hide our deeds 
or words nor even our thoughts from God,^ will you all not agree that 
your having come together now in great numbers within these sacred 
walls to hear a sermon about God and his saints is quite gratifying to 
God.^ Human beings do give pleasure to God (if we are right in thinking 
that God is affected by any emotion) when God sees that some action is 
directed toward the divinity with due loyalty and pious trust. You can 
get some idea just how legitimate and deserved our actions will be in 
this instance from what follows. If we choose to endure so much to pro- 
tect our country, our parents, our children, if we undergo very difficult 
and dangerous trials to defend our household, our possessions, and our 
business activities, how much effort should we exert to perform with 
the utmost care those tasks which regard our interior health? There is 
not a single one of you who does not apply himself with the greatest 
energy to protect the security you have attained or recover the security 
you have lost. Everyone of you puts forth every effort and strength to 
safeguard, maintain, and, insofar as it is possible, prolong this most ephe- 
meral existence, which we share in common with wild beasts. Will we 
not strive, then, to attain the security for our souls that religion produc- 
es? or to attain through minimal expense of energy eternal life itself? 



' Cf. Diogenes Laertius 1.1. In the Middle Ages, a Latin epitome of the Greek original 
was published and then used in texts like that attributed to Walter of Burley. See Ps. Walter 
of Burley, . . . Liber de vita et moribus philosophorum mit einer altspanischen Ubersetzung der 
Eskurialbibliothek, ed. Hermann Knust (Tubingen, 1886; repr., Frankfurt am Main: Minerva, 
1964), 10; and Remigio Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codici latini e greci ne' secoli XIV e XV, 
Biblioteca storica del Rinascimento 4 (1905-14; repr., Florence: G. Sansoni, 1967), 2:262-63. 
Thales of Miletus was one of the "Seven Wise Men," and many aphorisms are attributed to 
him. 



174 Sermo 5 

Solebant vetusto tempore hi quos vulgato nomine gentiles dicimus, 
ut crebro res veterum legens animadverti (quod id etiam nunc'' facere 
opinor eos, si pristinae religionis suae apud se morem tenent, qui non- 
dum in veritatem religionis nostrae venerunt)— solebant, inquam, atten- 
tissima cura et diligentissimo studio sacra celebrare et ne minimum qui- 
dem impune praetermittere quod ad divina pertineret, quibus tamen 
nondum persuasum erat esse post mortem corporis victuram animam 
aut ex his meritis beari posse. Quanto igitur magis id facere nos^ decet, 
qui et veram professionem assecuti sumus et sine ambiguitate ulla cer- 
tum tenemus esse immortalem animam atque ex piis operibus vitae, ora- 
tionibus, sacrificiis, votis felicem post mortem animam fieri in beato 
loco. 

Semper itaque probavi, ut ex diebus hebdomadarum prima atque ex 
horis matutina ab homine quovis et quantumvis occupato rebus divinis 
daretur. Reliquos dies reliquasque dierum partes mundanum opus ha- 
beat. Nunc autem vespere a me evocati^ convenistis, propterea quod 
hanc ipsam horam diurnis negotiis et laboribus vestris/* tum et^^ cot- 
tidiano officio, quod in his sacris altaribus agitur, minus incommodam 
arbitratus sum. Venistis itaque audire de ea re,'^'^ quam vellem ego tam 
bene dicere me posse quam libenter'^'^ audituri vos estis.^^ De gloriosis- 
simo Hieronymo et laudibus eius sermonem facturus sum. Quis est ve- 
strum, obsecro, qui non ad huius nomen recordationemque et aures et 
animum arrexerit?^^ Nam cui et vivus et vita defunctus non profuit? 
Quod hominum genus, qui sexus, quae aetas beneficiorum eius expers 
est.^ Quare non vereor me incomposite aut inornate dicere posse quod 
cum summa aviditate audituros vos scio. 



" quod id etiam nunc] quod id et nunc N E. quod etiam nunc Tp. quod id etiam R 

^ igitur . . . facere] ergo magis id facere nos V. igitur magis id nos facere Tp E. igitur 
{interl.) id nos magis facere R 

^ vespere a me evocati] vesperi a me convocati R: vespere vocati a me Tp 

" vestris om. R 

^^ tum etiam C R: tam et E 

*^ ea de re Tp 

^ libenter om. E 

" estis] De gloriosissimo . . . merita attinet om. C R. De gloriosissimo . . . Amen om. E 

'^ nostrum V 

^ qui . . . arrexerit] qui ad huius nomen recordationemque aures et animum non 
arrexerit Tp 

'''' scio] Communi . . . ei omnes om. N 



Sermon 5 175 

In ancient times, the pagans (as we call them in common parlance) 
were accustomed, as I have frequently noticed while reading the history 
of that era (I am of the opinion that even today those, who have not yet 
come into the truth of our religion, still conduct themselves in this way, 
if they have retained among themselves the traditions of their primitive 
religion)— they were accustomed, I was saying, to celebrate sacred rites 
with the most intent concern and assiduous zeal. If they neglected even 
the slightest matter which pertained to the gods, they were held account- 
able. They took such care even though they were not yet convinced that 
the soul will live on after the death of the body or that they are able to 
attain a heavenly reward in keeping with their merits. How much more 
fitting it is, then, that we conduct ourselves in this way, for we have 
attained the true profession of faith and firmly believe that the soul is 
immortal and that it achieves true happiness in a blessed place after 
death in keeping with the pious works of one's life, the prayers, sacrific- 
es, solemn promises. 

Thus, I have always felt that all human persons, no matter what their 
job, should dedicate the first day of the week and the first hour of the 
morning to divine matters. They can use the other days of the week and 
the other hours of the day for secular activities. Now, however, I have 
summoned you to assemble in the evening because I thought that this 
time of day was less inconvenient, given your daytime activities and 
labors and particularly that daily recitation of the Divine Office, which 
you pray around this sacred altar. Thus, you have come to hear about 
that subject, which I wish that I were able to address with a skill com- 
mensurate with the willingness with which you will listen. I am about 
to deliver a sermon on the praises of the most glorious Jerome. Which 
one of you here present, I wonder, did not pay closer attention at the 
mere mention of Jerome's name? For is there anyone whom Jerome has 
not assisted either during his lifetime or after his death? What type of 
person, what gender, what age-group has not partaken of his services? 
That is why I am not afraid of speaking in a disorderly fashion or 
without sufficient embellishment. I have every confidence that you will 
listen to what I say with the greatest interest. 



176 SERMO 5 

Communi enim quadam devotione astringuntur ei omnes; omnes 
sanctitatem memoriamque laeti venerantur. Ego vero" singular! studio 
praecipuaque indulgentia affectus ei sum, cum" vetusta religione meo- 
rum maiorum, turn plurimis, maximis, atque evidentissimis beneficiis et 
in me et in familiam nostram coUatis. Quare ingratus mihi videri pos- 
sem, si non tantis meritis aliquid quod industriae studiisque meis conve- 
niret grati animi signum redderem. Solebant parentes mei, dum fortuna 
laetaeque res starent, atque id a suis fieri solitum commemorabant 
perpetuo hoc ipso festo die, cum sacra ritu debito et solito more peracta 
essent, sollemne convivium pauperibus facere'— his quidem primum, 
turn et amicis, familiaribus, atque domesticis hominibus — quo et in illos 
pietas et in hos™" alacritas funderetur. Omnes enim, quoad poterant 
et facuhates suae ferre sustinebant, gaudii sui studebant participes facere. 
Dies hie et foris et domi"" laetus agebatur. Nunc vero, postquam belH- 
cis fragoribus inimica fortuna res arbitrio suo vertit, mansit animus, 
cessit mos. Ego autem, qui nihil maius in tanta egestate quod tribuam 
habeo, decrevi singulo anno dum vixero laudes Hieronymi et praeclara 
merita in conventu optimorum recensere. Si quando tamen fortuna pla- 
cid© vultu faverit, ne vetustum quidem morem familiae nostrae praeter- 
mittam. 

At vero nunc debitum meum iam°° promissione consignatum ut 
exolvam praefixus a me dies exigit.^P Verum cum in'^'' tam ampla re- 
rum area difficile sit initium dicendi facere," aliquanto difficilius erit 
exitum orationi invenire. Unde enim quis in tot tantisque rebus aut 
principium'" ordietur aut ubi sistat orationem inveniet? Clara, magna, 
praecipua sunt quaecumque de eo dici possunt, neque opinione neque 
verbis aut exaugeri aut minui possibilia; quorum unumquodque se 
primum dici principiumque sermonis esse se postulat. 



" um Tp: om. N 

" turn V Tp 

^ res starent ex restarent corr. interl. V 

" facere] his quidem . . . Amen om. N 

""" et in illos pietas et in hos] et illos pietas et hos Tp 

"" et domi et foris V 

~ turn Tp 

PP exigitur V 

"^ in om. Tp 

" facere] aliquanto . . . enim om. V 

" aut principium] auriet principium (ordietur . . . non est ita om) Tp 



Sermon 5 177 

As a matter of fact, all persons are bound to Jerome by a certain 
common devotion, all joyfully venerate the memory of his sanctity. Yet, 
I am touched by a particular devotion and special affection for Jerome, 
which springs from the enduring piety of my ancestors and even more 
from the extremely numerous, significant, and obvious services extended 
to me personally and to my entire family. Therefore, I would consider 
myself ungrateful, if I did not respond to such great merits and give 
some sign of the gratitude I feel which puts my diligence and education 
to good use. After my parents had attended the sacred rites celebrated in 
the appropriate and conventional manner, they were accustomed for as 
long as their resources permitted to offer a solemn banquet for the 
indigent of the city. Moreover, they had clear memories that their own 
ancestors had consistently performed the same service on this feast day. 
They first took care of the poor and then welcomed friends, relatives, 
and domestic servants, thereby expressing their loyalty to the latter and 
their compassion toward the former. As long as my parents had the 
resources to cover the costs of such a celebration, they eagerly desired to 
make all the others share in their own joy. We celebrated the feast day 
in public and private rituals. Now, however, after hostile fortune turned 
against us and unleashed war's destructive furies, only the intention 
remains. The celebration itself has ceased. Nevertheless, although I 
regret having nothing greater to offer in my state of poverty, I have 
vowed that, as long as I live, I will review the praises and excellent mer- 
its of Jerome in a speech before an assembly of the best citizens. If ever 
fortune will look upon me and smile once again, I will not hesitate to 
revive that ancient custom of our family. 

In all honesty, my debt at this moment is already registered in a 
promissory note, and the date on which I have to repay it has arrived. 
If it is hard to find a way to begin my speech as I gaze over such an 
extensive range of possibilities, it will be that much harder for me to 
find a way to end it. For among so many substantial matters, who could 
find a topic to use in organizing the exordium or one to use in conclud- 
ing the oration? No matter what you say about Jerome, it constitutes 
distinguished, great, unique subject matter, and you really cannot 
significantly embellish or diminish the possible topics, no matter what 
you choose to say. Each one of those topics virtually demands to be the 
first one mentioned and thereby become the focus of the sermon's 
exordium. 



178 Sermo 5 

Nam cum animadverto res ipsas" quas [ut] dicere non tam potens 
quam volens et debens aggressus sum, geminum in laudibus ei < u > s iter 
mihi propositum video, quorum utrumque longe lateque supra vires 
ingenii est. Primum enim si dicere instituero de his in quibus praesentes 
et saeculares homines gentilesque etiam laudare solemus — puta de Httera- 
tura, de moribus, de summa honestate vitae — abundantem ac fere inexpH- 
cabilem dicendi materiam nactus sum, ut"" ad quod secundum est hoc 
ordine, re autem primum, nuUo pacto exequi posse me sperem. Quis 
enim sanctitatem, fidem, religionem, caritatem, spem, tum maxime 
innumerabiles res gestas atque infinita miracula et mortuo et vivente ab 
eo confecta verbis consequi possit? Omnia et creduHtatis et orationis 
modum excedunt. 

Nam, ut maiora omittam et ea primum attingam in quibus mediocres 
etiam viri laudem sibi vindicare possunt, quis ei (ne superiorem dicam) 
litteris par? quis praestantior virtute? quis usu vitae moderatior? Trium 
linguarum peritissimus extitit, Hebraicae, Graecae, et Latinae; omnis 
generis doctrina<m> complexus est interpretator vehementissimus. 
Quo adeo magnum adiumentum fidei nostrae dedit, ut nihilo utere- 
tur^ Latina ecclesia quod ipse non transtulerit. Sed quam ornatus, ob- 
secro, viri doctissimi; ipsum medius fidius Ciceronem mihi legere videor 
cum libros Hieronymi lego. Tanta inest maturitas orationi, tanta festi- 
vitas comitasque sermoni. SoHs profecto rebus de quibus agunt distant a 
se; stilus prope par est. 

Sed quid de sacris litteris.^ Cum enim dici soleat, legi Dei deesse 
quicquid contingit ignorare Hieronymum, ego prompte id dico, super- 
flua et inutilia esse legi Dei quae Hieronymus ignoravit. Ea enim sic 



" scripsi: suas V 
"" scripsi: cum V 
"" scripsi: utar? V 



Sermon 5 179 

When I ponder the topics that not so much from abiHty as from 
desire and oWigation I now plan to address, I see two parallel paths that 
I can follow in this panegyric. Each of them exceeds far and wide my 
intellectual aptitude and physical strength. If I will have resolved to 
speak first about the topics that customarily motivate us to praise men 
of our own age who are engaged in the business of the world and to 
praise the pagans as well— topics like one's literary expertise, one's 
morals, the supreme integrity of one's life— I have procured material so 
abundant that I could almost never cover it in a speech. Consequently, 
I would have to abandon all hope of being able to do what comes next 
in my overall plan but has priority in terms of importance. For who 
could adequately cover in words his holiness, faith, piety, charity, hope, 
and even more so the countless deeds and infinite miracles that he 
performed during his lifetime or after his death? They all exceed any 
degree of plausibility and manner of speaking. 

I will postpone for now the more important topics and begin by 
touching upon those which make it possible even for ordinary men to 
win acclaim. For who was ever the equal of Jerome in letters (to call 
anyone superior is out of the question)? who was more eminent in 
virtue? who was more temperate in his manner of living? He became 
most fluent in three languages— Hebrew, Greek, and Latin.^ He was a 
most energetic translator and embraced learning of every sort. That is 
why Jerome gave such great assistance to our faith: he personally trans- 
lated virtually everything that the Latin Church still utilizes. But what 
command of style, I beg you, most learned men; I swear to God that I 
seem to read Cicero himself when I read the books of Jerome. There is 
such great maturity in his prose, so much elegance and harmony in his 
language. To tell the truth, those men differ only in the substance of the 
matters that they treat; as to style, they are virtually the equal of each 
other. 

But what about sacred letters? A familiar saying tells us that whatev- 
er Jerome did not happen to know is not part of God's law.^ I would 
go further and claim that the things which Jerome did not know are 
utterly superfluous and without relevance to God's law. Thus, he con- 



^ Cf. Hieronymus Contra Rufinum 3.6 {CCL 79:79). 
' Cf. Ps. Augustinus, "Epistola de magnificentia," 253. 



180 Sermo 5 

ignoravit quia voluit;'^ nihil autem quod penitus scire vellet latere 
tantum acumen ingenii potuit. Multa, ut dixi, ex Unguis transtulit, sed 
quam multa, oro, per se scripsit, quam multa in confirmandis fidelibus 
quamque multa in redarguendis haereticis? Neminem vere possem dicere 
praestantiorem virum. At certe magis necessarium neminem habuit 
ecclesia: talem siquidem tum primum adolescens tumque primum oriens 
alumnum sibi expetebat, tarn solidum cui inniteretur cardinem, tam for- 
tem qui se tueretur patronum. Quem profecto non casu aliquo sed 
summa Dei providentia atque aeterno consilio illi tempori datum exi- 
stimandum est, ut esset qui teneram et invalidam atque a multis adversa- 
riis impetitam ducatu, monitis, praesidioque suo protegeret. 

Indignari possunt tempora nostra proque"' gravissima sibi execra- 
tione ducere quod nullos huiuscemodi iam parturiant viros, cum idem 
saeculum tres summos et prope coaevos tulerit. Fuerunt una atque iis- 
dem diebus tria nondum clarissima lumina, certissimi nascentis ecclesiae 
praeceptores, Ambrosius, Augustinus, et, qui utrique sine eorum invidia 
anteponendus est, Hieronymus. Fuere et nonnulli alii eodem tempore 
clari viri, quorum extant et opera et crebra memoria; sed multo^ post 
Gregorius exortus est, qui quartus ab his connumerari solet et ipse vir 
non parvae litteraturae neque mediocris vitae sanctitatis. His quattuor 
veluti firmissimis basibus ecclesia Dei nixa subsistit. Quorum non est 



** voluit ex noluit corr. V 
"" scripsi: pro qua V 
^^ scripsi: multa V 



Sermon 5 181 

sciously chose not to know them; nothing, however, would go unexam- 
ined by his very great perspicacity of intellect if he desired to explore it. 
He translated many things from other languages, as I have already 
stated; but how many things, I beg you, did he write of his own accord, 
often to confirm the faithful and just as often to refute the heretics? I 
could honestly say that the church never had a more eminent member. 
But I am sure you would all agree that the church never had a more 
indispensable member. For indeed, just after the church had come into 
existence and then entered her adolescence, she was looking for a 
disciple, who was such a solid hinge that she could rely on him,^ such 
a courageous defender that she could feel safe. We have to conclude that 
Jerome was given to the church at that time not by pure chance but 
through the greatest providence and eternal plan of God, so that Jerome 
might use his leadership, his warnings, and his protection to shield that 
frail church, which was assailed by so many adversaries at a tender age. 
Our own times are able to feel indignation and consider themselves 
under a very serious curse because they have not produced men of this 
sort, whereas the same century produced three outstanding individuals 
who were, practically speaking, contemporaries. One and the same 
epoch produced three lights who became most brilliant, three teachers 
who proved most reliable for the church early in her existence: Am- 
brose, Augustine, and Jerome, who should be esteemed more highly 
than the other two without any jealousy on their part. There were also 
other distinguished men of that era, and their extant works remind us of 
their important contribution. Years later, Gregory was born, who is 
usually considered the fourth member of that group^ because he was an 
individual of significant literary accomplishment and one whose life was 
marked by a sanctity beyond the norm. The church of God survives be- 
cause it rests upon those four as though they were most solid pedestals 



* Punning upon the Latin word cardo, Vergerio alluded to the tradition that Jerome was 
a cardinal. See Sermon 3, n. 3 above. 

^ Cf. the decretal of Boniface VIII (20 September 1295) in Corpus luris Canonici, Liber 
Sextus Decretalium, HI, tit. XXII, cap. 1 (cited by Eugene Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renais- 
sance [hzhimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985], 218-19 n. 1); and Giovanni 
d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 2 (cited by Joseph Klapper, "Aus der 
Friihzeit des Humanismus: Dichtungen zu Ehren des heiligen Hieronymus," in Ernst Boeh- 
lich and Hans Heckel, eds., Bausteine: Festschrift fiir Max Koch zum 70. Geburtstag dargebracht 
[Breslau, 1926], 257-58). In addition to Jerome, the other three doctors of the Latin Church 
are Ambrose (ca. 339-97) who became bishop of Milan in 374, Augustine (354-430) who 
became bishop of Hippo Regius around 396, and Gregory I (ca. 540-604) who became 
bishop of Rome in 590. 



182 Sermo 5 

mihi animo gloriam beataeque vitae munera invicem comparare, utpote 
qui et beatitudinis gradus illorum caelestium civium ignorem et unum- 
quemque supra quam existimari possit humano animo beatum credam. 
Sed quoad disciplinarum doctrinas atque huius vitae merita attinet, nemo 
est qui Hieronymum neget ceteris^^ anteferendum, qui modo vel tenui- 
ter quae ipse scripsit quaeque de eo scripta sunt viderit. Praestiterunt 
enim fortasse alii voluminibus et numero librorum; at qui^*^ magis ma- 
ture, magis graviter magisque commode, et, quod non minima pars est, 
magis necessaria scripserit^^^ nemo est, Sed de litteris iam satis multa; 
quantum brevitas sermonis patiebatur dictum est. 

De vita vero et morum integritate quid dicam? Nondum enim ad 
illud"*^ veni, ut de his dicerem quae ut sanctus, ut vere Catholicus, ut 
caelo dignus egit. Nam et multa scribere, etiam'^'^'^ de sacra religione, 
et bene atque^^^ secundum virtutem vivere mundano homini etsi non 
vitioso, at saltem infideli et irreligioso^^^ commune est. Quis igitur, ut 
propositum sequar, eo modestior fuit, quis iustior, quis prudentior, quis 
omni genere virtutum ornatior, quis fortior in adversis tolerandis, in^^ 
repellendis obsistentibus, in laboribus obeundis, inque opprobriis et per- 
secutionibus, quibus saepenumero affectus est, magno fortique animo 
ferendis.^ Quam abstinens, oro, quam frugi, quam pudicus, quam aequus, 
quam vigil, quam sollicitus in bonis studiis, quam in rectis operationibus 
sagax: omnia supra solitum modum habuit. 



" ceteris] -ris ex -tis? corr. V 
"" atque V 
'''''' scripsit V 
^idC 

ddd gj y 

'" bene atque om. R 

''' irreligioso] -ioso ex -iose corr. C: religioso V 

*^ in om. V 



Sermon 5 183 

of support. It is not my intention to make some odious comparison 
about the relative glory and quantity of heavenly gifts that each of them 
has attained. As you might well have guessed, I do not know the level 
of beatitude accorded those citizens of heaven, though I certainly believe 
that each of them is blessed beyond anything that the human mind can 
imagine. But if we are speaking about the mastery of disciplines and the 
merits of life here on earth, no one would dispute that Jerome must be 
given precedence over the others, provided that he has only cursorily 
examined what Jerome wrote and what is written about him. Perhaps 
others have surpassed him in the size and the number of books; but 
there is no one who wrote with greater maturity, with greater influence 
and greater timeliness, and, what is certainly not least significant, with 
a greater sense of urgency. Nonetheless, I think that I have already said 
enough about letters, for I have dealt with that topic to the extent that 
the appropriate length of a speech allows. 

But what shall I say about his life and the integrity of his character? 
For I have not even reached the part of the sermon where I am to speak 
about the matters which Jerome accomplished as a saint, as one authen- 
tically Catholic, as one worthy of heaven. If a person engaged in secular 
activity is not evil (which means that he could be an infidel or a non- 
believer), he shares with Jerome the capacity to write extensively, even 
about religious belief, and the capacity to live well by adhering to the 
norm of virtue. In order that I follow my stated plan, let me ask who 
was more temperate than that man, who more just, who more prudent, 
who more appealing for practicing every type of virtue, who was more 
courageous in bearing adverse circumstances, in driving back those 
offering resistance, in undergoing labors with a decidedly resolute spirit, 
and in enduring the abusive insults which repeatedly tormented him.-* 
How self-restrained, I beg you, how thrifty, how chaste, how balanced, 
how alert, how dedicated to good studies, how wise in making the 
upright choice: he possessed all of those qualities to an unusual degree. 



184 SERMO 5 

Sed vereor, optimi patres, ne parum me deceat hoc studium meum, 
quo tarn vehemens sum in explicandis sanctissimi viri laudibus. Videor 
enim fortasse existimare me tot tantasque res aut amplecti opinione aut 
comprehendere posse sermone,**'*'^ sed non est ita. Neque enim aut de 
rerum magnitudine aut de"' ingenii mei'" linguaeque imbecillitate 
fallor; verum affectione quae in me maxima erga hunc est impulsus, non 
possum in tam patenti laudum suarum campo dicendi impetum conti- 
nere. 

Sciebam satius esse, idque mihi a principio constitueram, ut, 
cum''' pauca dixissem, finem orationi facerem et vos tacitus in cetero- 
rum admiratione dimitterem,™™" praecipue cum is ipse de quo 
loquor in epistola quadam dicat omnem humanum sermonem inferio- 
rem esse caelesti laude. Quod et""" fecissem ut conceperam,°°° sed, 
cum in ipso procursu sermonis viderem vos audiendi avidos neque 
antehac quemquam vestrum aut oculos aut aures alio detorsisse, crevit 
mihi voluptas desideriumque dicendi. Neque parum placere vobis 
arbitratus sum quod cum tanta attentione audiretis. Ut itaque et vobis et 
animo meo morem gererem, coeptum dicendi cursum sequi destinavi, 
Sed quoniam hae virtutes de quibus dixi fidei religionique iunctae id 
efficiunt quod postremo mihi dicendum restabat, ad illud nunc venio, et 
me in patentissimum mare, ex quo nullus quantumvis doctus enatare 
tuto possit,PPP sponte conicio. PericuH tamen prudens'''^'' non procul 
a litoribus abero/" 



'*'''' opinione . . . sermone] opinionem . . . sermone V. opinionem . . . sermonem C 

'" de om. R 

"' mei om. Tp 

^^^ id quod V 

'" cum om. Tp 

■"""" facerem et . . . dimitterem] facere et . . . dimittere Tp 

""" et in ras. V 

°°° fecissem ut conceperam] fecisse conceperam V 

PPP posset (sponte conicio . . . Amen om.) Tp 

°^ providens V 

'" aberro V 



Sermon 5 185 

But I fear, most honest fathers, that the enthusiasm, which makes me 
so eager to expound upon the praises of that most holy man, may now 
violate proper decorum. For I may well give you the impression that I 
think I can mentally comprehend so many substantial matters or treat 
them in words, but that is not the case. I do not underestimate the mag- 
nitude of those affairs or the feebleness of my talent and my tongue. 
Yet, I am urged on by the affection which I feel so strongly toward that 
man, and I cannot hold myself back from entering that vast field of his 
praises. 

I was aware that it would be more than enough to say only a few 
things, and I had determined to do so from the start. Once I had said 
them, I intended to bring the oration to a conclusion and then be silent, 
as I sent you off to reflect privately on the rest. That seemed especially 
fitting because the very person about whom I am speaking affirms in 
one of his letters that all human utterance cannot adequately extol what 
is of heaven.^ And I would have done as I had planned, but I see that 
you continue to listen attentively as I go on with the sermon. To this 
point, not a single one of you has turned his eyes or ears away from me. 
Thus, my enjoyment of what I am about and my desire to continue 
speaking have grown at the same rate. I never really entertained the 
possibility that you would listen with such rapt attention to something 
that you did not enjoy. In order that I behave in a way that conforms to 
your wishes and my own intentions, I have therefore decided to extend 
the course of speaking that I have begun. But since the virtues which I 
have mentioned can be joined to pious faith and yield the results that I 
planned to discuss in the final portion of the speech, I now come to that 
topic, and, by my own choice, I throw myself into the widest expanse 
of ocean from which no one, no matter how skilled, is able to swim 
safely to shore. Cognizant of the danger, however, I will not wander far 
away. 



* Hieronymus Ep. 1.1 {CSEL 54:1). 



186 Sermo 5 

Quis enim de eo dicturus de quo mihi nunc sermo est— taceo fervo- 
rem fidei, ardentissimos caritatis affectus,"" indefessam rerum aeterna- 
rum spem — quis, inquam, omnia sanctitatis opera singulaque monumenta 
virtutum exacta in diuturna vita et longa aetate, quae nonagesimum qui- 
dem annum transgressa est, comprehensurum sermone se speret? Quis 
denique omnia"^ miraculorum exempla et praeclara beneficia iam ferme 
per mille annos continuato cursu in""" tempora nostra delapsa, quo- 
rum bona magnaque pars in vobis^^ atque in me evidentissime depre- 
hensa est, credat se unius diei oratione posse complecti? Ego vero id non 
aggredior qui impar sum tantae rei. Satis enim est""^^ mihi de his 
carptim et perfunctorie et, ut aiunt, summis labiis attingere. 

In quo tamen et^™' multa dicta sunt et dicenda sunt multa: muha 
quidem cum ad dicentem referri volumus, sed pauca si ad ea referantur 
quae dicenda, si quis prosequi velit, superessent. Non enim vererer me 
in hac re posse nimium dicere in qua nihil potest esse nimium. Nam si 
diem verbis egero noctemque et menses et annos una iunxero,'^ 
pauca dicam eorum collatione quae dici iam possent. Itaque perfunctorie 
magis et quam breviter rem sequar. 



»" effectus C 

"' omnia om. R 
uuu e^ y 

^ nobis C 
"** est enim C R 
"* et om. R 
^^^ vixero V 



Sermon 5 187 

For what person, intending to address the topic which my sermon 
will now treat — I pass over in silence the intensity of faith, the most 
impassioned feelings of charity, the unwavering hope for eternal re- 
wards—what person, I say, would realistically expect to cover in a 
sermon all the works of sanctity and the single monuments of virtue 
that are scattered across the entire span of Jerome's life right into old 
age, which in his case clearly went beyond the ninetieth year?'' What 
person, accordingly, would be so rash as to believe that he could cover 
in a single day's oration all the exemplary miracles and splendid services, 
which for almost a thousand years now have flowed down to us in a 
steady stream; a substantial portion of them have evidently affected you 
and me. I frankly will not undertake so great a task, for I prefer to ac- 
knowledge that I am unequal to it. As a matter of fact, I feel that it is 
sufficient to touch upon these things selectively and in a perfunctory 
way and only let you taste them, as they say, with the tip of the 
tongue.^ 

All the same, many things have been said and many things ought to 
be said on this topic: the expression "many things" accurately reflects 
the situation if we want to refer to the person speaking, but those 
"many things" are actually few when compared to the matters that still 
remain to be discussed, should someone ever wish to exhaust the topic. 
I really should not be afraid to say too much on this subject, given that 
no treatment could be excessive. For if I will have filled the entire day 
and night with my words and then continued on for months and years, 
I will only have addressed a few from the vast array of topics one might 
address. Therefore, I will go on with my presentation in rather schemat- 
ic fashion and be as brief as I can. 



' The following authors described Jerome as at least 90 years old at his death: Anon., 
"VitaDivi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum)," 2:36; Nicolo Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii 
Hieronymi vita," PL 22:200; lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 657; Ps. Eusebius, "Epistola 
de morte," 41; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 19-20. 

* Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 125.14 {CSEL 56:133): ". . . ut non levi ciutoque sermone et— ut 
ita loquar— summis labiis hospites invitemus." 



188 SERMO 5 

Primum id dico quod, cum scripta Hieronymi video, quae semper 
scribentis animum et mores redolent, cumque historiam lego, qua^^ 
dicta factaque sua quantum fieri^** commode potuit continentur, con- 
fingo mihi mente virum^^^** cuius effigiem crebro in animum re- 
voco:"*^*^ senio gravem qualis tunc erat cum ultimos et morti proximos 
annos ageret, canum barba capilloque, austerum facie, acrem studiosum- 
que et'^'^'^'* permodestum, cui non ornatior cultus, non splendida toga, 
ut eorum qui praelati nobis sunt, cui non pinguedine marcida venter 
tumens, sed moderata facies, validiori tamen macie parumper castigata, 
vetus attritumque vestimentum ad necessitatem non ad voluptatem 
comparatum. Huiuscemodi effictio tum iucunda, turn et^"^ perutilis 
est mihi. Quotiens enim libet devotissimum mihi patronum meum^^^^ 
coram induco; quo praesente, ne dicere quidem aut facere, ac ne cogitare 
quidem quicquam mali audeo. Sed, hortante^^^^ eo, in bona studia et 
bonas spes laetus erigor. 

Quid ni erigar? Non solum enim verbo et scriptis sed re et exemplo 
docuit quid bono viro, quid vere Catholico faciendum esset, quidque ex 
his sperandum. Hie cum esset in amplissimo gradu dignitatis, cum 
Romae optimus et doctissimus celebraretur, abiit potius et monasterii 
parietibus se inclusit;***'**'^ fugiens (quod tunc pulcherrimum et praeci- 
puum in orbe erat) Romam, secessit in desertam solitudinem, ubi quae 
passus sit non alio quam suo verbo, quod crebro a me cum fit sermo de 
Hieronymo repetitum est, libet explicare. "O quotiens," inquit, "in 
eremo constitutus,"" in ilia vasta solitudine, quae exusta solis ardoribus 
horridum monachis praestat"" habitaculum, putavi me Romanis interes- 
se deliciis! Sedebam solus quia amaritudine repletus eram. Horrebant 
sacco membra deformi, et squalida cutis situm Aethiopicae^'''''' carnis 



"^ qua] de causa add. V 
"^ fieri om. C R 
bbbb ixientem virum V 



cccc 



reve 



hoC 



""^ studiosum et C 

•*" et om. C 

"^' mecum V 

^^ hortante] h- interl. V 

^^^^ recluslt C 

"" constitutus] et cetera add. (in ilia . . . currimus om.) R 

"" praestabat C 

kkkk Aethiopissae C 



Sermon 5 189 

First, I say that, when I see the writings of Jerome, which are always 
evocative of the spirit and the behavior of their author, and when I read 
a historical account, which records his sayings and deeds insofar as any 
biography can adequately do so, I can see a picture of him in my imagi- 
nation that I often call back to mind: a wise old man as he appeared in 
the years just before he died, with gray beard and hair,^ gaunt face, 
feisty and learned and extremely temperate. Jerome did not have fash- 
ionable attire, no luxurious toga like those typically worn by prelates in 
our day, nor was his stomach swollen and drooping from obesity. He 
was of average build, though he disciplined his body and lost much 
weight, and he had tattered old clothing acquired to meet his needs and 
not his fancy. ^° I find an image of that sort enjoyable and extremely 
useful. For whenever I have a chance, I summon up my most loyal pa- 
tron before me; and when I am in his presence, I do not dare to say or 
do or even to think of something that is evil. In keeping with his exhor- 
tations, I am joyfully encouraged in my pursuit of the good arts and in 
my optimism about the future. 

And why should I not be encouraged? For not only through his 
written words but also through his exemplary activity, Jerome taught 
what a good man, what an authentically Catholic man must do, and 
what one should hope to accomplish thereby. Although Jerome had 
already achieved the widest respect and was acknowledged to be the best 
and most learned citizen living in Rome, he preferred to leave the city 
and shut himself within the walls of a monastery; fleeing Rome (which 
was then the most beautiful and important place on earth), he withdrew 
into the solitude of the desert. I know of no better way to explain the 
things Jerome suffered in that place than to cite his own words, as I 
often do when I preach on him. "Oh, how often," he says, "when I was 
living in the desert, in that lonely waste, scorched by the burning sun, 
which affords to hermits a savage dwelling-place, how often did I fancy 
myself surrounded by the pleasures of Rome! I used to sit alone; for I 
was filled with bitterness. My unkempt limbs were covered in shapeless 
sackcloth; my skin through long neglect had become as rough and black 
as an Ethiopian's. Tears and groans were every day my portion; and if 



' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 52.1 {CSEL 54:414: ". . . nunc iam cano capite et arata fronte 
. . ."); Comm. in Amos 2.Prol. {CCL 76:256: ". . . cano iam mecum capite . . ."); and Contra 
Rufinum 1.30 {CCL 79:30: "... nunc cano et recalvo capite ..."). 

'° Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 43.2 {CSEL 54:319): "Vestes non ad usum tantum, sed ad delicias 
conquiruntur." 



190 Sermo 5 

obduxerat. Cottidie lacrimae, cottidie gemitus et, si quando repugnantem 
somnus imminens oppressisset, nuda humo ossa vix haerentia collide- 
bam, De cibis vero et potu taceo, cum etiam languentes monachi aqua 
frigida utantur et coctum aliquid accepisse luxuriae sit. Ille igitur ego, 
qui ob gehennae metum tali me carcere ipse damnaveram, scorpionum 
tantum socius et ferarum, saepe choreis intereram puellarum. Pallebant 
ora ieiuniis et mens desideriis aestuabat in frigido corpore"^™" et 
ante hominem suum iam carne praemortua sola libidinum incendia 
buUiebant. 

Itaque omni auxilio destitutus ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam lacri- 
mis, crine tergebam, et repugnantem carnem hebdomadarum inedia 
subiugabam,"""" Non me pudescit infelicitas mea,°°°° quin potius 
plango non esse, quod fuerim. Memini me clamantem diem crebro iun- 
xissePPPP cum nocte nee prius a pectori[bu]s cessasse verberibus, quam 
rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas. Ipsam quoque cellulam meam 
quasi cogitationum mearum consci[enti]am pertimescebam et mihimet 
iratus et rigidus solus deserta penetrabam. Sicubi concava vallium, aspera 
montium, rupium praerupta cernebam, ibi meae orationis locus erat, 
illud miserrimae carnis ergastulum; et, ut mihi ipse testis est Dominus, 
post multas lacrimas, post caelo oculos inhaerentes nonnumquam vide- 
bar mihi interesse agminibus angelorum et laetus gaudensque cantabam: 
post te in odorem unguentorum currimus." 

An vos ista, viri praestantissimi,*^'^'''' et quae sub"" his compre- 
hensa intelligi possunt magna iudicatis? Solet quippe indoctum vulgus 
existimare non posse magnas res fieri nisi caede, bello, armis, militia, 
obsidione urbium, captione, eversione, sed fallitur. Longe enim praestan- 
tius est se quam hostem vincere, multo praeclarius subicere se rationi 
quam urbes et regna sibi. Quare magna et egregia videri debent quae hie 
ob cultum verae et Catholieae religionis spemque aeterni regni et egit et 



"" scripsi: horrentia C V 

mmmm (-ordc V 

"""" subiugabam] et cet. add. (Non me . . . currimus om) C 

°°~ scripsi: meae V 

PPPP scripsi: vix- V 

*'*'^ praestantissimi] viri add. et expung. V 

"" sub om. V 



Sermon 5 191 

sleep ever overcame my resistance and fell upon my eyes, I bruised my 
restless bones against the naked earth. Of food and drink I will not 
speak. Hermits have nothing but cold water even when they are sick, 
and for them it is sinful luxury to partake of cooked dishes. But though 
in my fear of hell I had condemned myself to this prison-house, where 
my only companions were scorpions and wild beasts, I often found my- 
self surrounded by bands of dancing girls. My face was pale with fasting; 
but though my limbs were cold as ice my mind was burning with desire, 
and the fires of lust kept bubbling up before me when my flesh was as 
good as dead. 

And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus' 
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if 
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I am not 
ashamed to admit my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now 
what once I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my 
wailings and ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned 
to me at the Lord's behest. I used to dread my poor cell as though it 
knew my secret thoughts. Filled with stiff anger against myself, I would 
make my way alone into the desert; and when I came upon some 
hollow valley or rough mountain or precipitous cliff, there I would set 
up my oratory, and make that spot a place of torture for my unhappy 
flesh. There sometimes also— the Lord Himself is my witness — after 
many a tear and straining of my eyes to heaven, I felt myself in the pres- 
ence of the angelic hosts and in joy and gladness would sing: 'Because 
your anointing oils are fragrant we run after you.' "^^ 

Will you not agree that those were heroic deeds, most eminent men, 
along with everything else that you can infer once you are aware of 
them? The uneducated masses are especially prone to believe that a 
person cannot accomplish heroic deeds without resorting to slaughter, 
warfare, arms, and troops and without besieging, capturing, and pillag- 
ing cities. However, they are mistaken in that assumption. For it is far 
better to conquer oneself than to conquer an enemy, it is much more 
splendid to subject oneself to reason than to subject cities and kingdoms 
to oneself. For that reason, the things Jerome accomplished and the 
things he suffered because he practiced the true Catholic faith and hoped 



" Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select 
Letters of Saint Jerome, (i7-(>^. 



192 Sermo 5 

passus est, Fugit urbes, fugit homines, fugit se, fugit denique omnia quae 
cara hominibus esse*"' solent, ut ea quae sibi cara essent consequeretur. 
Domuit carnem, maceravit, afflixit ne spiritui rebellis esset utque docta 
servire rationis imperium facilius ferret. 

Sed quid ego longior sum? Quid frustra conor praestringere"" quod 
amplecti nullis viribus possem? Saepe fateor dicendo, revocavi impetum, 
orationi finem facturus, ut, quoniam"""" non possem dicere quantum 
est, id dicerem quod sat est. Verum ille impatiens habenae et cohiberi 
nescius crebro manus effugit. Nunc vero iam^'^^ tandem sistatur cur- 
sus dicendi, et orationi modus esto.'^'^^''^ Si enim omnia quae retro 
supersunt pertinax consectari perseverem, neque umquam finem dicendi 
faciam, neque umquam'"^" id consequar ut omnia penitus dicam. 
Quare^"^^ satius est, ut iam desinam. 

Sed memini me, cum in principio rem ordirer, ita constituisse ut 
aliqua ex illustrioribus miraculis quae Hieronymus egit sub finem ser- 
monis dicerem. Quae quoniam omnia praeclarissima sunt neque possem 
desiderii mei conscius pauca dicere, praetermittam ilia simulque ne ora- 
tione longior fastidium ingeram desino. Etsi timendum non sit vobis 
haec audientibus accidere id posse, attamen aequum^^^ est esse me 
eum qui studeat ne taedium aut ulla molestia quovis modo oboriatur 
vobis. Taceo itaque infinitas res et miracula sine numero, mansuefactas 
feras, validatos aegros, conservatos peregrinos, resuscitatos denique a 
morte homines, et omne genus rerum in quo sentire"^** beneficia so- 
lent aut possunt. 



"" quae cara esse hominibus C: quae esse cara hominibus R 

"" perstringere C R 

""""' quoniam] "aliter quando" in marg. C 

"^^ iam om. R 

"'""' est V 

"*'"' umquam om. V 

yyyy quam C 

'^^ aequum om. C R 

"*" sentire] homines add. C R 



Sermon 5 193 

for the eternal kingdom ought to seem especially illustrious. He fled 
cities, he fled human beings, he fled himself, he fled all things, finally, 
which human beings customarily prize, in order that he might attain 
those things which he himself prized. He subjugated the flesh, he 
weakened it, he tormented it to prevent its rebelling against the spirit 
and to teach it to obey more readily the rule of reason. 

But why do I go on any longer? Why do I attempt in vain to narrate 
briefly matters I could never treat in full, no matter how strong I was 
physically .-* Frequently when I give a speech, I say that I have "called off 
the attack" at the point when I am about to bring the speech to a close. 
I use that phrase to acknowledge that I cannot fully explain something 
and therefore say only what suffices. But Jerome bridles at the reins and 
does not know how to be held back, and he often slips out of my grasp. 
Now let me keep my word and terminate the flow of my words, and let 
me set a precise limit to the speech. For if I should stubbornly continue 
to pursue all the things that still remain, I will never bring the oration 
to a close and I will never accomplish my goal of addressing all the top- 
ics in depth. For that reason, I feel that I have said more than enough, 
and I should now cease and desist. 

But I just remembered that the outline I gave you early on indicated 
that I would address some of the more celebrated miracles that Jerome 
worked as I neared the end of the sermon. Since all of those miracles are 
extremely worthy of note and I would not be able to control my enthu- 
siasm and simply treat a few of them, I will pass them over in silence 
and simultaneously bring things to a close. I do not want to lengthen 
the speech and thereby cause you annoyance. Although it would be 
wrong for me to fear that you could ever be annoyed while you are 
listening to a speech on these matters, it is still right that I should be 
careful not to cause you boredom or bother you in any way whatsoever. 
Thus, I will not mention the countless accomplishments and the mira- 
cles without number, the beasts tamed, the sick healed, the pilgrims 
protected, the persons raised from the dead, and every sort of difficulty 
which customarily affords us an opportunity to experience human 
goodness. 



194 Sermo 5 

Et hoc solum postremo dico quod egregio auctore suo muni- 
tum''^''^'' ipsaque re mirabile non patitur se praeteriri. Cum enim 
Hieronymus gravis ulterior! senio mortique, quam non refugiebat, 
proximus evocaretur ad felicia praemia, ea ipsa""^" hora qua gloriosa 
anima e corpore migrabat vidit eam (ita enim scribit is ipse qui nescit 
mentiri) Augustinus, grandi terrarum spatio ab eo tunc distans. Neque 
solum ipse sed et multi sanctissimi viri viderunt vera certaque animi et 
sensuum praesentia comitatam angelis, ut par erat, ferri in beatam cae- 
lorum sedem, digna praemia'*'*'^'^'^ quibus tanta integritas vitae honare- 
tur.^^"^ Gratias, viri praestantissimi atque optimi patres, et ea premia 
quae de gloriosissimo Hieronymo commemoravi ipsius meritis et 
precibus nobis reddat et tribuat, qui vivit et regnat per infinita saecula 
benedictus. Amen. 



'•'''''* munitum om. R 

"°^ ipsa ea ipsa V 

ddddd praemia] recepturam add. (quibus tanta . . . Amen om) R 

"*" scripsi: donaretur C V. Paduae 1392 add. (Gratias . . . Amen om) C 



Sermon 5 195 

And, as I conclude, I will only mention this one miracle, which I 
cannot pass over in silence because it is authenticated by a very credibile 
source and is a source of great wonder on its own. When Jerome was 
well along in age and nearing the end of his life, he did not try to flee 
death because he felt that he was about to be called to the rewards of 
beatitude. At the precise hour when Jerome's glorious soul was migrat- 
ing from his body, Augustine saw it (for he so testifies in writing and he 
did not know how to lie), even though a vast expanse of land at that 
time separated him from Jerome. And along with Augustine, several 
other men of great holiness used the utterly reliable assistance of their 
spiritual senses to see Jerome's soul accompanied by angels, a fitting 
escort who carried his soul to a blessed seat in the heavens.*^ What 
worthy rewards to honor such great integrity of life! Through the 
merits and prayers of Jerome, may God shower graces on us, and may 
God bestow on us rewards like those I have just commemorated in the 
case of that most glorious saint, the God who lives and reigns as blessed 
for ever and ever. Amen. 



'^ Cf. Ps. Eusebius, "Epistolade morte," 213-17; Ps. Augustinus, "Epistolade magnifi- 
centia," 255-72; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 21, 26- 
27. 



Sermo 6 pro Sancto Hieronymo^ 

Manuscripts: B, fol. 89 (fragm.); C, fols. 144-46v; Pa, part 1, 218-21; 

PM, fol. 150 (fragm.); R, fols. 51-54. 

Edition: Sal, 4-7 (fragm.). 



Gloriosi doctoris^ ac patris nostri Sancti Hieronymi dies natalis 
adest, quo ille mundo'^ mortuus natus est caelo et nostrae mortali- 
tatis servitute liberatus in aeternae vitae coepit throno regnare. Itaque 
gaudeamus, et diem festum in hilaritate mentis ac bonorum operum 
studio peragamus. Nam etsi hoc officium Sanctis omnibus debeamus, 
ut eos veneremur in terris quos Deus in regno caelorum honorare 
dignatus est et eorum celebremus natales qui multo melius moriendo 
nati sunt quam nascendo, praecipue tamen nos, huius regionis incolae, 
speciali quadam cura ac propensiore^ diligentia natale Sancti Hieronymi 
celebrare debemus, ut qui loco terrestris illius regionis vicini sumus eius 
meritis et precibus caelestis suae originis consortes efficiamur. 

Monstratur enim in proximo Sdregna, rus tenue ac paucis incolis 
habitatum, unde^ lumen hoc ortum memorant quod longe lateque fidem 
Christianam illustravit. Credibilem rem efficit^ vulgaris opinio a maiori- 
bus quasi per manus tradita et nominis corrupti, ut dicunt, similitudo 



* Petripauli Vergerii Oratio pro Sancto Hieronymo R. Eiusdem Pro eodem C. Oratio 
VI pro Sancto Hieronymo Pa 

^ Gloriosi doctoris . . . graves patiebatur om. B PM Sal 

'^ modo R 

^ hominibus R 

' perpensiore C 

' inde R 

8 effecit R 



Sermon 6 for Saint Jerome 



The day of birth of the glorious doctor and our father, Saint Jerome, 
is now upon us, the day on which he died to the world to be born 
into heaven and was freed from the slavery of our mortality to begin to 
reign on the throne of eternal life. Let us therefore rejoice, and let us ob- 
serve this feast-day with joy in our hearts and zeal for good works. 
Although we on earth have a duty to venerate all the saints whom God 
has deemed worthy to honor in the kingdom of heaven and to celebrate 
the birthday of those who enter into life much more effectively by dy- 
ing than being born, nevertheless it is especially incumbent upon us, as 
inhabitants of this region, to celebrate the birthday of Saint Jerome with 
special regard and greater attention. By doing so, those of us who live 
near the location of his earthly residence may be made members of his 
heavenly lineage through his merits and prayers. 

People locally identify Sdregna, a small village with few inhabitants, 
as the place where they believe that this light was born, a light that 
eventually illumined far and wide the Christian faith. The weight of 
public opinion has even made this identification credible among the 
better educated, who base themselves upon an apparent similarity in 



198 Sermo 6 

quaedam, tametsi cetera parum conveniant. Nam ex oppido Stridonis 
historiae natum perhibent quod olim Dalmatiae Pannoniaeque confinia 
tenuit et a Gothis eversum est. Utcumque habet se Veritas, nos^ famam 
banc veterem cupide amplexati tanto coindigena' gloriamur, et speramus 
ex hoc magis propitium ilium habere apud Deum patronum quod ter- 
rena qualisqualis cognatio' et locorum vicinitas intercessit. 

Verum enimvero non ortus propinquitas, non coniunctio sanguinis, 
non ulla mundialis necessitudo, sed honestas morum, vitae sanctitas,' ac 
mentis devotio Sanctis Dei acceptabiles nos reddit et gratos. Per ea ete- 
nim" sola placere ipsis possumus" per quae et ipsi Deo placuerunt. 
Qui vero ex aliis causis aut Dei clementiam aut sanctorum patrocinia 
sibi sperant vel advocant frustra laborant, et, ut malefaciendo confidunt, 
ita confidendo perduntur. Argumentum° autem sumere vel ab ipso 
sancto possumus,P cuius hodie festum celebramus. Nam, ut dictum est, 
aut hie in proximo aut certe non multo procul hinc natus est.'' Amore 
tamen patriae teneri non potuit, quin originis locum linquens eo"^ profi- 
cisceretur ubi melior atque eruditior fieri posset; patriaeque Romam 
praetulit, non quia maior* ilia esset aut clarior, sed quia ad perficien- 
dum^ eum magis erat idonea, quippe qui non illud potissimum quaere- 
bat unde natus esset aut vitam ubi duceret sed quo post mortem esset 
abiturus. 



nos ex non? corr. R 
' condigena R 
' cognitio R 
^ propinquitatis R 
' sanctitatis C 

"* etenim ex est enim? corr. R: Praeterea ut re Pa 
" possimus C 
° argumento C 
P possimus C 
'' est om. C 
' etR 
' melior R 
' proficiendum R 



Sermon 6 199 

name that would have undergone slight changes as it passed from gene- 
ration to generation. But the identification with Sdregna does not fit the 
other information well. Historical sources indicate that Jerome actually 
came from the town of Stridon, which formerly stood at the border 
between the Roman provinces of Dalmatia and Pannonia and was de- 
stroyed by the Goths. ^ Whatever the truth may be, those among us 
who have warmly embraced this ancient tradition now boast about such 
a great fellow citizen, and on that basis we hope to have a more gracious 
patron before God, seeing that some vague sort of earthly relationship 
and proximity of location join us together. 

But indeed, neither proximity of birth, nor blood relationship, nor 
any earthly bond renders us acceptable and gratifying to the saints of 
God; only moral integrity, sanctity of life, and spiritual devotion can do 
that. As a matter of fact, we can only please the saints by doing the 
same things that made the saints themselves pleasing to God. Those who 
for any other reason expect or petition the mercy of God or the patron- 
age of the saints do so in vain. While they place their trust in harmful 
deeds, they will likely perish because of their mistaken trust. We can 
supply further proof from the very experience of Saint Jerome, whose 
feast we celebrate this day. For local rumor has it that Jerome was born 
in the immediate vicinity of this place or certainly not far from it. 
Nevertheless, he could not be held back by love for his country; he 
abandoned his place of origin and set out for a place where he could 
become a better and more learned person. He preferred Rome to his 
own country, not because Rome was greater or more illustrious, but be- 
cause it was more suitable for bringing him to perfection. It is evident 
that he was not primarily concerned with the place where he had been 
born or the place where he was living; he was concerned with the place 
where he would go after his death. 



' Hieronymus De viris illustrihus 135 ifL 23:755): "Hieronymus, patre Eusebio natus, 
oppido Stridonis quod, a Gothis eversum, Dalmatiae quondam Pannoniaeque confinium 
fuit." Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 16: ". . . locus, quo 
sepulti sunt parentes Hieronymi, hodie vocatur Sdregna in dioecesi Triestina et ibi est 
ecclesia Beati Hieronymi tamen pauperrima et dicitur quod olim vocabatur Strido." The 
tiny town {oppidulum) of Sdregna is located to the southeast of Capodistria, in the center of 
the Istrian peninsula, between Pinguente and Portole. The exact location of Stridon is still 
a mystery. See Kelly, /erome, 3-5; and Giuseppe Cuscito, Cristianesimo antico ad Aquileia e 
in Istria, Fonti e studi per la storia della Venezia Giulia: Studi, n.s., 3 Trieste: Deputazione 
di storia patria per la Venezia Giulia, 1977), 233-38. 



200 Sermo 6 

Eodem itaque proposito postquam coepit Roma quieti animi eius 
adversari et esse mora ibi ut sibi iam parum utilis, ita aemulis suis quos 
ibi" multos virtus paraverat valde nociva/ in Graeciam ad Gregorium 
Nazianzenum sanctum episcopum et doctissimum virum se contulit, 
illiusque et exemplis et doctrina confirmatus ac non parum prove[he]ctus 
Hierosolymam navigavit, atque inde^ in eremum Deo militaturus per- 
rexit. Nihil igitur apud eum aut amor patriae aut attinentium caritas do- 
musve aut vitae prioris consuetudo valuit quin pro eremo patriam, pro 
monasterio domum, pro monachis attinentes et notos, vitamque civilem 
pristinam pro austerissima eremo commutaret. 

Quae qualis fuerit quaeque ipse ibi bella pertulerit opere pretium est 
eum ipsum audire in epistola quam ad Eustochium scribit de virginitate 
servanda. "O quotiens," inquit, "in eremo constitutus et in ilia vasta 
solitudine, quae exusta solis ardoribus horridum'' monachis praestat^ 
habitaculum, putavi me Romanis interesse deliciis! Sedebam solus, quia 
amaritudine plenus eram. Horrebant sacco membra deformi[s], et squa- 
lida cutis situm Aethiopicae^ carnis obduxerat. Cottidie lacrimae, cotti- 
die gemitus et, si quando repugnantem somnus imminens oppressisset, 
nuda** humo''^ ossa vix haerentia collidebam.'^'^ De cibis vero et potu 
taceo, cum etiam languentes monachi aqua frigida utantur et coctum 
aliquid accepisse luxuriae sit. lUe igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metum'*'* 
tali me carcere ipse damnaveram, scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum, 
saepe choreis intereram puellarum. Pallebant ora ieiuniis et mens desi- 
deriis aestuabat in frigido corpore et ante hominem suum*^ iam carne 
praemortua sola libidinum incendia bulliebant. 



" sibi C 

" nocuit R: novit Pa 

" inde om. R 

" horridum] hor- ex al. litt. corr. R 

'' praestabat C 

'^ scripsi: Aethiopissae C R 

" nude C 

'''' humi R 

" collidebam] [-9-] C 

^ metu (ex metum corr.) R 

« et . . . suum] [-18-] R 



Sermon 6 201 

With that goal in mind, then, once Jerome found that Rome upset 
his peace of mind and that remaining in Rome would be of little use to 
himself and positively harmful to the jealous rivals whom his virtue had 
procured in large numbers there, he sailed for Greece and put himself at 
the disposition of Gregory of Nazianzus, a holy bishop and most 
learned man.^ After Jerome had been strengthened by the examples and 
teaching of Gregory and had made no little progress, he sailed to Jerusa- 
lem, and from there set out for the desert where he might do battle on 
God's behalf. Thus, neither love for his country nor the affectionate 
embrace of his relatives nor his previous way of life had such power 
over him that he could not exchange his country for the desert, his 
home for a monastery, his friends and relatives for monks, and his 
previous civic activity for the most barren desert. 

To comprehend the sort of place he chose and the wars he engaged 
in while living there, it is worthwhile to hear his own words recorded 
in the letter he wrote to Eustochium to advise her on ways to protect 
her virginity. "Oh, how often," he says, "when I was living in the 
desert, in that lonely waste, scorched by the burning sun, which affords 
to hermits a savage dwelling-place, how often did I fancy myself sur- 
rounded by the pleasures of Rome! I used to sit alone; for I was filled 
with bitterness. My unkempt limbs were covered in shapeless sackcloth; 
my skin through long neglect had become as rough and black as an 
Ethiopian's. Tears and groans were every day my portion; and if sleep 
ever overcame my resistance and fell upon my eyes, I bruised my 
restless bones against the naked earth. Of food and drink I will not 
speak. Hermits have nothing but cold water even when they are sick, 
and for them it is sinful luxury to partake of cooked dishes. But though 
in my fear of hell I had condemned myself to this prison-house, where 
my only companions were scorpions and wild beasts, I often found my- 
self surrounded by bands of dancing girls. My face was pale with fasting; 
but though my limbs were cold as ice my mind was burning with desire, 
and the fires of lust kept bubbling up before me when my flesh was as 
good as dead. 



Sec Sermon 1, n. 5 above. Cf. M. TuUius Cicero Inv. 1.1.1. 



202 SERMO 6 

Itaque omni auxilio destitutus^^ ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam 
lacrimis, crine tergebam, et repugnantem carnem hebdomadarum inedia 
subiugabam. Non enim erubesco confiteri infelicitatis meae miseriam, 
quin potius plango non esse, quod fuerim.^^ Memini me clamantem 
diem crebro iunxisse cum nocte nee prius a pectoris cessasse verberibus, 
quam rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas. Ipsam quoque cellulam 
meam quasi cogitationum mearum consciam'^'^ pertimescebam et mihi- 
met iratus et rigidus solus" deserta penetrabam. Sicubi concava vallium, 
aspera montium, rupium praerupta cernebam, ibi meae orationis locus 
erat, illud miserrimae carnis" ergastulum; et, ut mihi testis est Dominus, 
post multas lacrimas, post caelo oculos inhaerentes nonnumquam vide- 
bar mihi interesse agminibus angelorum et laetus gaudensque cantabam: 
in odorem unguentorum tuorum currimus." Haec ille. 

Merito igitur post talia victa certamina triumphat victor in caelis. 
Merito post tot merita colitur memoria eius cum laudibus in terris. Ex 
quibus non tamquam de nostrae nationis^'' sancto viro gloriari, sed no- 
strae fidei sanctum doctorem ac ducem ad imitandum conari debemus. 
Quotiens enim vitam ipsius" legimus, quotiens laudes meritorum 
audimus, nisi plane desides atque hebetes sumus,™" ad imitandum me- 
rito provocamur. 

Sed heia nunc credat"" quispiam inter delicias°° tutum^P esse pos- 
se ab insidiis hostis antiqui, quandoquidem Hieronymus in tanta austeri- 
tate vitae tam graves patiebatur incursus? Putet quis adhaerere posse Deo 



'' destitutus] d- ex s-? corr. R 

^ fueram R 

''*' conscientiam C 

" solus om. C 

" camis] r interl. R 

^^ nationis] -nis ex -ns corr. R 

" ipsius vitam R 

""" simus R 

"" certat R 

''° delicias ex -ciis corr. C 

PP tantum C 



Sermon 6 203 

And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus' 
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if 
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I do not blush to 
confess my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now what once 
I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my wailings and 
ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned to me at the 
Lord's behest, I used to dread my poor cell as though it knew my secret 
thoughts. Filled with stiff anger against myself, I would make my way 
alone into the desert; and when I came upon some hollow valley or 
rough mountain or precipitous cliff, there I would set up my oratory, 
and make that spot a place of torture for my unhappy flesh. There 
sometimes also— the Lord Himself is my witness— after many a tear and 
straining of my eyes to heaven, I felt myself in the presence of the angel- 
ic hosts and in joy and gladness would sing: 'Because your anointing oils 
are fragrant we run after you.' "^ These are his own words. 

Jerome truly deserves, then, to enter heaven in triumph after he won 
conflicts of that sort. He also deserves to have his memory extolled here 
on earth after he accomplished so much. On the basis of these consider- 
ations, we should not restrict ourselves simply to boasting about a holy 
man of our own ethnic group, but we ought to make every effort to 
imitate that holy doctor and leader of our faith. As a matter of fact, as 
often as we read the life of Jerome, as often as we hear a panegyric of 
his accomplishments, we are right to feel roused to imitate him, unless 
we are nothing but lazy sluggards. 

But is there anyone who really believes that he can be safe from the 
traps set by our ancient enemy while he lives in the midst of many 
comforts, when Jerome clearly suffered such dangerous incursions while 
he was immersed in a life of great austerity? Does anyone think that he 



' Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select 
Letters of Saint Jerome, 67-69. 



204 Sermo 6 

tractando quae mundi sunt, quando'^'^ Hieronymus, relicto mundo o- 
mnique occupatione mundana a se abducta, tanta vi abstrahebatur a 
Deo? Ipse autem mortificando carnem et calcando mundum se ipsum 
exinaniens in humilitate spiritus cuncta superabat. Qui tantae humilita- 
tis" fuit atque modestiae ut, cum/* mortuo Liber <i>o Papa, a cunc- 
tis dignus summo sacerdotio duceretur ac crederetur, ipse se vix dignum 
monasterio iudicaret. Non multo post ex presbytero urbis Romae eremi 
monachum se fecit. Sciebat enim non posse quempiam" Deo placere 
sibi ipsi"" placendo, nee magnum fieri apud Deum^ posse nisi in pro- 
priis oculis parvus fieret. Itaque cum et doctissimus esset ac doctor plane 
ab omnibus haberetur, tamen denuo coepit esse discipulus ac tam diu 
discere voluit, donee inveniret qui docere se posset. Non enim quod 
aderat sed quod deerat sedulo cogitabat, ideoque et vita et doctrina 
summus evasit. 

Multisque propterea"^ ac paene innumerabilibus et in vita et post 
mortem miraculis claruit, quae nedum explicare sed nee vel attingere 
facile quisquam posset, ut plane liceat quam acceptus sit is^ Deo, per 
quem tot miracula facta sunt, tot beneficia tantaeque^ gratiae populis 
conferuntur. Eius igitur precibus ac meritis detur nobis ita innocenter ac 
sancte in hoc mundo vivere ut post mortem ad ipsius consortium pertin- 
gere et cum eo in aeternum vivere mereamur, praestante Domino nostro 
lesu Christo, qui cum Patre et Spiritu Sancto vivit et regnat per infinita 
saecula benedictus.^ 



•" quando] d add. et del. C 

" humanitatis R 

"eum C 

" quempiam non posse B 

"" ipse C R 

"eum/? 

** praeterea R 

" is om. R 

yy tot R 

° benedictus] Amen add. R 



Sermon 6 205 



can cling to God while engaged in the activities of this world, when 
Jerome felt himself powerfully drawn away from God after he had 
withdrawn from the world and all its activity? Jerome himself, however, 
by mortifying his flesh and treading upon the world, so emptied himself 
in true humility of spirit that he overcame all obstacles. The humility 
and modesty of that man were so great that, at the moment when Pope 
Liberius died and everyone considered Jerome worthy of the supreme 
pontificate and expected his election,^ he felt that he was hardly worthy 
to enter a monastery. Shortly thereafter, he transformed himself from a 
presbyter in the city of Rome to a monk in the desert. For he knew that 
you could not please God by seeking your own pleasure, nor could you 
become great in the eyes of God unless you became small in your own 
eyes. Therefore, although he was most learned and widely regarded as 
such by all, he nevertheless began anew to be a disciple, and he wished 
to keep learning as long as he could find someone capable of teaching 
him. As a matter of fact, he did not concentrate on what he had attained 
but paid special attention to what he still needed to do. It should come 
as no surprise that he turned out to be outstanding in his life and 
learning. 

On top of that, he became renowned for so many miracles during 
his lifetime and after his death that they can hardly be counted. It is 
therefore not possible to explain them in any detail, nor would it be 
possible even to mention them in passing. That does make clear, howev- 
er, how gratifying God found Jerome because God worked so many 
miracles and conferred so many benefits and favors to a variety of 
people through him. By the prayers and merits of Jerome, then, may we 
be permitted to live with such innocence and holiness in this world that, 
after we die, we will deserve to join the company of Jerome himself and 
to live with him forever, through the intercession of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, who lives and reigns with the Father and the Holy Spirit as 
blessed for ever and ever. 



* Cf. lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 654 (cited verbatim in Giovanni d'Andrea, Hie- 
ronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 17). Only these biographies include the mistaken 
detail about Liberius, who was pope from 352-66. Vergerio slightly reworded the sources 
to conform more closely to Jerome's statement. 



Sermo 7 pro Sancto Hieronymo^ 

Manuscripts: B, fol. 90 (fragm.); Pa, part 1, 221-25; 

PM, fols. 151-52 (fragm.); R, fols. 54-57v. 

Edition: Sal, 19-24 (fragm.). 



Praestantissimi patres,'' ecclesiastica nos doctrina salubriter admonet 
et ratio certe convincit ut sanctos, quorum meritis et exemplis 
caritate ac spe vivimus, in vera fide miremur.*^ Ingrati enim et iniqui 
plane Deo hominibusque videremur, si eruditorum ac fortium gentilium 
memoriam cum honore celebrantes Catholicos viros et fidei Christianae 
bases negligeremus, Laudamus namque illos et ingentibus praeconiis atto- 
limus, propterea quod aut fortiter operando virtutis exempla aut scri- 
bendo bene vivendi doctrinam reliquerunt, et ob haec dignos eos sempi- 
terna memoria ducimus. Sed quanto magis sancti et religiosi viri esse in 
honore apud nos debent qui, dum viverent in hoc saeculo in sacrosancta 
fide militantes, modestiae, castitatis, continentiae, ceterarumque virtu- 
tum omnium exemplarem nobis normam dederunt, sed potissimam 
fidei, caritatis, et spei, sine quibus non licet cuiquam ad aeternam glo- 
riam aspirare. Post vero vita defuncti, quam aut martyrio aut laudabiU 
mortis genere terminarunt, apud aeternum omnium patrem pro nobis et 
salute nostra iugiter deprecantur. 



Pa 



* Petripauli Vergerii Pro Divo Hieronymo oratio R. Oratio VII pro Sancto Hieronymo 

*" Praestantissimi patres . . . quod antea om. B PM Sal 
' scripsi: morimur R 



Sermon 7 for Saint Jerome 



Most eminent fathers, the teaching of the church advantageously 
warns us and our powers of reason surely convince us that we 
should admire the saints in true faith, just as we live our lives in charity 
through their example and in hope through their merits. For we would 
plainly seem ungrateful in the eyes of God and unfair in those of our 
fellow men, if we were to celebrate the memory of learned and coura- 
geous pagans with the proper respect and then disregard those Catholic 
men who supplied the foundations for the Christian faith. As a matter 
of fact, we praise and exalt the pagans in lengthy panegyrics, principally 
because they have left us examples of virtue by what they did so coura- 
geously or instruction in ethical conduct by what they wrote; on the 
basis of those contributions, we consider them worthy to be remem- 
bered forever. But how much the more ought holy and pious men to re- 
ceive recognition among us, for they gave us a normative example of 
modesty, chastity, continence, and all the other virtues while they were 
living in this world and waging war on behalf of our venerable faith. 
Above all, they gave us an example of faith, hope, and charity; without 
those virtues, no one can aspire to eternal glory. And once the saints 
have ended their lives through martyrdom or some other praiseworthy 
type of death, they continue to intercede before the Eternal Father for 
us and for our salvation. 



208 SERMO 7 

Habet enim fides nostra'* viros quales esse in unamquamque republi- 
can! bene dispositam convenit. Nam, ut illis sunt praestantes quidam 
homines et primores urbium ad agendas legationes circuendasque provin- 
cias et populos in pace et societate confirmandos instituti, ita^ in ecclesia 
nostra apostoli < hoc > locum obtinent. Sunt item alii magno spiritu 
excellentique robore corporis qui, cum mortem non exhorreant, ad tu- 
tandas armis defendendasque viribus urbes dati sunt. Quo loco sunt in 
fide nostra martyres qui, grandi animo et fidei fervore dotati, innumera- 
bilia ac paene intolerabilia supplicia passi sunt. 

Sunt et alio ordine docti quidam viri qui prudentia ceteris antecel- 
lant, infirmi fortasse corporis imbecilliumque virium, qui de publicis 
commodis, de iustitia et aequitate consultant. Ex quibus sunt qui ad cor- 
rigendum populum, ad animandos oratione milites singulosque pro sa- 
lute publica adhortandos constituti sunt, qui etiam, ut posteritati consu- 
lant, salubria documenta litterarum monumentis tradunt. Horum primi 
sunt confessores sancti, qui recte ac pie viventes non cessarunt in vitam 
saluti omnium monitis et orationibus sacris consulere. Alii vero docto- 
res^ peritissimi, soUemnissimi, et fidei nostrae lumina, qui, ne uUa pars 
vitae suae inutilis nobis esset, die ac nocte, negotio et quiete, scribendo 
praedicandoque nobis profuerunt. Qui etsi non subierint martyrium pro 
fide Christi, nonnullos tamen existimo et optasse et cum caelesti adiuto- 
rio potuisse fortiter ferre. Quia tamen persecutiones passi non sunt, con- 
fessores obierunt, quemadmodum et animosis militibus contingit ut in 
pace et sine vulnere moriantur, qui tamen nee vulnera nee mortem^ pro 
salute patriae recusarent. Quorum omnium sunt aliqui praestanti nobili- 
tate praediti ut in fide nostra virgines, alii mediocri ut viduantes, alii 



•* nostra] pro nobis et salute nostra iugiter deprecantur habet enim fides nostra add. et 
expung. R 

' scripsi: ut R 

' doctores] solent add et del. R 

* scripsi: mortes R 



Sermon 7 209 

I contend that our faith has men who are similar to those who serve 
any republic that is well organized. For instance, in those republics there 
are some prestigious individuals who belong to the highest social class in 
the city and therefore are designated to conduct diplomatic embassies 
and circulate among the peoples of the provinces in order to confirm 
them in peaceful harmony; in our church the apostles performed a 
similar service. There are likewise other men endowed with a coura- 
geous spirit and superior bodily strength who are commissioned to use 
their arms to protect their cities and to use their strength to defend 
them, since they do not fear the prospect of dying. The martyrs per- 
formed an analogous service for our faith, for they were endowed with 
such great courage and ardor for the faith that they suffered countless 
and almost unbearable torments. 

In another social class, there are a certain number of learned men 
who surpass others for their practical wisdom, even though they may 
well have frail bodies and little strength; those men give advice about 
matters of public expediency, about equal justice under the law. Among 
their number are those who are designated to give speeches which 
admonish the common people, those to motivate soldiers and urge indi- 
viduals to preserve the common good; with an eye toward future genera- 
tions, the same men also hand on beneficial lessons that they have in- 
scribed in the monuments of letters. The first of these correspond to the 
church's holy confessors, who conducted their entire lives in upright 
and pious fashion and never ceased to work for the salvation of all 
through their admonitions and pious prayers. The others are actually 
like the most learned doctors, men of great reverence and lights of our 
faith, who, day and night, at work or at rest, aid our cause through their 
writing and preaching, lest any moment of their lives not be of service 
to us. Although those doctors did not undergo martyrdom for their 
belief in Christ, I still think that some of them longed to give their lives 
and would have been able to bear such suffering courageously with 
assistance from heaven. Since they did not suffer persecution, they died 
as confessors; but the same thing can happen to fearless soldiers who end 
up dying in peacetime without ever being wounded, even though they 
never tried to avoid a potentially fatal wound when called upon to 
defend the safety of their country. Within each of those groups, there 
are some endowed with the status of nobility who are like the virgins in 
our faith, some of middle-class standing like our widows, some finally of 



210 SERMO 7 

vero plebeia ut in coniugali statu degentes. Horum igitur meritis et 
gloria impulsi tenemur eorum nomen sacramque memoriam venerari et 
dies eorum festos intentione devotissima celebrare. 

Sed inter omnes gloriosum Hieronymum, cuius hodie sollemnitas est, 
debemus praestantissimis verbis laudare et sacra devotione complecti. 
Qui fuit inter apostolos^ non alienus; nam et apostolus quidem dici iure 
potest. Apostolus enim idem quantum' missum sonat. Ut igitur illi 
Christi voce per universum orbem missi sunt ut praedicarent evangelium 
omni creaturae, ita et a Spiritu Sancto missus et instinctus est ut sacras 
litteras fidemque Christianam praesens voce, absens litteris et epistolis 
praedicaret. 

Qui etiam fuit inter doctores summus, inter virgines praecipuus, 
inter confessores primus, inter monachos egregius, inter eremitas notis- 
simus, et, quod prius dicendum erat, inter martyres eximius. Si enim 
martyres sunt qui tormenta passi semel pro confessione Christiani 
nominis mortui sunt, quanto martyres dicendi sunt qui cottidie carnem 
suam pro Christo macerantes, se ipsos exinanientes affectusque suos 
fid<e>i fervore domantes, ut cum Deo viverent, per omnem vitam 
mortui mundo sunt? Nescio quis sanae mentis neget hunc venerabilem 
patrem Hieronymum iure martyrem dici posse, cum animadvertat quas 
aemulorum persecutiones passus sit, quas insidias diaboli, quos labores 
in eremo, quas vigilias quosque sudores in sacris studiis tulerit, quas in 
domando adversantem carnem passiones. Libet igitur nunc, ut alias soli- 
tus sum, aliqua perstringere quae ipse non ad iactantiam sed ad sanctum 
exemplum praebendum posteris de se scribit. 



^ apostolos] ap- ex app- corr. R 
' scripsi: quanto R. qui Pa 



Sermon 7 211 

commoner status like those among us living in the state of marriage. 
Inspired therefore by the glorious merits of these heroes, we feel an 
obligation to venerate the holy memory of their name and to celebrate 
their feast-days with the most intent devotion. 

But among all those saints, we ought to praise the glorious Jerome 
with the finest speech and embrace him with holy reverence on this day 
set apart as his feast. He is not out of place among the apostles, for there 
is a certain sense in which we can use that designation for him. I say 
that because the word "apostle" means "one sent." As the apostles were 
once sent through the entire world by the command of Christ in order 
that they preach the Gospel to every creature,' so Jerome was sent and 
even driven by the Holy Spirit that he preach sacred letters and the 
Christian faith to those in his presence through his voice and to those 
far away through his written letters. 

Jerome should also be ranked as the greatest among doctors, unique 
among virgins, first among confessors, eminent among monks, highly 
renowned among hermits, and, what must be emphasized above all, 
extraordinary among martyrs. For if those persons are martyrs who 
only once suffered torments and were then put to death for confessing 
the name of Christ, to what extent are persons to be called martyrs, 
who mortify their own flesh every day for the sake of Christ, who 
empty themselves in humility and make their personal desires subservi- 
ent to their fervor for the faith, and who pass their entire lives as 
though dead to the world in order to live for God alone? I know of no 
one of sound mind who would deny that this venerable father, Jerome, 
can justly be labeled a martyr, provided that he have some awareness of 
the persecution that Jerome suffered at the hands of his jealous rivals, 
the snares he faced at the hands of the devil, the struggles he bore to live 
in the desert, the sleeplessness and fatigue he put up with to engage in 
sacred studies, the sufferings he endured to subdue his rebellious flesh. 
Therefore, as I have often done on other occasions, I take pleasure now 
in citing a few words that Jerome wrote to supply an example of holi- 
ness for future generations and not to boast about himself. 



Cf. Marc. 16:15. 



212 Sermo 7 

"O quotiens," inquit, "in eremo constitutus, in ilia vasta solitudine, 
quae exusta solis ardoribus horridum monachis praestat habitaculum, 
putavi me Romanis interesse deliciis! Sedebam solus, quia amaritudine 
planus eram. Horrebant sacco membra deformi, et squalida cutis situm 
Aethiopicae carnis obduxerat. Cottidie lacrimae, cottidie gemitus et, si 
quando repugnantem imminens somnus oppressisset, nuda humo ossa 
vix haerentia collidebam. De cibis vero et potu taceo, cum etiam lan- 
guentes monachi aqua frigida utantur et coctum aliquid accepisse luxu- 
riae sit. lUe igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metum tali me carcere ipse da- 
mnaveram, scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum, saepe choreis inte- 
reram puellarum. Pallebant ora ieiuniis et mens desideriis aestuabat in 
frigido corpore et ante hominem suum iam carne praemortua sola 
libidinum incendia bullieba < n > t. 

Itaque omni auxilio destitutus ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam [os] 
lacrimis, crine tergebam, et repugna < n > tem carnem hebdomadarum 
inedia subiugabam. Non enim erubesco confiteri infelicitatis meae mise- 
riam, quin potius plango non esse, quod fueram. Memini me clamantem 
diem crebro iunxisse cum nocte nee prius a pectoris cessasse verberibus, 
quam rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas (et reliqua)."' Haec igitur, 
praestantissimi patres, quisquis intelligat, non iure dicet eum vivendo 
martyrem fuisse? Taceantur reliqua quae, cum ipse de se scriberet, alii 
plenissime tradiderunt. 

Verum quia non solum ferendo passiones sed magis praestando bene- 
ficia gloriosus quis est, vellem, si possem, connumerare breviter eorum 
rationem. Dico igitur in omne genus hominum beneficia sua extare am- 
plissima: in utrumque sexum, in omnem aetatem, in nobiles et plebeios, 
scholasticos et indoctos, urbanos et rusticos, divites et egenos, peregri- 



reliqua] quae cum ipse de se scriberet add. et expung. R 



Sermon 7 213 

"Oh, how often," he says, "when I was Hving in the desert, in that 
lonely waste, scorched by the burning sun, which affords to hermits a 
savage dwelling-place, how often did I fancy myself surrounded by the 
pleasures of Rome! I used to sit alone; for I was filled with bitterness. 
My unkempt limbs were covered in shapeless sackcloth; my skin 
through long neglect had become as rough and black as an Ethiopian's. 
Tears and groans were every day my portion; and if sleep ever overcame 
my resistance and fell upon my eyes, I bruised my restless bones against 
the naked earth. Of food and drink I will not speak. Hermits have 
nothing but cold water even when they are sick, and for them it is sinful 
luxury to partake of cooked dishes. But though in my fear of hell I had 
condemned myself to this prison-house, where my only companions 
were scorpions and wild beasts, I often found myself surrounded by 
bands of dancing girls. My face was pale with fasting; but though my 
limbs were cold as ice my mind was burning with desire, and the fires 
of lust kept bubbling up before me when my flesh was as good as dead. 

And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus' 
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if 
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I do not blush to 
confess my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now what once 
I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my waitings and 
ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned to me at the 
Lord's behest (and so forth). "^ Therefore, if anyone carefully considers 
these matters, most eminent fathers, will he not admit that Jerome can 
justifiably be called a "living martyr?" Let us pass over in silence the 
rest of the story, which others have treated exhaustively by drawing 
upon his own account. 

But since any person achieves glory not only for bearing sufferings 
but even more so for bestowing favors, I would like to go over briefly 
the entire record of his services, if that were possible. I will at least say 
that Jerome bestowed the most substantial favors to every type of 
human being: toward both sexes, toward persons of every age, toward 
the nobility and the common people, the educated and the uneducated, 
those who dwell in the cities and those in the countryside, the rich and 
the poor, those who travel and those who stay home, those engaged in 



^ Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select 
Letters of Saint Jerome, 67-69. 



214 Sermo 7 

nantes et incolas, negotiatores et otiosos, gentiles quoque et infideles, in 
religiosos et saeculares, in homines et bruta, in aegrotos pariter et defunc- 
tos, cum his vitam, ilUs sanitatem restitueret, feras mansuefaceret, infideles 
converteret, fideles et religiosos in sancto proposito conservaret, aliis opes et 
custodiret et adiiceret, incolis pacem, peregrinantibus portum redderet, 
doctrinam doctis atque indoctis adderet, omnem conditionem, omnem 
statum tutum ac integrum precibus et meritis suis praestaret. 

Hieronymus enim interpretatur sacrum nemus— nemus, inquam, 
virtutum et scientiarum omnium — vel sacra lex, lex siquidem et norma 
sancte et honeste vivendi, vel diiudicans elocutiones, et sane diiudic[ic]a- 
tur. Elocutionum ac diversarum linguarum interpres extitit hie gloriosus 
sanctus, qui Latino, Graeco, et Hebraeo sermone doctissimus universam 
sacram scripturam, libros novi ac veteris testamenti, interpretatus est. 
Totum divinum officium, quod antea incertum erat, de mandato summi 
pontificis qui tunc ecclesiae praeerat ordinavit. Homilias, sermones, epi- 
stolas, et libros edidit. Omne denique tempus vitae in sacris litteris et'' 
studiis scientiarum virtutumque consumpsit. 

Quamobrem et vivus et mortuus infinitis miraculis claruit. Quae 
omnia quoniam exarare non possum propter eorum multitudinem et 
temporis' brevitatem, supersedeo invitus"™ tamen et omitto resuscitatos 
mortuos, sanatos" aegros, defensum ab infamia et errore Silvanum, 
ligneum factum haereticum, custoditos a morte et insidiis peregrinos. 



^ litteris et om. B 

' temporis] parviutem add. et expung. R 

"* invictixs B 

" sanctos B 



Sermon 7 215 

business and those in retirement, even pagans and unbelievers, toward 
the religious and the laity, toward human beings and animals, toward 
the sick as well as the dead. As a matter of fact, Jerome restored the 
dead to life, the sick to good health, he tamed wild beasts, he converted 
unbelievers, he sustained believers and members of religious orders in 
their holy commitment, he safeguarded and added to the riches of some, 
he brought peace to those who stayed home and offered protection to 
those who traveled, he helped the educated and the uneducated to 
progress in learning, he kept persons of every class and condition safe 
from harm through his prayers and his merits. 

The word "J^ro^i^" means "a sacred grove" — a grove, I would sug- 
gest, of every virtue and branch of knowledge. Or it can mean "a sacred 
law," a law in the best sense and a norm of holy and moral living. Or 
it can mean "one determining the meaning of expressions," and they 
were sensibly determined.' This glorious saint became prominent as a 
translator of expressions in diverse languages; because he was most flu- 
ent in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, he translated the entire 
Holy Scripture, all the books of the New and Old Testaments, He was 
commissioned by the supreme pontiff who then presided over the 
church to organize the whole Divine Office; until that time it was not 
clearly arranged in any precise order.'* He published homilies, sermons, 
letters, and other books. Finally, he kept himself busy throughout his 
life by studying sacred letters and matters related to knowledge and 
virtue. 

As a consequence, he was distinguished by countless miracles during 
his lifetime and after his death. Since I am not able to plough them all 
up, seeing that there are so many and I have so little time at my dispos- 
al, I reluctantly refrain from mentioning the dead resuscitated to life, the 
sick healed, Silvanus shielded from disgrace and error, a heretic turned 
into wood, travelers protected from mortal ambush, brigands converted. 



' Cf. Anon., "VitaDivi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum),"2:31; lacopo da Varazze, 
Legenda aurea, 653; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 16. 

* See Sermon 2, n. 5 above. Among the possible sources, Vergerio's phrasing is closest 
to Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, Ottob. lat. 480, 11-12: "Si de divinis officiis 
loquitur, nonne ipse, quia prius quisque ad libitum dicebat officium, mandato Damasi sanc- 
to(?) hoc per primum Theodosium requisiti ordinavit officium. . . .' " 



216 Sermo 7 

latrones converses, protectos eos qui in eo° fidem et devotionem habe- 
rent. Haec omnia cum omittam, unicum eius miraculum retexam, et 
post dicendi finem faciam. 

Mortuo hoc glorioso sancto et corpore eius in Bethlehem sepuho, 
quemadmodumP tanta sanctitas exactae vitae requirebat, innumerabiH- 
bus miraculis memoria sanctitatis eius clarescebat in dies. Quapropter 
divulgatis his per universum orbem, sicut plurimi aHarum gentium, ita^ 
et*^ duo ConstantinopoUtani' iuvenes, infideles tamen et Christianae re- 
Hgionis ignari, ad haec videnda miracula quae undequaque praedicaban- 
tur ire disponunt. Constantinopoli discedunt, et^ Alexandriam veniunt, 
pedestre iter inde facturi; a qua cum discederent ignorantia" viarum et 
ductorum inopia in obscurum et periculosum nemus introeunt, ubi dux 
quidam praedonum cum plurima comitiva latebat in specula. Quos ille 
cum vidisset errantes, misit protinus quosdam ex suis qui eos praedaren- 
tur et vita privarent. 

lUi mandato sui ducis obsequentes ad hos veniunt, cumque proximi 
fiunt, videtur eis numerosam fortium armatorum turbam praeeunte duce 
procedere. Ob quam rem territi ad suos ire disponunt, cumque aliquanto 
se elongassent, iterum illos esse duos indicant, et tamquam falso illusi,^ 
ad exequendum iniquum propositum iter flectunt, cumque adhuc appro- 
pinquarent, priore'*' imagine territi ad ducem suum divertunt narratione 
singula < ri > .* Dux tamquam ignavos redarguens maiori numero alios 
destinat ad hoc opus, quibus et idem missis accidit. 



°se5 

P quemadmodum] exacta? add. et del. R 

'is'icR B PM 

' et om. B 

' Constantinopoli ex Constantinopolitani corr. (Constantinopolitani . . . disponunt om.) 

' et om. R 

" ignoravit B (ignorantia ex ignoravit corr. PM) 

" timent falso illudi R 

* prima R 

* Narrant ei singula R 



__^ Sermon 7 217 

those safeguarded who had a faithful devotion toward Jerome.^ I there- 
fore make no mention of all the other miracles and will only describe 
one at any length before I bring my speech to a close. 

After this glorious saint had died and his body had been buried in 
Bethlehem, his reputation for sanctity grew stronger by the day due to 
countless miracles, which were virtually a foregone conclusion based 
upon the impressive holiness of the life he had led. Once the report of 
those miracles had circulated widely through the entire world, two 
young men from Constantinople, following the lead of a host of others 
from various places, decided to take a trip in order to see for themselves 
the miraculous events that were then a topic of conversation every- 
where. They did so even though they were not believers and were unfa- 
miliar with the tenets of Christianity. The pair embarked from Constan- 
tinople and arrived in Alexandria; from there, they planned to continue 
their journey on foot. Upon leaving Alexandria, they wandered off into 
a dark and dangerous forest because they did not know the route and 
had no guide. The leader of a band of thieves, in the company of his 
large entourage, was hiding up on a cliff in the forest. When the leader 
spotted the young men wandering aimlessly, he at once sent some of his 
men to rob and then kill them. 

Those men obeyed his order and approached the young men; when 
they had gotten close to them, they thought that they saw a large group 
of armed soldiers, who marched in close formation at the command of 
their general. They were frightened by what they saw and decided to re- 
turn to their companions. When they had retreated a short distance, 
they turned around and saw only the two travelers again. At that point, 
convinced that they had somehow been misled by an optical illusion, 
they reversed their path in order to carry out their evil plan. And when 
they came up close a second time, they were frightened away by what 
they had seen before and went back to their leader to tell him their re- 
markable story. The leader rebuked them for their cowardice and desig- 
nated a greater number of men for the task. But the same thing hap- 
pened to them. 



* Cf. Ps. Eusebius, "Epistola de morte," 221-24; Ps. Cyrillus, "Epistola . . . de miraculis 
Beati Hieronymi ad Sanctum Augiistinum," in Joseph Klapper, ed., Hieronymus: Die 
unechten Briefe des Eusebius, Augustin, Cyrill zum Lobe des Heiligen, part 2 of Schriften 
Johanns Neumarkt, Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation 6 < Berlin, 1932 >, 292-512; and 
Giovanni d' Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 28-40. 



218 Sermo 7 

Quare et ipse demum'' ire constituit. Ut primum vera esse cognovit, 
turn demum deposito nocendi animo, ob tale miraculum ad peregrines 
sese convertit, qui subito bini apparuerunt solum, sciscitatusque an ullos 
in ilia solitudine vidissent et quo tenderent, subintulere postquam a via 
aberrassent praeter eos vidisse neminem et, Hieronymi fama perciti, ad 
eius visitandum sepulcrum in Bethlehem tendere. Quibus auditis illi in 
intimo corde^ compuncti, priorem** vitam deponere et beati una^'' 
Hieronymi sepulcrum visitare contendunt, venientesque in Bethlehem, 
isti baptizati sunt; illi claustra et eremum subierunt. 

Sic*^*^ igitur hie gloriosus sanctus in gentiles et nefarios homines tam 
pronus tamque beneficus extitit; quanto magis in Christianos et vere 
Catholicos, si nomen suum venerabuntur, existet? Suis ergo meritis et 
precibus pro nobis imploret ut in hoc mundo bene viventes per gratiam, 
in futuro gaudeamus per gloriam ad quam nos perducat (etc.). 



^ demum] esse? add. et del. R 

* cordis B 

" primam R 

^^ una beati B 

«Sifi 

^ perducat (etc.)] etc. B 



Sermon 7 219 

Therefore, the leader finally decided to go himself. As soon as he 
realized that his men were telling the truth, he finally abandoned his 
intention to commit the crime. Dumbfounded by such a great miracle, 
he turned his attention to the travelers, who at once appeared to be only 
the original pair. When he asked whether they had seen anyone else in 
that wilderness and where they were going, they responded that they 
had seen no one except the leader and his men after they had gotten 
lost. They added that they were spurred by the fame of Jerome to go to 
Bethlehem and visit his tomb. When the thieves heard their answers, 
they were stung in the depths of their hearts. They firmly resolved to 
abandon their previous way of life and to join the two young men in 
visiting the tomb of Blessed Jerome. Once they reached Bethlehem, the 
two young men were baptized; the robbers entered the cloistered life of 
a monastery.^ 

This is how that glorious saint showed that he was quite ready to 
assist pagans and criminals; how much the more will he be ready to 
assist Christians and especially Catholics if they will venerate his name? 
May Jerome use his merits and prayers to beseech that we lead an 
ethical life in this world through the power of divine grace and then 
rejoice in the world to come through the power of that glory, toward 
which God now guides us (etc.). 



^ See Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 32-33, which is a 
summary of the longer account of the miracle in Ps. Cyrillus, "Epistola de miraculis," 370- 
80. Vergerio's dependence on the text of Giovanni d'Andrea in this case seems clear (Ottob. 
lat. 480, 33): "Apprehendit illos timor, stupor, et admiratio, et ad mittentem reddire coe- 
perunt. Elongati autem et retroversi solum illos duos esse viderunt, et se putantes illusos, ad 
illos reddeunt, quibus propinquantes multitudinem viderunt ut prius et sic amplius stupefacti 
ad suum principem reddierunt." Vergerio's assertion that the two young men hailed from 
Constantinople is not found in the sources. The following miracle (Ps. Cyrillus, ibid., 381- 
91) spoke of two Romans who were wrongly condemned for murder at Constantinople 
while on their way to Bethlehem. When the sources indicated that the robbers thereafter led 
"a praiseworthy life," Vergerio interpreted that to mean that they became monks. The 
sources say that the two travelers, after converting to Christianity, entered a monastery. 



Sermo 8 pro Sancto Hieronymo'' 

Manuscripts: A, fols. 437v-39; Ar, fols. 87-92; Bp, 138-43; 

Br, fols. 131-33v; C, fols. 141-44; Gn, fols. 319-20v; MB, fols. 153-57v; 

5, fols. 171v-74v; T, fols. 60-63; Tp, fols. 128-29; 

Tr, fols. 121V-25; 2, fols. 115-18v. 

Editions: 1, Hieronymus, Epistolae < Rome, 1468 > ; 

2, <Rome, ca. 1468 >; 3, <Rome, 1470 >; 4, (Rome, 1476-79); 

3, (Venice, 22 January 1476); 6, < Parma, 1480 >; 7, (Venice, 1488); 

8, (Venice, 1490); 9, (< Venice >, 1496); 10, (Venice, 1496); 

Vail, (Verona, 1734-42); PL, (Paris, 1845-46). 



Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae Hieronymum, cuius^ dies sol- 
lemnis adest, ita mihi dari cupio recte*^ laudare ut in eo laudando 
laudem ipse meam non quaeram, sed sit ei quemadmodum sermo, ita et 
mens perpetua'^ intentione dedicata, quamquam quid sperandum sit lau- 
dis locuturo non video ubi magnitudine rerum eloquentiae vis omnis^ 
obruitur et excellentiae meritorum omnis impar est sermo. Me vero mi- 
nime omnium sperare id convenit, ac si quid talium mentem subeat, 
plane desipio qui, cum obire quot annis munus hoc laudum soleo, sem- 



* Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo Petripauli Vergerii Bp. Petripauli Vergerii Oratio in 
honorem gloriosi Hieronymi Tp. Oratio Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani S. Petripauli 
Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hieronymi habitus in anniversario natalis 
eius 1 Z 2 5 Tr. Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo de laudibus Beati Hieronymi ha- 
bitus in anniversario natalis eius Br. Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo de laudibus 
Sancti Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius 3 4 6 A. Sermo de Sancto 
Hieronymo eiusdem C. Oratio de laudibus Divi Hieronymi m. rec. MB 

^ eius / 

' recte] eum acU. 1 

^ propria O 

' omnis om, S 



Sermon 8 for Saint Jerome 



When I praise the most holy doctor of our faith, Jerome, as part of 
the solemnity we observe this day, I am adamant about not want- 
ing to seek my own praise by my praise for him. I would much rather 
dedicate the sermon to him and focus my attention on him alone at 
every moment. I say that even though I cannot imagine what praise one 
who is about to speak here should expect, for the magnitude of the 
subject matter overwhelms all force of eloquence and the entire sermon 
can never approach the excellence of its subject's merits. It is especially 
inappropriate that I should harbor such fantasies. If I should entertain 
any idea of the sort, I would clearly be acting like a fool, seeing that I 
have regularly fulfilled the duty of praising Jerome for the last several 
years. As I have gained experience in delivering this panegyric, I have 



222 Sermo 8 

per tamen, posteaquam id coepi, ita deinceps per annos affectus sum ut 
augeri mihi desiderium sentiam, minui facultatem. 

Evenit autem hoc fortasse, sive quod nondum satis sunt mihi^ vires 
ingenii mei perpensae qui subire tanti oneris^ causam non verear quod 
quantum sit et intellexi tantisper dudum et in dies perspicio magis; sive 
quod illius merita apud plurimos quidem parum diligenter^ animadver- 
sa, a me vero etiam summo studio considerata quo magis elucescunt, eo 
magis affectum mentis alliciunt et a consequendi spe ingenii acumen 
magis magisque deterrent; sive quod prae desiderio meo studioque reli- 
gionis in ilium tanto mihi retardari facultas videtur ingenii quanto prae- 
currit studium voluntatis. Quarum equidem' rerum ut subesse utramque 
primarum non nego, ita adesse postremam magnopere mihi cupio. Nam 
officio quidem^ ille meo aut cuiusquam alterius in reddendis de se laudi- 
bus nihil indiget, ac non delectatur,'^ opinor, nisi boni profectusque' 
nostri gratia, cum per se ipse infinito proprio bono in beata ilia aeterna- 
que vita fruatur. Devotione vero, cultu, religione, pietate, ac fide cum in 
hunc, tum in"" reliquos caelites nos ipsi nostra causa indigemus, atque 
imprimis ego, qui meritis huius sancti gloriosi multa magnaque saepenu- 
mero beneficia apud Deum immortalem consecutum manifesta fide me 
deprehendi et difficillimis temporibus fuisse de gravissimis periculis eius 
ope atque intercessione liberatum. 

Quod si antehac devotionis ullum studium a me" debebatur, multo 
certe nunc amplius adhibendum est mihi ut parentis nuperrime diem 
functi qui erat devotissimus tibi, sancte pater Hieronyme, vicem hie 
referam; cuius apud te preces mea causa plurimum valuisse sum crebro 



^ sunt mihi] sint mihi Bp Tp S {ex mihi sint corr.) 1 

* oneris ex hon- corr. Tp Ar Z: honoris 1 

^ diligenter parum Bp Tp S 11 

' quidem C MB 

' qui 1 

^ scripsi: non delectat Bp. ne delectatur Tp C MB. nee delectatur S. non delectari H 

' perfectusque Bp 

"* in om. Tp 

" a me om. S 



Sermon 8 223 



found myself increasingly troubled by the experience. I now have the 
distinct impression that my desire to praise him has grown greater 
through the years even as my ability to praise him has diminished. 

Maybe that has happened because I have not yet gauged accurately 
the strength of my own abilities, and consequently I am not afraid to try 
and lift such a heavy weight. For some time now, I have honestly 
assessed how heavy that burden really is, and I have the impression that 
it gets heavier by the day. Or maybe the explanation should be sought 
in Jerome's merits. The vast majority of people regard those merits with 
far too little attention whereas I reflect on them with the greatest 
interest. As they increase in intensity, they make a greater impression 
on the mind and increasingly dissuade a judicious intellect from the illu- 
sion of ever doing them justice. Or maybe the explanation lies in my 
affection and pious devotion to Jerome, which seem to cause the func- 
tioning of my intellect to slow down and the eagerness of my will to 
rush ahead. I will not dispute in the least that the first two explanations 
apply in my case, and I would wish with all my heart that the final one 
may apply to me too. For Jerome surely has no need of my commit- 
ment to extol him — or that of anyone else— nor does he derive any 
pleasure from it, I suspect, unless it should serve to spur our own sound 
progress. On his own merits, Jerome now partakes of a beatitude that 
by its nature is boundless because it brings a life of eternal happiness. 
Rather, it is for our own sake that we have need of devotion, worship, 
piety, loyalty, and faithfulness toward this man and the other citizens of 
heaven. That holds especially in my case, for his loyalty to me has been 
obvious. I realize that I have frequently attained many great favors from 
the immortal God through the merits of this glorious saint, and in the 
most difficult moments I have been freed from extremely serious dan- 
gers through his powerful intercession. 

But if in the past I felt an obligation to practice fervent devotion to 
Jerome, I surely feel an even greater need to cling to it now. I say that 
because of my recent loss: just a few days ago my father, who was most 
devoted to you, holy father Jerome, passed away.^ I have frequently 
experienced how extremely influential his prayers to you on my behalf 



' Vergerio's father, Vergerio de' Vergeri, made his will on 18 July 1406 and died 
sometime between that date and the feast of Jerome on 30 September. Early in 1407, 
Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna mentioned the death of Vergerio's father in a letter to 
him; see Epist., 299-300 n. 1, 301. 



224 SERMO 8 

expertus ut, quemadmodum praeclari huius instituti familiarisque devoti- 
onis discipulus viventi° fui/ ita et ei quoque'^ defuncto sim heres, et 
quod mihi patrocinium in illo erat, nunc omne sit in me ipso, quam- 
quam eum'^ confido tuis meritis atque precibus, praeterea quod rectus 
homo erat et timens Deum, excedentem ex hac luce in ea loca deductum 
ubi et' a te et per te multo facilius' consequi quidvis possit. 

Quod igitur ad me attinet, quemadmodum devotio animi conser- 
vanda augmentandaque" est, ita munus hoc annuum^ reddendarum 
laudum nuUatenus est^ negUgendum, in quo qualisqualis sit'' sermo, 
dum mens sit integra ac penitus iUi devota, non magnifaciendum arbi- 
tror quod in eum magis esse gratus cupio^ quam disertus. Nee me fallit 
eum qui laudare quempiam ex illustribus accedat (maxime vero quod ad 
rem divinam attineat)^ debere et ipsum quoque laude dignum esse labe- 
que omni carere, ne dicentis vitam reprehendat oratio verbisque specio- 
sis mores sordidi fidem abrogent. Quod, ut in me** sit, boni tamen 
piique ingenii solet esse argumentum laudare studiose virtutem et rebus 
sacris cultum adhibere praecipuum. Quod si ex me quispiam^^ quaerat 
quam huius sancti gloriosi primam potissimamque laudem existimem, 
hanc scilicet incunctanter respondebo, quod meo quidem iudicio non 
possit digne*^*^ humano ore laudari, deinde quod in unoquoque ge- 
nere laudum earum quae ad doctum rectumque hominem ac plane reli- 
giosissimum Christianum pertinent laudari eximie de singulis potest. 



° viventis O 

P fui] [ . . . ] Tp. om. S 

'^ quoque et ei MB T 

" eum] cum Bp Tp: om. S 

' et om. Bp Tp SU 

' multo facilius om. S 

" et servanda et augmentanda n 

" annuum om. S 

" est om. n 

" qualisqualis sit] qualis sit Tp S. qualiscumque sit FI 

'' cupio om. S 

* attinet S C MB 

** me] non add. Tl 

^^ quisquam MB 



" digno Bp 
^ quod om. S 



Sermon 8 225 



have proven to be. I learned from his noble instruction and the devotion 
he practiced at home throughout his life, and I have now become the 
heir to that devotion after his death. The advocacy that he practiced on 
my behalf now falls entirely to me, although I am confident that, once 
he withdrew from this light, he was led back through your merits and 
prayers to a place where it is all the easier for him to have you do 
something or see that it is done. I am especially confident of that be- 
cause I know he was an upright man and one who was fearing God.^ 

My own obligations are clear: I have to maintain and increase the 
devotion in my soul, and I must likewise never neglect my annual duty 
to deliver a panegyric. In performing that service, I do not think that 
much should be made of the sermon, no matter what its style, as long 
as the heart is of a single purpose and entirely devoted to Jerome. As a 
matter of fact, I consider it a greater achievement to prove gratifying to 
Jerome than to be learned. Nor am I unaware that the person who steps 
forward to praise somebody famous (and this has particular relevance in 
the case of religion) ought to be worthy of praise himself and be with- 
out any shortcoming. Otherwise, the oration may seem at variance with 
the life of the one speaking, and the speaker's immoral behavior may 
undermine the credibility of his flashy words. In order that my integrity 
seem genuine, I remind you that we customarily take it as evidence of 
a good and holy disposition if one enthusiastically praises virtue and 
attends with special reverence to sacred matters. But if someone should 
ask me what I consider the principal and most prominent reason to 
praise this glorious saint, I will respond without any hesitation. In my 
opinion, there is no human tongue that can worthily utter Jerome's 
praises; moreover, among all the accolades that are appropriate to a 
learned and upright person and are obviously appropriate to a most de- 
vout Christian, you could choose any one of them and praise Jerome at 
length. 



^ Cf. lob 1:8. 



226 Sermo 8 

Quod si iam" in eo laudando coepero litterarum peritiam comme- 
morare, diversarum experientiam linguarum, orationis facundiam, 
tectos^^ fabularum sensus, multam historiarum memoriam, naturalium 
rerum cognitionem moraliumque sermonum, turn vero scripturae sacrae 
veraeque theologiae perceptionem,^ non videbor forsitan aliquid ma- 
gnum dicere, quod haec ipsa malis etiam hominibus possunt advenire; 
neque enim ista bonos faciunt, sed eruditos. Aut si praeterea conti- 
nentiam, fortitudinem, prudentiam, constantiam, mansuetudinem, pati- 
entiam, benignitatemque in illius" laudibus recognovero, ne"^ sic qui- 
dem'^'' forsitan magnopere eum ornare iudicabor, quod et his virtutibus 
plurimi gentilium praediti fuere, suntque hae laudes, ut debitae quidem 
viro bono, ita plane non propriae homini Christiano. Postremo si fidem 
constantem,™" spem certam, caritatem incensam,"" omnemque sanc- 
timoniam et caerimoniarum cultum religionisque studium demon- 
stravero, ne°° sic quoque fortassis laus erit eximia, quod haec ipsa debet 
unusquisque de se rectus fidelisque Christianus exhibere. 

At vero si haec omnia et quaecumque^P his nominibus aut omnino 
virtutis nomine continentur in eo fuisse universa contester^'' eaque ipsa 
non mediocriter aut vulgari quodam summotenus modo sed excellentis- 
sime atque incomparabiliter affuisse constet, nonne" hoc divinum quid- 
dam*^ in homine videri necesse est? Ego sane cum trita vulgo ista" 
vocabula eruditionem, eloquentiam, fortitudinem, prudentiam, fidem, ac 



" iam] in marg. S: om. Ar 

^ rectos Tp SU 

^ perceptorem C MB 

^^ enim om. S 

" illis ; 

" nee S n 

'''' quidem om. MB T 

" forsitan om. 4 

""" constantiam MB 

"" intensam n (immensam ex intensam corr. Tr) 

°° ne ex nee corr.} C: nee MB S O 

PP quaeeumque] quod add. 5 Tr 

•w contestor Tp S MB 

" non Bp Tp S: num C MB 

" quoddam MB 

" vulgo ista] vulgo in marg. MB: ista vulgo Bp Tp S U (ilia wulgo Ar) 



Sermon 8 227 

If I will already have begun my praise for him by commemorating 
his expertise in letters, his fluency in diverse languages, his eloquence in 
speech, his interpretation of poetry's hidden meanings, his vast recall of 
history, his knowledge of natural phenomena and of moral principles, 
combined with his understanding of Holy Scripture and authentic the- 
ology, I probably will not seem to say anything worthy of note, given 
that evil persons as well can achieve all of those things. For those sorts 
of accomplishments do not make you good, only learned. But if, in 
addition to them, I will have certified that temperance, courage, pru- 
dence, loyalty, kindness, patience, and affability figure among Jerome's 
claims to distinction, not even in that case will I probably feel that I 
have greatly embellished his reputation, given that the vast majority of 
pagans have also been endowed with those virtues. I would grant that 
such praises are surely owed to a good man, but they are not expressly 
characteristic of a Christian. If I will have finally produced evidence for 
his firm faith, his secure hope, his ardent charity, and his consummate 
holiness and reverence for sacred ceremonies and zeal for religion, not 
even at that point will the praise be extraordinary, given that every 
upright and faithful Christian ought to display those qualities in his life. 

But truly, if I should prove that he possessed all of those qualities 
and whatever else is implied comprehensively by the words or summari- 
ly by the one word "virtue" and then I make a sound case that he did 
not possess those things in an ordinary or common manner but to the 
maximum degree and without peer, will we not have to conclude that 
there was something divine about that human being? When I conscious- 
ly use those words from the vocabulary of the common people and 
commemorate his learning, eloquence, courage, prudence, faith, and 



228 Sermo 8 

caritatem et cetera huiuscemodi"" commemoro, talia quaedam dicere 
mihi videor qualia solent in communi hominum vita reperiri et non 
eminentissimas illas virtutes, quas in excellentissimis viris paucis illis 
quidem omni aetate fuisse constat. Quamobrem aegre ferre soleo et^ 
Latinae orationi indignari, quod propriis atque exquisitis nominibus 
exquisitissimas laudes efferre non licet, quae tantum paene a communi- 
bus distant virtutibus quantum ferme virtus a vitio. 

Verum quod orationi deest, oro, suppleat audientis intellectus, et non 
quod dicam sed quod"^ dicere velim accipiat. Quod et hinc quoque 
licebit intelligere. Nam solent pauca horum aut singula quidem,** dum 
intenso^ gradu cuipiam" adsunt, magnum virum constituere, admira- 
bilisque*** videri qui plura ex his''^^ sit assecutus. Quid ergo is debet 
existimari, qui omnium virtutum cunctarumque bonarum artium cumu- 
lum non perfunctorie'^'^'^ quidem'^'^'^ sed^^^ ad summum in se 
collegisset, cuius vita totius sanctitatis exemplum fuit,^^^ eloquentia 
stupor, doctrina miraculum? Itaque non tam sanctum nomen habuit, 
quod ipsum^^^ denotat Hieronymi vocabulum, quam ipsam in se habu- 
it sanctitatem. Nam cum*^*^*^ duabus rebus fundata est in initio sacra 
religio, praedicatione scilicet apostolorum et sanguine martyrum, cum, 
quod'" illi sermone docebant, hi per carceres et tormenta ac denique 
mortem ipsam astruerent,"' in utrorumque locum suo tamen^''*' gradu 
subierunt sancti doctores, qui, quod illi compendiose docuerunt,'" latius 
explicarent, quodque martyres sanguine suo testati sunt, hoc isti sancti- 



"" huiuscemodi] ce- interl. MB: huiusmcxli TTl (huiusce- y4r) 

"' et] atque S: om. 2 

** quod dicam sed quod] quid dicam sed quod Tp C: quid dicam sed quid S MB 

" quaedam 11 

^^ incenso Bp 

° cupiam Tp 1 

"* admirabilisque] excellentiae eum add. Yl 
bbb iij J 

"^ perfunctorie in ras. C 
"^ quidem] de? 5: om. U 
•" sed om. Tp S 
"' fuit om. n 

^^ quod ipsum] quod ipsum ipsum Tp. quidem ipsum 1 Ar Br 2 4. quid enim 2. quod 
quidem ipsum 3 5 Tr 6 A Gn 
^^^ in MB 

'" cumque Z 5 Tr 6 A Gn 
"' astrueret S. astruerunt C MB 

^'^^ suo tamen] imo tamen MB. suo tantum Bp. suo cum 5. suo (tamen om.) O 
'" docuerant Bp Tp S Yl 



Sermon 8 229 



charity and other things along those Hnes, I have the impression that I 
am speaking about the sorts of things that are customarily found in the 
ordinary life of human persons and not about those most notable 
virtues, which we all agree are characteristic of an elite group of men in 
every age. That explains why I am accustomed to feel a certain regret 
and to consider a Latin oration inadequate because I am not permitted 
to proclaim the most extraordinary praises in appropriately extraordi- 
nary words. For his virtues are almost as far from the ordinary as virtue 
is from vice. 

But whatever may be lacking in the oration, I hope and pray that the 
intelligence of those of you listening will compensate for it; may you 
intuit what I would like to say and not restrict yourselves to what I will 
say. You will be free to understand exactly what that is from what 
follows. For just a few of these qualities or even one of them by itself 
normally make a man great, as long as the person possesses them to an 
extraordinary degree, and anyone who has acquired a number of them 
perforce earns our admiration. How then must we appraise Jerome, who 
amassed within himself all the virtues and mastered all the liberal arts 
and did so not in some superficial manner but to the maximum degree? 
His life has been an example of all holiness, his eloquence a cause of 
amazement, his learning a veritable miracle! Therefore, it is not simply 
the case that he had a holy name, which is what the word "Jerome" 
means,^ but that he made himself holy in a real sense. In the beginning, 
our sacred religion was founded on two things: the preaching of the 
apostles and the blood of the martyrs. I say that because the latter 
through imprisonment and torments and, ultimately, death itself were 
exemplifying in their deeds what the former were teaching in their 
words. In terms of responsibility, the holy doctors succeeded both of 
those groups, and yet we assign them their own rank. What the apostles 
taught in succinct fashion, the doctors explained more fully, and what 
the martyrs witnessed to by shedding their own blood, the doctors cor- 



' Vergerio gives a correct interpretation of the Greek etymology of Hieronymus that is 
not found in the sources; see Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 1, 24-25. 



230 Sermo 8 

monia vitae confirmarent atque adversus omnem haeresim omnemque 
vitiorum labem pro fide iustitiaque consisterent iidemque et*™™" mili- 
tum vices gererent et doctorum.""" 

Multa autem variaque Hieronymus uti fortis miles in hac vita bella 
sustinuit. Cum mundo quippe°°° gessit et vicit, quando sacerdos iam 
factus et summo sacerdotio dignus habitus ab urbe cessit pompisque sae- 
culi etPPP omni ambitioni*''''' mundanorum honorum""^ renumiavit; 
cum carne ac daemonibus, cum in ilia trans mare vasta solitudine, quae, 
ut ipse ait, "exusta solis ardoribus horridam monachis habitationem 
praestabat,"*" carnem quidem ieiuniis frangeret, spirituales autem ho- 
stes orationibus effugaret; cum improbis atque aemulis, in quos saepe per 
prologos, saepe per epistolas scribendo invectus est; cum haereticis, quos 
libris tractatibusque scribendis saepenumero de"^ diversis convicit erro- 
ribus disputandoque vi rationum superavit. 

Doctoris ergo nomen ut habet, ita et officium studiosissime vivens 
gessit, praesentes voce et exemplis erudiens, absentes scriptis, utros- 
que""" vero tam suae aetatis quam posteros voluminibus diversi idio- 
matis viros interpretatione linguarum ad"^ eruditionem adiuvans, 
rudiores historia delectans, acutiores instruens arcanis sacrae scripturae sensi- 
bus explicandis. Eloquentiam certe iam eius"*""^ laudare temptarem, 
quae tamquam rivus limpidissimus leniter*** defluens et aspectu et 
sono delectat, nisi ipsa^^ se multo melius quam quod^^ a me fieri 
elegantia sua legentibus commendaret; ad quanf*** digne praedicandam 



■"""" iidem et Bp Tp S U fiidemque et Ar) 

""" vices gererent et doctorum] vires gererent et ductorum IT (doct- Ar) 

°°° quippe] bellum add. U (quippe malum 4 quidem bellum A) 

PPP et om. S 

'^ ambitione 2 4 5 Tr 6 A Gn 

"' bonorum Bp 

*" horridam . . . praestabat] horridam monachis praestabat habitationem MB. horridum 
monachis habitaculum praestabat n (praest- hab- 2) 

'« de om. S 

""" utroque n (utros- Ar) 

"'"' viros . . . ad] varia interpretatione Unguarum vivorum doctorum 11 (virorum doc- 
torum Ar) 

*"'' eius om. MB T 

'""' leviter C MB 

^yy ipse n 

^^ quod om. Tl 

"** ad quam . . . deterreret om. S 



Sermon 8 231 

roborated by the holiness of their lives. Moreover, the doctors took up 
positions in defense of faith and justice by combatting every heresy and 
sinful vice. Thus, the same persons were fulfilling the respective duties 
of a soldier and a teacher. 

Jerome, however, brave soldier that he was, engaged in a great 
variety of wars in this life. First and foremost, he waged war against the 
world and was victorious: after he had already been ordained a priest 
and was considered worthy of the supreme pontificate, he withdrew 
from the city and renounced the affectations of the world and all 
ambition for worldly honors. He waged war against the flesh and the 
demons and was victorious: in that lonely waste across the sea, which, 
as he himself says, "scorched by the burning sun, was affording to 
monks a savage dwelling,'"* he subdued his flesh by means of fasting 
and also put his spiritual enemies to flight by means of prayer. He 
waged war against wicked men and jealous rivals and was victorious: he 
often attacked them in the prologues and the letters that he wrote. He 
waged war against heretics and was victorious: more than once, he proved 
them guilty of a variety of errors in the books and treatises he composed, 
and he defeated them in debate by the sheer force of his arguments. 

Thus, he has now attained the title of doctor, and that is because he 
fulfilled to the utmost the duties thereby implied while he was alive, 
instructing those in his presence by means of his words and deeds, 
instructing those far away by means of his writings, assisting the work 
of scholars of his own era and those of generations to come by translat- 
ing volumes written in foreign languages, amusing the less educated by 
narrating past events, teaching the better educated by explaining the 
hidden meanings of passages in Holy Scripture. At this point, I would 
certainly attempt to praise the eloquence of Jerome, which flows 
smoothly like a most limpid river and gives delight by its appearance 
and sound,^ if the elegance of his prose were not readily apparent to 
those who read his works and come across much more effectively there 



* Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152). 

* Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 36.14, 58.10 {CSEL 54:280, 539); and Paul Antin, " 'Hilarius 
Latinae eloquentiae Rhodanus' (Jerome, In Gal., prol. 2)," in Recueil sur saint Jerome, Col- 
lection Latomus 95 (Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 259-69. Paraphrasing Cicero {Or. 11.39), Ver- 
gerio described his ideal for oratorical prose in similar terminology in a letter that he wrote 
in 1396 {Epist., 178): "Sit sermo non scaber aut horridus, non praeruptus, non praeceps, sed 
lenis et planus, apricique in morem rivi continue mollique cursu defluens. . . ." See further 
Ronald G. Witt, "Still the Matter of the Two Giovannis: A Note on Malpaghini and Con- 
versino," Rinascimento, n.s., 35 (1995): 194-95. 



232 Sermo 8 

eius ipsius eloquentia opus esset. Nee me deterreret*^* quod damnatus 
fuerit^^^'' eius studii aliquando'^"^*^'^ Hieronymus, cum'*'^'^'* extatica 
visione tractus ad iudicis aeterni tribunal et quinam esset^^^^ interro- 
gatus, pro Christiani nomine quod inter metum trepidationemque 
profitebatur Ciceroniani sibi nomen obici audivit. Neque enim res ipsa 
damnata est (sed fortassis eius studium vehementius) sine qua profecto 
vix^^^^ sacrae litterae, certe non tanta cum voluptate, legerentur. 

Haec igitur, ut et^^^^ ceterae quoque dotes quas strictim comme- 
moravi, multos acerbissimosque illi aemulos comparavere. Quo- 
rum ut improbitati cederet, Roma migravit, et, qui doctor late cla- 
rissimus habebatur, Gregorio Nazianzeno in disciplinam se tradidit. 
Postque studia, cum de frequentissima urbe cessisset, ad eremum se tran- 
stulit, et, qui in urbe omnium urbanissima homines perpessus erat 
bestiales, in desertissima eremo bestias est expertus humanas. Ibique leo 
natura saevissimus imperium eius"" pertulit, cum hie homo natura 
mitis in se saeviret. Roma igitur Bethlehem permutavit, divitique*'" ex 
urbe non stam pulsus quam cedens, elegit ibi pauper vivere ubi pau- 
pgj,kkkk christus est natus, et inde salutem petere unde ortus est"" 
auctor ipse™™™" salutis. Quid enim"""" adversus malignitatem 
tutum uspiam esse poterit, quando tanta virtus persecutore non caruit? 
Quod siquid nobis tale accidat, ex eius casu consolari nos ipsos debemus, 
interea vero maledicos benefaciendo vincere et eorum in nos odium 
virtute patientiae mansuetudinisque superare, illo praestante, qui vivit et 
regnat per omnia saecula (et cetera) .°°°° 



"" deterreret] deterret n 
'*'"'''' quod . . . fuerit interl. MB 
"" aliquando] causa add. MB T 
*^ cxxm-l'm add. C MB T 
"" esset om. S 
^''' vix om. S 



8888 et om. MBTTpSn 
^^^^ -que om. S 
"" eius om. S 
ID) divesque MB 
^^^^ pauper om. MB T 
"" unde Ortus est] unde est ortus C MB 
mmmm jp^^ om. 6 A Gfi 7 8 9 10 
"""" Quid enim] Quid autem C MB 

°°°° per omnia saecula (et cetera)] per omnia saecula Amen MB. in saecula benedictus Bp. 
in saecula saeculorum Amen n 



Sermon 8 233 



than in anything I could say. To do justice to that subject in a sermon, 
you would need the eloquence of Jerome himself. Nor would the fact 
that Jerome was once censured for his zeal deter me from treating the 
subject. That happened when Jerome was dragged in an ecstatic vision 
before the judgment seat of the eternal judge, who asked him what sort 
of person he was. He responded that he was a Christian, and he gave the 
response with much fear and trembling. Then he heard the name of 
Ciceronian thrown back at himself.^ You must understand that the fact 
of being a Ciceronian was not the cause for his censure; it is far more 
likely that his zeal had become too intense. If you were not a 
Ciceronian, you could barely read sacred letters and you certainly would 
not read them with the same enjoyment. 

These gifts, therefore, and the others that I have briefly recounted 
for you, earned for Jerome many rivals who were extremely jealous of 
him. In order that he leave their wickedness behind, he departed from 
Rome, and, although he was widely considered to be the foremost 
teacher of the era, he gave himself over to Gregory of Nazianzus for 
further training.^ After studying with Gregory and after definitively 
abandoning the most populous city on earth, Jerome went to live in the 
desert. The man who had patiently endured the savagery of human 
beings in that most cosmopolitan of cities now became acquainted with 
the humaneness of beasts in that most barren desert. In that place, a 
lion, who was by nature most fierce, obeyed his command,^ while a 
human being, who was so gentle by nature, fiercely disciplined himself. 
He therefore exchanged Rome for Bethlehem, but he was not really 
driven from that prosperous city so much as he left of his own free will. 
He then chose to live in poverty at Bethlehem where Christ was born 
in poverty and to seek his own salvation in the place where the very 
source of salvation was born. For what person could ever be safe from 
harm, if so virtuous a person could not avoid persecution? But if any- 
thing of the sort should befall us, we ought to console ourselves by 
recalling the case of Jerome. And we should also try to defeat those who 
slander us by doing good toward them and overcome their hatred by 
practicing the virtues of patience and kindness,' through the interces- 
sion of God, who lives and reigns for ever (etc.). 



^ Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 22.30 {CSEL 54:190). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select 
Letters of Saint Jerome, 127. 
' See Sermon 1, n. 5 above. 

* For the story of the lion, see Sermon 2, n. 8 above. 
' Cf. Matt. 5:44. 



Sermo 9 pro Sancto Hieronymo^ 

Manuscripts: C, fols. 149-52v; Ra, fols. 33-35; 5, fols. 168-71; 
Tp, fols. 116-17V. 



Quotiens, reverendissimi^ patres fratresque carissimi, dies advenit 
reddendi'^ sermonis pro meo annuo more de laudibus Sancti Hie- 
ronymi, quod'^ ipso natali eius die facere sum solitus, semper mihi sin- 
gulis annis videor minus esse solvendo^ minusque praestare posse quod^ 
debeo, non quemadmodum quantitatibus evenit ut, quo pluries fit de- 
tractio, certum sit semper^ minus esse quod*^ restat, sed quod' magis in 
dies et debitum ipsum intelligo quantum sit' et facultates meae quam 
sint exiles agnosco. Nam*" quid ego de me dicam, qui nee omnes quidem 
homines quicumque sunt aut umquam fuerunt' satis idoneos arbitror ad 



* Petripauli Ver^erii lustinopolitani In laude Beati Hieronymi oratio feliciter incipit acta 
Senis m. cccc. viij. 5. Praeclarissimi omnium virtutum et scientiarum monarchae domini 
Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo omatissimus in honore Sancti Hieronymi Senis per 
ipsum editum < sic > 1408 Tp. Praeclarissimi omnium virtutum et scientiarum monarchae 
domini Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo omatissimus in honorem Sancti Hieronymi 
Senis per ipsum editi <sic> 1408 Ra 

^ reverendi C 

"^ reddendi] -endi ex -endudi corr. C 

^ quid Ra: id C 

' solvendae C 

' quid Ra 

8 semper om. S 

*" esse quod] est quid Ra: esse om. S 

' quod om. S Tp 

' scripsi: est codcl. 

^ Nam] N- ex q- corr. Tp 

' fuerint Tp 



Sermon 9 for Saint Jerome 



No matter how often, most reverend fathers and most beloved 
brothers, the day arrives when I deUver a sermon on the praises of 
Saint Jerome, something I have committed myself to do every year and 
usually do on the actual birthday of that man, over the years I find that 
I have fewer resources to liquidate the debt and pay back what I owe. 
My experience does not follow the pattern of mathematical quantities, 
where the more often something is subtracted from a sum, it is certain 
that what remains will always be less. On the contrary, I understand 
how much greater the debt that I owe becomes by the day, and I realize 
how meager my resources are to repay it. Yet, why should I only speak 
about myself.^ I do not think that the entire human race, everyone who 
is alive today or has lived in the past, is sufficiently endowed to praise 



236 Sermo 9 

hunc sanctum digne laudandum, sive quod tantum est eius"* meritum 
quod" quidem esse maximum nemo negat, sive quod tanta° est mea 
erga eum^ devotio ut nihil ad id humanarum virium opinor posse 
sufficere? Quam quidem, quantacumque'' est mea devotio, augeri sem- 
per et cupio*^ vehementer et studeo. Neque enim* habeo aliud^ maius" 
aut melius, quod ei praestare queam aut quod^ a me ipse requirat, nisi 
affectionem animi gratam et promptum reddendae^ laudis obsequium, 
ac ne id quidem. Quo sancti Dei humana egeant laude, qui extra" o- 
mnem necessitatem ambitionemque constituti sunt? Sed eorum laudando 
virtutes imitari discamus quod^ praedicamus in eis. 

Quod si aliquis vel ad laudandum materiam amplam expetit sibi 
dari^ vel ad imitandum in omni genere virtutum exemplar insigne quae- 
rit, non facile alibi usquam" reperiet aut latiorem aream colligenda- 
rum^'' laudum aut speculum ad quod se componere quis valeat magis 
illustre. De iis*^*^ rebus loquor quae ad religionem et^^ sanctitatem ac 
Deo dicatam vitam pertinent, non de^^ saecularibus studiis et his^** 
quae vanitas hominum et vulgi caecitas suspensa miratur, quamquam et 
in saecularibus litteris apprime fuerit eruditus. Nihil eum sive de histo- 
riis quae quidem cognitu dignae videntur, sive de figmentis poetarum 



•" eius] debitum add. et del. Tp 

" quid Ra 

° tanta ex tantaim corr. C: tantae Tp 

P ilium C Ra 

'' quantacumque] quanta- ex quantum-? corr. S 

' cupio] s add. et del. S 

' enim] neque add. et del. Tp 

' aliud om. S 

" maius] magis Ra. h add. et del. S 

^ quod ei . . . aut quod] quid ei . . . aut quid Ra 

" reddere S Ra 

* extra in marg. S: ex Ra 

^ quid Ra 

^ dare Tp Ra 

** usque S Tp 

^^ colligendarum] virtutum add. et del. S 

"his 5 

<" loquar S 

« vel 5 Tp 

'' vitam] pertirent add. et del. Tp 

^ de om. S Tp 

^^ iis Ra 



Sermon 9 237 

this saint worthily. There are two ways to explain this: there is no one 
who disputes that Jerome's accomplishments rank among the greatest 
ever, and I am personally so devoted to him that I assume that no skill 
within the grasp of man can ever suffice to discharge the appointed task. 
And no matter how great my devotion is, I constantly desire and 
vehemently strive to have it become even greater. Other than the 
grateful affection of my soul and a firm commitment to extol him, I do 
not have anything more noble or honorable that I can offer for his sake 
or that he himself requires of me, and even that is not really necessary. 
Why do the saints of God have need of human praise, if they have been 
granted a place beyond all need and ambition? Rather, we should praise 
the saints so that we learn to imitate the virtues we accentuate in their 
lives. 

But if someone were to demand abundant material that he could 
praise or if he were to ask for an outstanding exemplar of every kind of 
virtue that he could imitate, he will be hard-pressed to find a more vast 
field in which he may harvest reasons for praise or a more lucid mirror 
according to which he may shape his own conduct. I am going to speak 
about those matters which pertain to belief and to the holiness of a life 
dedicated to God, not about secular studies and the things which the 
vanity of human persons and the blindness of the common people hold 
up for admiration. Even so, I would never deny that Jerome was exceed- 
ingly learned in secular letters as well. Nothing from antiquity escaped 
his notice, whether it was recorded in the histories which genuinely 
seem worthy of our investigation or in the figurative speech of poets 



238 Sermo 9 

latuit" in quibus antiquitas evanescebat. In cognitione praeterea naturae 
rerum atque his disciplinis quas liberales appellant praeclare fuit institu- 
tus. Indicant elegantissima eius scripta quae edidit varie his referta. 

Teste est et'^ illud imprimis vulgatum quod ipsemet scribit iudicium 
de se^^ habitum; quod commentum forsitan videri posset, nisi tam cer- 
tum auctorem haberet et tam probatum*™" qui de se ipso non de alio 
facta testetur. Cum enim is (ut ait) ceteras a se mundanas delectationes 
abdicasset solaque quae una manserat"" legendi saeculares libros ac 
praecipue Ciceronem voluptate teneretur, acutissima aliquando°** febre 
correptus est quae brevi ita invaluit^P ut intra paucos dies*''' ad" ex- 
trema perduxisse eum" videretur." lam itaque parabantur exequiae, 
omnisque de sepultura et efferendo funere cura erat, cum interea visus 
est sibi ad iudicis aeterni"" tribunal astare. Atque ab eo cum interroga- 
retur quisnam esset,"^ Christianum se esse^^ respondit. Tunc ille: 
"Minime," inquit, "sed Ciceronianus es,'"" iussitque eum graviter 
flagellis caedi. Qui inter verbera flens identidem iurabat, "Domine, si 
umquam saeculares libros habuero, si legero, te negavi." Ac diu 
flagellatus, intercedentibus tandem^ qui aderant sub eius iuramenti" 
fide**^ quod praestiterat dimissus est, et ex eo coeperunt in illo appa- 
rere signa vitae ac subinde salutis. 



" latuit] quae quidem add. et del. Tp 

'' et om. S 

''*' de se ex desse corr. Ra 

" et] i add. et del. S 

""" probum S Tp 

"" quae una manserat] quae una? remanserant S. quae una reliqua manserat C. una reli- 
qua manserat Ra 

°° aliquando] fre add. et del. Tp 

PP invaluit] ac? add. et del. Tp 

'^ dies] ab add. et del. Ra 

" ad] exteram? add. et del. Tp 

" perduxisse eum] eum om. S: eum perduxisse C 

" scripsi: videret codd. {ex videretur corr. Ra) 

"" iudicis externi Tp. iudicis extremi S: aetemi iudicis Ra 

"" esset] p add. et del. Tp 

** Christianum se esse in marg. Tp 

"'' es ex est corr. Ra 

^^ tamen S Tp 

" iuramenti ex -tis corr. S: iurata Ra 

"* fide ex fides corr. Ra 



Sermon 9 239 

which betrays a more ephemeral side of ancient thought. On top of 
that, Jerome was very well trained in natural philosophy and in the 
disciplines which they call liberal. The very elegant writings which he 
published reveal in myriad ways his mastery of those disciplines. 

I can offer further proof mainly by citing that famous trial which 
involved Jerome directly and which he personally described in a letter. 
The trial could perhaps seem a fiction, were it not reported by so 
reliable and so esteemed a source, who gives testimony about matters in 
which he, and not someone else, was involved. For when (as he says) he 
had cut himself off from other worldly delights and his energy was 
absorbed by the one pleasure that still remained of reading secular 
authors and especially Cicero, he was sometime thereafter struck down 
by a very high fever, which in a matter of days so weakened him that 
people thought he was fast coming to the end of his life. Thus, prepara- 
tions were already being made for his funeral and great care was expend- 
ed on arranging his burial and planning the rites, when suddenly Jerome 
had the impression that he was standing before the judgment seat of the 
eternal judge. And when he was asked what sort of person he was, he 
responded that he was a Christian. Then the judge said, "That is out- 
wardly the case, but you are really a Ciceronian," and he ordered him 
to be handed over for a painful scourging. Weeping amidst the blows, 
Jerome swore over and over, "Lord, if ever again I possess worldly 
books, if ever again I read them, I have denied you." And after the 
scourging had gone on for some time, the bystanders at last intervened 
on his behalf, and he was sent away under guarantee of the oath he had 
sworn. At that very moment, he began to show signs of life and then of 
a full return to health. 



240 Sermo 9 

Non fuisse autem hoc somnium aut visionem incertam argumen- 
tum^''^ affert quod, cum post huiusmodi visionem moveri sentireque 
iam coepisset,'^" suffusos lacrimis oculos et liventis"^ plagis habe- 
re se scapulas reperit, ut constaret se vere atque in ipso corpore pas- 
sum esse. Sed fuerit haec correptio^^^ non peritiae^^^ maioris'" argu- 
mentum^" sed studii fortasse vehementioris quam deceret, ut, quoniam 
ille saeculares libros nimia voluptate'"'"'" legendi tenebatur atque ideo 
sacrae scripturae studium negUgebat, idcirco divino iudicio correptus sit. 
Illud tamen negari non potest magnae eruditionis argumentum esse, 
quod postea, cum a saecularium scripturarum lectura se perpetuo absti- 
nuisset,''^ tamen scribens, quotiens ex eo genere convenire aliquid suo 
proposito visum est, scriptis"^™" inserere non dubitavit. Quae tanta 
eorum copia, tam decenti varietate ac fide tam certa distinxit, ut habere 
plane omnia et""" memoriter et prompte videretur. 

Haec autem extra laudem sunt viri sancti. Peritia vero sacrarum Htte- 
rarum, quae res non est a Sanctis viris aHena, quanta in eo fuerit non 
ahunde magis constare potest quam quod quicquid Htterarum sacra- 
rum°°° habemus, omne novum vetusque testamentum ipsius opera stu- 
dioque translatum est; quicquid ferme in ecclesia Dei^^P legitur praeter 
pauca, eo derivante aut tractante aut exponente, ad nos devenit. 



'''''' argu(u)ntur S Tp 

°^ incepisset S 

*" lacris (os mM. et del.) Ra 

"• liventis ex livetins corr. Tp. liventes Ra: [ ] C 

''' vere se C Ra 
^^ correctio S C 

^^^[ ]Ra 

'" maiore Tp C 

wi argumentum] quidem add. et del. S 

^^ nimia voluptate saeculares libros C Ra 

'" perpetuo se abdicasset Ra 

"""■" scripturis S 

""" et om. S Ra 

°°° sacrarum litterarum 5 

PPP Dei om. Ra 



Sermon 9 241 

That was not, however, some imaginary dream or vision; we have 
the compelHng evidence that Jerome appeared with eyes suffused by his 
tears and shoulders black and blue with welts when he regained his 
senses and began to move about after a vision of this sort. We can there- 
by conclude that he himself truly suffered these things in the flesh. ^ 
Still, Jerome's punishment does not prove that he was wrong to im- 
prove his scholarly expertise; it is more likely that he was wrong to 
allow his study to become so engrossing that it was no longer deco- 
rous.^ Since Jerome was consumed by an excessive desire to read 
worldly books and was consequently neglecting the study of Holy Scrip- 
ture, he was punished by divine judgment. No one can deny, however, 
that the episode ultimately supplies proof of great erudition on Jerome's 
part. It is accurate to say that Jerome consistently refrained from reading 
secular works after the event. Nonetheless, he did not hesitate to insert 
citations from those sources in his own writings whenever a citation 
seemed germane to his overall purpose. He punctuated his texts with so 
many references, such a variety of material cited word for word, that he 
actually seemed to have memorized it all and kept it ready at hand.^ 

These matters, however, take us beyond the praise of a holy man. To 
get an accurate idea of the extent of his expertise in sacred letters, which 
is not a topic unrelated to the question of sanctity, you cannot adduce 
better proof than the fact that whatever we now possess in the realm of 
sacred letters, the whole of the New and Old Testaments, was translated 
through the energetic labor of Jerome himself. Practically everything 
that is read in the church of God, except for a tiny number of items, has 
come down to us after he had written it or discussed it or commented 
upon it. 



' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 22.30 {CSEL 54:189-91). English translation by F. A. Wright, 
Select Letters of Saint Jerome, 125-29. 

^ Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 24.1 {CSEL 54:214): "... et in arguendis malis sit correptio cete- 
rorum et in optimis praedicandis bonorum ad virtutem concitentur." 

^ Cf. Jerome's comments later in life on the oath he swore during the dream {Contra 
Rufinum 1.30, CCL 79:29): "De futuro sponsio est, non praeteritae memoriae abolitio." 



242 SERM0 9 

Et quoniam peritia ad vitae meritum non''*'*' videtur attinere, ad ea 
veniamus quae mores contingunt. Imprimis autem continentissimae vitae 
fuit et austeritatis"^" in victu prope extremae eo maxime tempore quo 
per aetatem et valitudinem caro adversus spiritum acerrime"" rebella- 
bat. Quid vero pugnas praedicamus armatorum? Quid victores exercitus 
admiramur? Una gravissima pugna est qua secum homo confligit, una 
gloriosa victoria qua ratio"^ sensum superat et repugnantem""" sibi 
subiugat carnem. Stupor est audire vel legere quae sit olim Sanctus Hie- 
ronymus in eremo passus. Quae quoniam aliter melius dici non possent, 
eius ipsius verba subiciam quae ad Eustochium scribit,^^ 

"Quotiens," inquit, "in eremo constitutus, in ilia vasta solitudine, 
quae exusta''^^ solis ardoribus horridum"'^ monachis praestat habi- 
taculum, putavi me^^ Romanis interesse deliciis! Sedebam solus, quia 
amaritudine plenus eram. Horrebant sacco membra deformi[s], et^^ 
squalida cutis situm Aethiopicae**" carnis obduxerat. Cottidie lacri- 
mae, cottidie gemitus et, si quando repugnantem somnus imminens op- 
pressisset,''*'''*' nuda"*^*^ humo ossa vix haerentia collidebam. De cibis 
vero et potu taceo, cum etiam languentes*^'^'^'^ monachi^^^'^ aqua fri- 
gida utantur^^^^ et coctum aliquid^^^^ accepisse luxuriae sit. lUe igitur 
ego, qui ob**^**** gehennae"" metum tali me carcere ipse damnaveram, 



''*'*' non] etiam add. S 

■" austeritate (in ras) Ra 

"* acerrime om. C 

'" victora <Jtc> est qua (re add et del.) ratio Ra 

""" repugnationem Tp. repugantem <sic> Ra 

"'"' quae ad Eust- scribit om. Ra 

'""' exusta] s interl. C 

"'"' horridum ex -dudum corr. Ra 

'''''' me] rationis add. et del. Tp 

^ et] e Ra: om. S 

"** Aethiopicae] et Haethiopicae Ra: Aethiopissae S Tp C 

^^^^ oppressisset in marg. S 

"^ nude S Tp (habet add. et del.) 

^^^ languentes] maci add. et del. Tp 

"" monachi] monac- ex monah- corr. Tp 

^^^ utebantur (ex utantur corr. in marg) C 

***^ aliquid coctum Ra 

'"'''''' zeche add. et del. Ra 

"" [ ] C 



Sermon 9 243 

Nonetheless, since Jerome's scholarship does not seem wholly 
relevant to the merit of his life, let us move on to those matters which 
have a direct bearing upon his morals. Above all, however, he led a 
most chaste life and practiced an almost extreme asceticism in what he 
ate, especially at a time in his life when his physical development led the 
flesh to rebel most violently against the spirit. Can anyone tell me why 
we extol the battles of armed men? Why do we admire the victories of 
armies? The single most consequential battle is that in which a human 
person struggles with himself, the single glorious victory is that in 
which reason subdues passion and subjugates a rebellious flesh to itself. 
It is amazing to hear or read the things that Saint Jerome suffered long 
ago in the desert. I will cite the very words which he wrote to Eusto- 
chium, since there is no better way to tell you what happened, 

"How often," he says, "when I was living in the desert, in that 
lonely waste, scorched by the burning sun, which affords to hermits a 
savage dwelling-place, how often did I fancy myself surrounded by the 
pleasures of Rome! I used to sit alone; for I was filled with bitterness. 
My unkempt limbs were covered in shapeless sackcloth; my skin 
through long neglect had become as rough and black as an Ethiopian's. 
Tears and groans were every day my portion; and if sleep ever overcame 
my resistance and fell upon my eyes, I bruised my restless bones against 
the naked earth. Of food and drink I will not speak. Hermits have noth- 
ing but cold water even when they are sick, and for them it is sinful 
luxury to partake of cooked dishes. But though in my fear of hell I had 
condemned myself to this prison-house, where my only companions 



244 Sermo 9 

scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum, saepe choreis intereram"" puel- 
larum. Pallebant ora ieiuniis et mens desideriis aestuabat''^''^ in frigi- 
do corpora et ante hominem suum iam carne praemortua sola libidinum 
incendia'"' buUiebant. 

Itaque omni auxilio destitutus ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam lacri- 
mis, crine tergebam, et repugnantem carnem hebdomadarum inedia sub- 
iugabam. Non"'™'™ enim"""" erubesco confiteri infelicitatis meae 
miseriam, quin potius plango non esse quod fuerim. Memini me claman- 
tem diem crebro iunxisse cum nocte nec°°°° prius a pectoris cessasse 
verberibus, quam rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas. Ipsam quoque 
cellulam meam^P^P quasi cogitationum mearum consciam pertimesce- 
bam et mihimet iratus et rigidus solus deserta penetrabam. Sicubi con- 
cava vallium,'^*''^'' aspera montium,"" rupium praerupta cernebam, ibi 
meae orationis locus erat, illud miserrimae carnis ergastulum; et"" ut 
mihi testis est Dominus, post multas lacrimas, post caelo oculos inhaerentes 
nonnumquam videbar mihi interesse"^^ agminibus angelorum et laetus 
gaudensque cantabam: in odorem unguentorum tuorum currimus." 

Huiusmodi itaque secum et interius"""" pugnas ille^''^ substulit. 
Exterius vero et cum aliis ne utique expers fuit, sive quas intulit ipse, 
sive quas ab aliis passus est. Aemulos namque quos sibi sua^"^*"^*^ 
insignis virtus pepererat"™* usque adeo sensit inimicos, ut numquam 
cessarent donec^'''^ commentis variis urbe ubi magna veneratione 
habebatur eum pepulissent.^^^^ Erant enim nonnulli ex*^**^ clerico- 
rum monachorumque ordinibus qui suae professionis immemores parum 



'"' intereram] int? add. et del. Tp 

^^^^ aestuabat desideriis S Tp 

"" incendia] buUiebant . . . inedia om. S Tp 

"""" enim om. S 

~~ nee] ex al. litt. corr. S: om. Tp 

PPPP meam om. S Tp 

'N'N vallium] et add. C 

"" montium] rupri? add. et del. Ra 

"" et om. Ra 

'"' interesse] adh add. et del. (-h ras.) Ra 

'"""' interdum C 

""'"' ille om. S Tp 

wwww j^jj^ Q^ ^ Yp 

*'""' reperat 5 

^^^^ donee] eonventis? add et del. Tp 

"" repullissent 5 Ra 

»^ ex interL Ra 



Sermon 9 245 

were scorpions and wild beasts, I often found myself surrounded by 
bands of dancing girls. My face was pale with fasting; but though my 
limbs were cold as ice my mind was burning with desire, and the fires 
of lust kept bubbling up before me when my flesh was as good as dead. 

And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus' 
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if 
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I do not blush to 
confess my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now what once 
I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my wailings and 
ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned to me at the 
Lord's behest. I used to dread my poor cell as though it knew my secret 
thoughts. Filled with stiff anger against myself, I would make my way 
alone into the desert; and when I came upon some hollow valley or 
rough mountain or precipitous cliff, there I would set up my oratory, 
and make that spot a place of torture for my unhappy flesh. There 
sometimes also— the Lord Himself is my witness— after many a tear and 
straining of my eyes to heaven, I felt myself in the presence of the 
angelic hosts and in joy and gladness would sing: 'Because your anoint- 
ing oils are fragrant we run after you.' "^ 

Those are the sorts of battles, then, that this man waged within 
himself. That does not mean, however, that he never fought battles 
against external enemies; there were times when he started the fight and 
times when he suffered the aggression of others. For his remarkable 
virtue had produced a large group of jealous rivals, who eventually 
became so hostile that they never stopped spreading various lies about 
him in a city where he was held in high esteem until at last they suc- 
ceeded in driving him away. At that time, there were individuals in the 
ranks of the clergy and religious who led their lives with too little 



* Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select 
Letters of Saint Jerome, 67-69. 



246 Sermq 9 

decenter vitam agebant. Hi sustinere eum^^''^^ bene monentem non 
poterant, tantoque odio insecuti sunt'^'^'^'^'^ ut non aliter saluti eorum 
consul! posse sperarent quam si eis cederet. Qui tamen effugiens effugere 
ipsos non valuit. Nam etiam absentem et, ut ipse ait, latentem detrac- 
tionibus et maledictis perpetuis lacerabant. Quorum in suis scripturis 
meminit et obiurgando confutat, ne forsitan de malo opere sibi valde 
placerent.'*'^'*'^'^ 

Haereticos vero sponte^^*" insectatus est ubicumque terrarum esse 
ullum audierat. Cum eo pugnam calami scripturaeque consere- 
batjSsggg complures haereses et nascentes extinxit et antea natas extir- 
pavit, tantaeque erat auctoritatis et fidei ut nonnulli haereticorum post 
eius obitum^*^*^^^ libros quos ipsi'"" composuerant Hieronymo ascri- 
berent, quasi nemo ausurus esset improbare quod ipse comprobasset, 
sive forsitan ut convictus de haeresi qui vivens eos damnaverat ipse""' 
mortuus damnaretur. Sed deprehensis erroribus, certum erat non fuisse 
Hieronymi quod errorem'^''^'^^ in se aliquem contineret aut saperet. 
Pleraque etiam miraculo diiudicata sunt. 



^^^^^ eum sustinere C Ra 

"^ sunt] un? add. et del. Tp 

"^^ placeret C Tp> 

•**" sponte] insectatos add. et del. Tp 

''''' ullum esse S. nullum (ex nullus corr.) esse Tp 

***^ conserebat ex -bant corr. Ra 



hhhhh obitum eius Ra 
'"" ipsi ex ipse corr. Ra 
«'« ipse ex al. litt. corr. S 
kkkkk grrorum S 



Sermon 9 247 

regard for the profession that they had pubHcly made.^ Those men 
could not tolerate Jerome's salutary admonishment, and they pursued 
him with such venomous hatred that they were actually hoping that he 
could not assist their salvation unless he were to withdraw from their 
presence. Even though Jerome did leave the city, he was not able to 
leave their attacks behind.^ With their slanders and their relentless 
insults, they harassed him even though he was no longer there and, as he 
himself says, had gone into hiding/ He dealt with those men in his 
own writings and frustrated their efforts by rebuking them, lest they 
gain some lasting sense of satisfaction for their evil deeds. 

On his own initiative, moreover, he reproached the heretics no 
matter where on earth he heard they were present. He joined battle 
with them and fought them with reed-pen and script; he extinguished 
several heresies as they burst into flame and eradicated others even 
before they took root. As a matter of fact, Jerome had become such a 
reliable authority that, after his death, a few of the heretics attributed to 
his authorship books that they themselves had written. They acted on 
the assumption that no one would dare to disapprove what he himself 
had approved, or maybe they hoped that the one who had condemned 
them during his lifetime might be judged guilty of heresy and con- 
demned after his death.* But once the errors in those books were ex- 
posed, people were certain that Jerome was not their author. He could 
not be responsible for writing something that had errors of its own or 
cited something erroneous. Several cases were actually resolved by 
means of a miraculous intervention. 



* Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 22.28 [CSEL 54:185-86); and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, 
BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 17: ". . . sed dum quorundam clericorum et monachorum lasci- 
viam increparet cuius rei fiduciam a conscientiae puritate sumebat. . . ." 

' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 16.2 {CSEL 54:69): ". . . ita me incessabilis inimicus postergum 
secutus est, ut maiora in solitudine bella nunc patiar." 

^ The exact reference is uncertain. Cf. Hieronymus Vita Malchi 1 {PL 23:55: ". . . et si 
vituperatores mei saltem fugientem me et inclusum persequi desierint . . ."). 

* Works of Sabinianus, Origen, Pelagius, and Rufinus were attributed to Jerome; cf. Ps. 
Cyrillus, "Epistola de miraculis," 340-50 (re Sabinianus); and Rice, Saint Jerome in the Ren- 
aissance, 45-46. One may find an exhaustive list of works attributed to Jerome in Bernard 
Lambert, Bihliotheca Hieronymiana Manuscripta: La tradition manuscrite des oeuvres de saint 
Jerome, Instrumenta patristica 4 (Steenbrugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 1969-72), 3A-B (no. 
301-807); see esp. 3B:411-16, 433 (no. 504-7, 517), for works written against heretics. 



248 SERM0 9 

Nee minim vero immunem"'" fuisse eum ab erroribus quantum 
sinit humana fragilitas, qui tantae modestiae fuerit ut, cum doctissimus 
g^mmnunm ^^^^^ ^^ habcrctur dignusquc cunctorum iudicio summo 
sacerdotio crederetur, tamen""""" in disciplinam°°°**° se traderet. 
Urbe enim cedens Gregorio Nazianzeno discendi gratia conversatus est, 
cumque doctor plane ab omnibus^PPPP haberetur'^*'''*'*' denuo coe- 
pit esse discipulus, ac more Platonis, cum semper se ad addiscendum 
pauperem credidit, ad docendum se fecit locupletem. Vere itaque doctor 
evasit qui tam diu discere voluit, dum esset qui docere se posset. Non 
enim quod habebat sed magis quod deerat cogitabat, nee vero*^"" 
minus*"" ei""^ studium fuit meritis vitae ereseere quam laudibus di- 
seiplinae, sciens apud Deum mores magis quam""""" peritiam existi- 
mari multoque damnabilius eruditos peccare quam rudes. Itaque sic post- 
ea docuit, ut quod verbo monstrabat confirmaret^'^'^^ exemplo nee a 
vita discreparet oratio. 

Unde fuisse eum Deo acceptissimum tenor vitae suadet, et miracula 
quae per eum facere Dominus dignatus est confirmant. Quae quoniam 
multa magnaque se dieenti offerunt nee possibile est omnia attingere aut 
facile vel pauca narrare, narratione omissa, pro conelusione preces por- 
rigam Deo, ut meritis intereessioneque Sancti Hieronymi, cuius hodie 
festa celebramus, dignos nos gratia sua^"'^*'^'*'^*^ reddat, qui vivit et 
regnat per infinita saecula benedictus."™™ 



'"" vero immunem in ras. Ra 

mmmmm g^-| j^^^^^ 7^. ^^ ^ 



nnnnn ^^^^ 5 

°°°°° disciplinis S Tp {ex disciplina? corr.) 

ppppp plane ab omnibus] ab (h- add. et del.) omnibus plane Tp 

'****^ haberetur ex -entur corr. Ra 

"^ vero om. S Tp 

"^ minus] interl. S: om. Tp 

"*" eius S 

""""" quam] rudes add. et del. Ra 

"'*" confirmaretur 5 Tp 

wwwww jyj^j J ^j^ gj ^^i Yp 

"'"'" saecula benedictus] Amen add. Tp. Senis 1408 add. C: saecula saecxilorum Amen 
Deo gratias Ra 



Sermon 9 249 



It is really not that surprising that Jerome was immune from error to 
the extent that the imperfection of our nature allows, for he was an 
extremely modest person. Although he was so learned that he was 
worthy of the supreme pontificate and was universally considered to be 
such,^ he nevertheless decided that he had to get further training at that 
point in his life. He therefore left the city and went to live with Grego- 
ry of Nazianzus so that he could learn even more.^° At a moment 
when all clearly considered Jerome a master, he resumed the life of a 
disciple. After the manner of Plato, he became well endowed to teach 
because he always focused upon his need to learn. ^^ Truly, then, the 
one who for so long a time wished to learn, long enough to become the 
sort of person who could teach himself, turned out to be a skilled 
pedagogue. For he did not concentrate on what he possessed but what 
he still needed, and he was no less zealous to add to the merits of his life 
than he was to add to his reputation as a scholar. He knew that God's 
reckoning counts ethical behavior for more than scholarly expertise, and 
he appreciated that the learned deserve far greater blame for sinning 
than the uneducated. Therefore, he taught in such a way afterwards that 
he confirmed by his example what he emphasized in his speech, and he 

never advocated anything publicly that contradicted his own manner of 
life.^2 

The very quality of his life ought to convince us that God found 
Jerome most gratifying, and the miracles which the Lord deigned to 
work through him confirm us in that conviction. Since anyone who 
speaks on Jerome can choose from among many significant miracles and 
cannot possibly treat them all or easily rehearse even a few of them, I 
will omit their treatment. By way of conclusion, I will offer prayers to 
God, that by the merits and intercession of Saint Jerome, whose feast we 
celebrate today, God may render us worthy of his grace, the God who 
lives and reigns as blessed for ever and ever. 



' Hicronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). See also Sermon 1, n. 4 above. 

'° See Sermon 1, n. 5 above. 

" The precise reference is uncertain. See Sermon 1, n. 3 above. 

'^ Cf. Cato's description of the ideal orator (cited in authors like L. Annaeus Seneca 
Contr. l.Pr.9 and M. Fabius Quintilianus Inst 12.1.1): "vir bonus dicendi peritus"; and Hic- 
ronymus Ep. 23.2 {CSEL 54:212): ". . . comites suas plus exemplo docuisse quam verbo." 



Senno 10 pro Sancto Hieronymo 

Manuscript: C, fols. 157v-58v (fragm.). 



Veni ad vos, religiosi ac sancti viri, ut huius vestrae beatae conversa- 
tionis, qua favemini semper quaeque vobis est arra ac pignus quod- 
dam* futurae gloriae, aliquid gustarem simul et ut gloriosi Hieronymi 
laudes, cuius vitae imitatores facti estis, vobiscum hac die quae sollemnis 
est celebrarem. Sed vereor ne sensus mei saeculi voluptatibus infecti has 
veras delicias sentire non possint, ne ille, quem iubemur in Sanctis suis 
laudare, ex ore peccatoris emissas in se laudes abhorreat. Verum spero 
me vestris Sanctis precibus impetraturum et eius misericordia, qui nemi- 
nem repellit ad se venientem, ut utrumque mihi hodie liceat: ut et ve- 
strae pacis tantisper sim particeps et hoc anniversarium munus in 
commemoratione meritorum gloriosi Hieronymi volente Deo peragam. 
Scio vos quidem, fratres, abundantia caritatis quae in vobis est optare 
ut omne vestrum bonum mihi communicetis, ut omnis mihi gloria ve- 
stra pateat, Scio et illud pro magnitudine devotionis ac fidei vestrae ma- 



* quoddam in marg. C 



Sermon 10 for Saint Jerome 



I have come to you, religious and holy men, in order that I might taste 
something of your blessed fellowship, which you have always main- 
tained in silence and which thereby serves as a sort of down payment 
and a pledge on your behalves toward future glory. ^ I have also come 
in order that I might celebrate the praises of glorious Jerome with you 
on this day, which you mark as solemn because you have become 
imitators of his manner of life. But I fear that my senses may not be able 
to taste the essence of these delicacies because they are tainted by the 
pleasures of the world. Similarly, I fear that our God, whom we are 
ordered to praise in the saints, will shudder to hear such praises uttered 
in the divine presence from the mouth of a sinner.^ But I hope that 
your holy prayers and the mercy of God, who drives away no one 
coming to him, will allow me to succeed in realizing both of the desires 
I have brought with me today. I want to share in your peacefulness for 
some time, and, God willing, I want to fulfill my annual duty of com- 
memorating the merits of glorious Jerome. 

I know full well, brothers, that, from the abundance of charity you 
possess, you desire to communicate to me everything you have that is 
good, so that I benefit fully from the reputation you have acquired. I 
know as well that the intensity of your faith and devotion makes you 



' Cf. Eph. 1:14 ("pignus herediutis nostrae"); and Hieronymus Comm. in Ep. ad 
Ephesios 1:14 (PL 26:457-58). 

^ Cf. Ps. 150:1 ("Laudate Dominum in Sanctis suis,") and Eccli. 15:9 ("Non est speciosa 
laus in ore peccatoris,") the latter cited in Hieronymus Ep. 147.3 (CSEL 56:318). 



252 SERMO 10 

gnopere desiderare vos, ut hac die qua gloriosus Sanctus Hieronymus 
terrena*^ miseria in caelestem gloriam migravit, sicut ipsi memoriam ex 
officio facitis, ita et laudes eius perpetuo sermone cognoscatis. Sed 
utrumque quantum Dominus dederit assequemur. Ego enim, cum haec 
silvestria loca video procul ab urbana frequentia, cum hunc vestrum con- 
ventum secretum ab occupationibus saeculi, conversationem vestram in 
humilitate ac silentio, assiduitatem in divinis officiis, continent iam in 
omni vita considero, magnam ipse mihi voluptatem capio ac simul indu- 
cor ut illius temporis quod Hieronymus in deserto cum Sanctis fratribus 
exegit reminiscar. Ubi (quod'* attinet commemorare) quantae austeritatis 
vitam duxerit, quantum bonae patientiae fru<c> tum messuerit, ipse 
sibi testis est, qui et errare de propriis rebus non potuit et mentiri 
noluit, in* ea epistola, quam ad Eustochium scribit de virginitate servan- 
da. Eius referam verba quae mihi quotienscumque de hac re sermo fit 
semper ab origine repetuntur. "O quotiens," inquit, "in ilia vasta soli- 
tudine quae exusta solis ardoribus horridum monachis praestabat habita- 
culum (et cetera)," 

Scio nunc vos, si quis est vestrum qui aut propter aetatem aut pro- 
pter valitudinem aut aliam quamlibet causam de solito vitae rigore sibi 
aliquid remittit, angi nunc et compungi in animo suo, cum audit mona- 
chos illos (ut Hieronymum taceam cuius austeritas vitae miraculum est 
et mihi stupori)— illos, inquam, Hieronymi discipulos in vasta atque hor- 
rida solitudine habitantes nihil solitos coctum manducare, omnes aquam 
potare usos, ac ne languentibus quidem delicatioris quicquam consuetu- 



"^ scripsi: aetema C 
^ scripsi: quid C 
' In ex ine? corr. C 



Sermon 10 253 



yearn to call Jerome to mind as you recite the office and learn his claims 
to distinction as you hear an uninterrupted sermon on this day when 
Saint Jerome gloriously departed from earthly misery for heavenly 
splendor. But we will achieve both of those desires to the extent that 
God has granted it. As a matter of fact, when I look around this wooded 
setting far removed from the crowds of the city, when I see this gather- 
ing of yours sheltered from the business of the world, your fellowship 
in humble silence, your dedication to divine duties, when I consider the 
chastity you have kept throughout your lives, I find myself touched by 
a deep sense of admiration,' and at the same time I am led to reminisce 
about the time that Jerome spent with the holy brothers in the desert. 
It is relevant to recall now the severe asceticism of the life he led there, 
the considerable fruit he harvested through his admirable patience. Je- 
rome could not make a mistake when he was speaking about his own 
experience, and he had no intention of lying. He gave explicit testimony 
about that time in the letter he wrote to Eustochium to advise her on 
ways to protect her virginity. I will refer to his own words which I 
always cite from the original source when I deliver a sermon on this 
subject. "Oh, how often," he says, "when I was living in that lonely 
waste, scorched by the burning sun, which affords to hermits a savage 
dwelling-place (etc.)."^ 

If there is anyone among you who has softened the customary rigor 
of your way of life because of age or health problems or another reason 
of that sort, I am sure that he is now troubled and stung in the depth of 
his soul upon hearing that those monks (I will pass Jerome over in 
silence because the austerity of his life is a miracle that never ceases to 
amaze me)— those disciples of Jerome, I was saying, dwelt in that lonely 
and savage waste, were accustomed to eat nothing that had been cooked, 
drank water on all occasions,^ and did not even permit any lessening of 



' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 2.1 {CSEL 54:10): "Quam, quam vellem nunc vestro interesse 
conventui et admirandum consortium, licet isti oculi non mereantur aspicere, tota cum 
exultatione complecti!" Jerome addressed the letter to Theodosius and his fellow anchorites, 
and he admitted that his sins kept him from becoming a member of their blessed society 
{consortio beatorum). 

* Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select 
Letters of Saint Jerome, 67. 

^ Jerome's text actually speaks of frigid water. Vergerio may therefore be referring to 
the custom among monks in his day to drink wine on special occasions. 



254 SerMO 10 

dinis permitti solitum. Quod si ita est, quid mihi faciendum est misero? 
qui saeculo implicitus nee praeteritorum culpam peccatorum nee futuri 
poenam iudicii metuo,^ sed errores impunitate sua nutrio negligensque 
paenitentiae deterior in dies fio. Verum ea una res me eonsolatur et ad 
spem erigit, quoniam seio maiorem esse miserieordiam Dei mei quam 
peeeantium omnium iniquitatem. Spero itaque quod, qui me nihil 
entem, nihil sentientem ereavit, idem quoque me volentem ae se depre- 
cantem salvabit. 

Vos autem, viri saneti, qui iam arram tenetis aeternae felicitatis, nihil 
est ut eommoveamini eum haee auditis aut legitis. Ut enim non omnia 
omnibus nosci, sed nee omnibus omnia posse eoneessum est. Varia 
namque sunt gratiarum munera, ut apostolus ait, neque omnia uni nisi 
divino illi atque ineommutabili verbo eontingerunt. Suseipientes igitur 
quod datum est vobis eum gratiarum actione, de reliquo eontristari 
oportet, nihil quidem praesumentes de vobis sed omnia de divina boni- 
tate sperantes, quae dat omnibus abundanter et non improperat, unicui- 
que autem secundum capacitatem eius et secundum [et secundum] 
dispositionem incomprehensibilis providentiae suae. Cum enim in ilia 
quasi adoleseentia fidei nostrae undique pullularent errores, qui tam- 
quam spinae teneram segetem suffoearent, opus fuit ut sollieitum ac 
fortem eolonum agro suo Deus immitteret et^ 



' metuo ex medtuo corr. C 

' scripsi: nosce C 

* "<sua>sionis? multum <habe>t?" in marg. C 



Sermon 10 255 



this severe regime if one were sick. If that was the case, what is a wretch 
like me to do? Until now, I have been engaged in worldly affairs, and 
yet I fear neither the guilt that has accumulated for my past sins nor the 
punishment that will be meted out at a future judgment. Rather, I 
multiply my sins through a misguided sense of my own impunity, and 
I become worse by the day because I fail to repent. Still, there is one 
thing that consoles me and encourages me to have hope: I know that the 
mercy of my God is greater than the iniquity of all sinners. Thus, I 
hope that the same God, who brought me into existence and gave me 
consciousness and feeling, will also save me since I wish and pray for it. 
However, it serves no good purpose for you, holy men, who have 
already made a deposit toward eternal happiness, to be anxious when 
you hear or read these things. As we all are not granted the power to 
know everything, nor are we all granted the power to do everything.^ 
As a matter of fact, the ministries that fall to us vary according to the 
graces given, as the apostle says,'' and all of those ministries fall to no 
single individual except to the divine and immutable Word. Therefore, 
while you accept what has been given to you with a sense of gratitude, 
you may reasonably be expected to feel a certain regret about the rest, 
as long as you do not rely in any way on yourselves but hope for all 
things from the divine goodness, which gives to all abundantly and re- 
proaches no one. God bestows gifts to each individual, however, accord- 
ing to the capacities of the individual and according to the dispositions 
of a providence that we will never fully understand. For instance, when 
errors were sprouting up everywhere in the adolescent years of our 
faith's development and they were suffocating the young crop the way 
that thorns do,^ it was necessary that God send into his field a tireless 
and courageous farmer and 



* Cf. P. Virgilius Maro Eel. 8.63 ("non omnia possumus omnes"), cited in Hieronymus 
Ep. 52.9 {CSEL 54:431). 

' Cf. 1 Cor. 12:4; Rom. 12:6. 
" Cf. Man. 13:7. 



Part VI 

Bibliographical Aids 



CHAPTER 10 

The Library of 
Pierpaolo Vergerio 



Budapest, University Library (Eotvos Lorand Tudomany 
Egyetem Konyvtara), cod. Lat. 23 

Cart. s. XV (in.), Italy. 192 X 130 mm. 108 fols. Single column. Written 
in "Bastarda Italica" (fol. 108v: notes by various hands in Latin, Greek, 
and Slavonic). Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in red leather. 
Contents: Misc. humanistica 

1 (fols. 1-104) Anon., Grammatica Latina (inc: Nota quod grammatica 

est scientia) 

2 (fol. 104) Anon., Ep. (dated Constance, 1414) (fragm.) (fols. 105-8) 

blank 

History: Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph note from 1440 on fol. 108). 
Matthias Corvinus. Siileyman II (Istanbul). Returned to University 
Library in Budapest by Abdul Hamid II in 1877. 

Bibliography: Ladislaus Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi Bibliothecae 
Universitatis Budapestinensis (Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1961), 41; 
Csaba Csapodi, The Corvinian Library: History and Stock, Studia hu- 
manitatis: Veroffentlichungen der Arbeitsgruppe fiir Renaissance- 
forschung 1 (Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1973), 422 (no. 835); G. L. 
Bursill-Hall,y4 Census of Medieval Latin Grammatical Manuscripts, Gram- 
matica speculativa 4 (Stuttgart: Frommann-Holzboog, 1981), 45; Iter 
4:287b; and Klara Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Johannes Vitez, 
Studia humanitatis: Veroffentlichungen der Arbeitsgruppe fiir Renais- 
sanceforschung 6 (Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1984), 26-27. 



260 CHAPTER 10 



Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Auct. F.I. 14 

Membr. s. XIV (ex.), Italy. 346 X 248 mm. 162 fols. Written in "early 

Gothico-antiqua." Original gilded binding in red leather for Matthias 

Corvinus. Initials (north Italian). 

Contents: L. Annaeus Seneca, Tragoediae 

History: Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph glosses). loannes Vitez (auto- 
graph glosses). Matthias Corvinus (arms). Siileyman II (Istanbul). 
Presented to Oxford in 1608 by Sir Henry Lillo, consul of the 
English merchants in Istanbul. 

Bibliography: Falconer Madan, A Summary Catalogue of Western Manu- 
scripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford . . . (Oxford: Clarendon 
Press, 1895-1953), 2.1:390 (no. 2481.599); Csaba Csapodi, Klara 
Csapodi-Gardonyi, and Tibor Szanto, eds., Bibliotheca Corviniana: 
The Library of King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary (Shannon: Irish 
Univ. Press, 1969), 62 (no. 101, Plate 55); Csapodi, The Corvinian 
Library^ 352 (no. 590); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des 
Vitez, 13-lA, 134-35 (no. 96, Plate 67). 

Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 6390 
Membr. s. XIV, northern Italy. 315 X 220 mm. 136 fols. Written in 
"Gothic minuscule" by a loannes. Initials (Lombardy?). 
Contents: L. Annaeus Seneca et Ps. Seneca, Opera^ 

1 Ps. Seneca, De remediis fortuitorum 

2 L. Annaeus Seneca, De septem liberalibus artibus <Ep. 88 > 

3 Ps. Seneca / Martinus de Braga, De quattuor virtutibus 

4 Proverbia Senecae 

5 Ps. Seneca, Liber de moribus 

6 L. Annaeus Seneca, De beneficiis 

7 Seneca, De providentia Dei 

8 Seneca, De beata vita 

9 Seneca, Liber de tranquillitate animi 

10 Seneca, De brevitate vitae 

1 1 Seneca, De ira 

12 Seneca, De consolatione libri tres 

13 Seneca, De quaestionibus naturalibus 

14 Verba Ecclesiastae filii David regis 



' In general, see Gilles Gerard Meersseman, "Seneca maestro di spiritualita nei suoi 
opuscoll apocrifi dal XH al XV secolo," IMU 16 (1973): 43-58, 92-100. 



Vergerio's Library 261 



15 L. Annaeus Seneca, De dementia ad Neronem 

History: Possessor's note (fol. 136v: "lacobi Parleonis iuris doctoris Ari- 
minensis"). Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph glosses on fols. 69, 83, 93, 
95). loannes Vitez (autograph glosses on fols. 13v, 94). Matthias Cor- 
vinus. Siileyman II (Istanbul). Paris. 

Bibliography: Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae 
(Paris, 1739-44), 4:237-38; Leopold-Victor Delisle, Le cabinet des 
manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale . . . (1868-81; repr., Amster- 
dam: Philo Press, 1969), 1:297-98; Csapodi et al., eds., Bibliotheca 
Corviniana, 63 (no. 104, Plate 60); Csapodi, The Corvinian Library y 
352 (no. 591); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des ViteZy 25-26, 
135 (no. 97, Plate 69). 

Trent, Museo Provinciale d'Arte, cod. W.43 (Inventory no. 1594) 

(described by Csapodi-Gardonyi as an exact copy of Oxford 

Bodl. Auct. F.I. 14, including initials by the same artist) 

Membr. s. XIV (ex.), Italy. Initials. 

Contents: L. Annaeus Seneca, Tragoediae 

History: Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph glosses). loannes Vitez and the 
Cathedral Library of Esztergom (Gran). Johann Beckensloer and the 
Cathedral Library of Salzburg (cod. lb). Vienna (cod. Lat. 43). Trent. 

Bibliography: Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum praeter Graecos et Orien- 
tales in Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi Asservatorum (Vienna, 
1864-99), 1:6; Ezio Franceschini, "Glosse e commenti medievali a 
Seneca tragico," Studi e note di filologia latina medievale, Pubblica- 
zioni dell'Universita Cattolica del Sacro Cuore (S. Quarta): Scienze 
filologiche 30 (Milan, 1938), 103-4; Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek 
des Vitez, 24, 134-35 (no. 96, Plate 68); and Iter 6:232a-b, 233b 
(where Kristeller corrects errors in Csapodi-Gardonyi's references).^ 

Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 100 

Membr. in fol. 1338, Italy. 290 X 210 mm. 95 fols. Written in "Gothic 

minuscule." Late Hungarian binding. Floriated initials. 

Contents: M. Annaeus Lucanus, Pharsaliorum libri X 

History: according to the colophon on fol. 95, the codex was copied 



^ A parchment copy of Seneca's Tragoediae, copied in 1395 and glossed by Francesco 
Zabarella, is now preserved in Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. Xn.26 
(3906); see Iter 2:240b-41a. 



262 CHAPTER 10 



originally by Martino da Trieste in 1338: "Millesimo CCC XXX 
VIII hoc opus factum fuit per Martinum de Trieste in scholis magi- 
stri Bonaventurae scriptoris de Verona." Pierpaolo Vergerio (auto- 
graph notes). loannes Vitez (autograph notes) and the Cathedral Li- 
brary of Esztergom (Gran). Johann Beckensloer and the Cathedral 
Library of Salzburg (cod. 3d). Vienna. 
Bibliography: Stephanus Endlicher, Catalogus Codicum Philologicorum La- 
tinorum Bibliothecae Palatinae Vindobonensis (Vienna, 1836), 89 (no. 
186); Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum, 1:15; Franz Unterkircher, 
Die datierten Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek bis 
zum Jahre 1400, vol. 1 of Katalog der datierten Handschriften in latei- 
nischer Schrift in Osterreich (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen 
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1969), 17-18; and Csapodi-Gardonyi, 
Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 25, 117 (no. 65, Plate 51). 

Ibid., cod. Lat. 3099 

Cart. s. XIV (ex.)-XV. 409 X 290 mm. 296 fols. Two columns. Written 

in "Gothico-antiqua." 

Contents: Titus Livius, Historiarum decades tres: /., ///,, IV. (fols. 290-96) 
blank 

History: Possessor's note: "Sibi et suis omnibus. VF." Pierpaolo Ver- 
gerio (autograph notes). loannes Vitez (autograph notes in red ink). 
Matthias Corvinus(?). From Buda to Vienna in 1686. 

Bibliography: Endlicher, Catalogus Codicum Philologicorum Latinorum, 
45-46 (no. 92); Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum, 2:196; Csapodi, 
The Corvinian Library, 277-78 (no. 406); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die 
Bibliothek des Vitez, 25, 113-14 (no. 57, Plate 41). 

Ibid., cod. Lat. 4229 
Membr. s. XV (in.), Italy (Bologna). 308 X 213 mm. 395 fols. Written in 
"Gothic minuscule." Ornamentation. 
Contents: 

1 (fols. l-177v) Lapo da Castiglionchio, Allegationes abbreviatae per 

Antonium de Butrio (fols. 178-79) blank 

2 (fols. 180-395v) Gulielmus de Holborch, Collectio conclusionum, deter- 

minationum, et decisionum Rotae ab anno 1376 usque ad annum 1381 
(inc: Prima est quod attemptata) 

History: Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph glosses on fols. 3v, 5, 8, 11.^). 
loannes Vitez and the Cathedral Library of Esztergom (Gran). 



Vergerio's Library 263 



Bibliography: Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum, 3:211; and Csapodi- 
Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, lb-Id, 111 (no. 55, Plate 38). 

? Budapest, University Library, cod. Lat. 15 

Membr. s. XIII/XIV, Italy (Bologna). 330 X 230 mm. I + 46. Two 
columns. Written in "Gothica textualis formata rotunda." Nineteenth- 
century Turkish binding in leather. 
Contents: (fols. 1-44) Albucasis, Chyrurgia translatio Latina Gerardus 

Cremonensis 
History: Conversino da Frignano?^ Pierpaolo Vergerio? Matthias Corvi- 
nus. Siileyman II (Istanbul). Returned to University Library in Buda- 
pest by Abdul Hamid II in 1877. 
Bibliography: Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 34; Csapodi, The Cor- 
vinian Library, 121 (no. 18); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek 
des Vitez, 17. 

? Ibid., cod. Lat. 16 
Membr. s. XIV, Italy (Bologna). 290 X 205 mm. 58 fols. Two columns. 
Written in "Gothica textualis formata rotunda in littera Bononiensi." 
Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in leather. 
Contents: Misc. philosophica 

1 (fols. 1-52) Aristoteles, Physica 

2 (fols. 54-58v) Averroes, De substantia orbis 

History: Pierpaolo Vergerio? Matthias Corvinus. Siileyman II (Istanbul). 
Returned to University Library in Budapest by Abdul Hamid II in 
1877. 

Bibliography: Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 34-35; George Lacombe 
and Lorenzo Minio Paluello, eds., Aristoteles Latinus: Codices (Rome: 
La Libreria dello Stato, and Cambridge: Typis Academiae, 1939-55), 
2:865 (no. 1250); Csapodi, The Corvinian Library, 139 (no. 63); Iter 
4:287b; and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 17 n. 67. 

? Ibid., cod. Lat. 17 

Cart, and Membr. 1449-51,'^ Italy (Venice). 333 X 235 mm. 173 fols. 



' Csapodi, The Corvinian Library, 121, suggests that the codex was moved from the 
Royal Court at Naples to that of King Louis the Great of Hungary (1342-82). Louis then 
gave it to his physician Conversino. 

* The colophon on fol. 145v reads "Finit liber posteriorum Aristotelis cum eiusdem 
sententiae explanatione . . . Pauli Veneti . . . expeditus per < ras. > die quinta mensis 



264 CHAPTER 10 



Two columns. Ornamentation. Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in 

leather. 

Contents: Misc. philosophica 

1 (fols. l-145v) Paolo Veneto, In II. Posteriorum Analyticorum Aristotelis 

expositio (fols. 146-47) blank 

2 (fols. 147v-48) Tabulae festorum mobilium et numerorum aureorum de 

anno 1432 ad annum 1564 (fols. 148v-53v) blank 

3 (fols. 154-58) Egidio Romano, OESA, De intellectus possihilis plurali- 

tate contra Averroistas 

4 (fols. 159-60v) Egidio Romano, OESA, Sollemnis quaestio . . . quid sit 

medium in demonstratione potissima 

5 (fols. 160v-63v) <Ps. Thomas de Aquino >, De demonstratione (fol. 

164) blank 

6 (fols. 164v-67) Antonio da Parma, OESA, Quaestio disputata de unitate 

intellectus 

7 (fols. 167v-72v) Alanus ab Insulis, O. Cist., De arte fidei Catholicae 

(abbrev.) (fol. 172v) "Hie infra describitur qualis et quanta fuit sta- 
tura et effigies corporis domini nostri lesu Christi." 

History: Pierpaolo Vergerio? Matthias Corvinus. Barnabas Trainatus?^ 
Siileyman II (Istanbul). Returned to University Library in Budapest 
by Abdul Hamid II in 1877. 

Bibliography: Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 35-37; Lacombe and 
Minio Paluello, eds., Aristoteles Latinus: Codices, 2:865 (no. 1251); 
Csapodi, The Corvinian Library, 430 (no. 874); Iter 4:288a; and 
Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 27 n. 67. 

? Ibid., cod. Lat. 20 
Membr. s. XIV-XV, Italy. 250 X 185 mm. II + 89. Single column. 
Written in "Gothica textualis formata rotunda." Two hands. Initials. 
Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in green leather. 
Contents: Misc. humanistica 
1 (fols. l-76v) M. Tullius Cicero, De amicitia; De senectute; De officiis 



Septembris 1449 hora quinta de maci <sic> ." The colophon on fol. 167v reads "Quaestio 
edita ab eruditissimo . . . Antonio de Parma die 24 Septembris 1451." The ubles on fols. 
147v-48 were probably added later. 

* Csapodi, The Corvinian Library, 430, cites Maria Kubinyi, who copied a possessor's 
note from the original binding: "Hie liber est magistri Bamabae Trainati artium et medi- 
cinae doctoris, qui emit in . . . Cipri a serenissimo Benedicto de . . . regiae cancellariae 1497 
(1491?) 17a Februarii." 



Ver^erio's Library 265 



2 (fols. 76v-79v?) M. Tullius Cicero, Somnium Scipionis 

3 (fols. 80-82v) M. Tullius Cicero, Pro Milone 1-3 (expl: an est quisquam 

qui hoc) 

4 Ps. Cicero, Rhetorica ad Herennium 3.11-19 (expl: pronuntiationem 

bonam id perficere) 

5 (fols. 86v-88v?) < Ps. > Bernardus, Ep. paraenetica ad dominum Rai- 

mundum 

6 (fol. 88 v) < Ps. Phalaris > , Ad Demotelem Ep. translatio Latina loannes 

Aurispa (inc: Monitus tuos)^ 

History: Shield of Castellini (Castiglione.'*) family (fol. 1). Pierpaolo Ver- 
gerio?^ Matthias Corvinus? Siileyman II (Istanbul). Returned to Uni- 
versity Library in Budapest by Abdul Hamid II in 1877. 

Bibliography-. Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 39; Csapodi, The Corvi- 
nian Library, 185-86 (no. 182); Iter 4:288a; and Csapodi-Gardonyi, 
Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 93 (no. 24, Plate 14). 

? Ibid., cod. Lat. 26 

Membr. s. XV (1), Italy. 205 X 135 mm. I + 59. Single column. Written 

in "Humanistica bastarda." Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in red 

leather. 

Contents: Plutarchus, Aristides et Cato Maior translatio Latina Franciscus 
Barbarus 

History: Pierpaolo Vergerio? Matthias Corvinus? Siileyman 11 (Istanbul). Re- 
turned to University Library in Budapest by Abdul Hamid 11 in 1877. 

Bibliography: Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 43; Csapodi, The Corvi- 
nian Library, 'hl7 (no. 527); Iter 4:287b; and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die 
Bibliothek des Vitez, 27 n. 67. 

? Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 7881 
Membr. s. XIV (ex.), northern Italy. 346 X 236 mm. 84 fols. Two 
columns. Binding of the Royal Library. 



* See Barbara A. Shailor, Marston Manuscripts, vol. 3 of Catalogue of Medieval and Renais- 
sance Manuscripts in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, Medi- 
eval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 100 (Binghamton, N.Y., 1992), 195 (no. 12). Aurispa 
had a codex with the Greek text of Arrian that may have served Vergerio for his Latin 
translation; see Epist., 381n. 

' Among the books that Francesco Zabarella left to Vergerio, there is a volume with 
Cicero, De amicitia, De senectute, Orationes. See Agostino Sottili, "La questione ciceroniana 
in una lettera di Francesco Zabarella a Francesco Petrarca (tav. TV)," Quademi per la storia 
dell'Universita di Padova 6 (1973): 37-38. 



266 CHAPTER 10 



Contents: 

1 (fols. l-80v) Homerus, Iliad translatio Latina Leontius Pilatus (inc: 

Iram cane dea Pelidis Achillis) 

2 (fol, 80v) Epigrammata Homerica (inc: Viri ab Archadia) 

History: Pierpaolo Vergerio or Francesco Zabarella? Library of Jean- 
Baptiste Colbert (no. 1123). Royal Library (no. 5071.3). 

Bibliography: Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae, 
4:409; and Agostino Pertusi, Leonzio Pilato fra Petrarca e Boccaccio: 
Le sue versioni omeriche negli autograft di Venezia e la cultura greca 
del primo umanesimo, Civilta veneziana: Studi 16 (Venice and Rome: 
Istituto per la Collaborazione Culturale, 1964), 148-49 (Plate 25).^ 

? Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 4792 
Cart. 1449?, Italy? Netherlands? 423 X 290 mm. II + 129. Two columns. 
Written in "Gothica textualis." Oversize initials (north Italian). Hunga- 
rian Renaissance binding in leather. 
Contents: Franciscus de Maironis, Quaestiones super primo libro 

Sententiarum (fragm. at beginning) 
History: Possessor's note (fol. 1): "liber fratris Michaelis emptus Paduae 
novem ducatis." Pierpaolo Vergerio?^ loannes Vitez (note on fol. 
128v: "Deo gratias, finivi repetendo die ultimo Octobris 1463. Z. 
Inceperam autem repetere < anno del. > eodem anno in festo Beati 
Gregorii."). From Buda to Vienna in 1686. 
Bibliography: Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum, 3:389; Unterkircher, D?e 
datierten Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek von 
1401 bis 1450, vol. 2 of Katalog der datierten Handschriften in latei- 
nischer Schrift in Osterreich (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen Aka- 
demie der Wissenschaften, 1971), 115; Csapodi, The Corvinian Li- 
brary, 225 (no. 277); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 
25-26, 103 (no. 39, Plate 27). 



' Pertusi, Leonzio Pilato, 149-50, suggests that the scribe who wrote fols. 1-12 and added 
interlinear and marginal notes throughout the codex may be Vergerio, but he admits that 
there are differences between letters like minuscule s and r in this codex and in Vergerio's 
autograph in Marc. lat. XrV.54 (4328), fol. lOlr-v. I would add that there are differences in 
minuscule b, g, h, I as well. Pertusi, ibid., 125-31, finds that the same hand made notes in 
Pilato's autograph of the Odyssey, now Marc. gr. IX.29 (1007), and in this case suggests that 
the scribe may be Francesco Zabarella. 

' The identification of Vergerio's hand in this codex poses problems because the codex 
has a date of 1449 at the end; the best evidence indicates that Vergerio died at Buda in 1444. 
Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 25-26, therefore suggested that Vergerio may 
not have died in 1444 or, more likely, that the date was added later to the codex. 



CHAPTER 11 



Pierpaolo Vergerio, 
Opera: A Finding-List^ 



1 . Adhortatio adfideles nomine summi pontificis facta pro unione ecclesiae 
(inc: Popule meus, popule meus) Rome, 1407 

Manuscript: 

Capodistria, Archivio Gravisi-Barbabianca, unnumbered cod., fol. 94 

(destroyed in World War II) 
Edition: 
Leonardo Smith, Epist.y 305-7 n. 1. 

2. Alegabilia dicta collecta ex Thymaeo Platonis (Calcidius, trans., 
Timaeus. Edited by loannes Wrobel, 42, 44A-45B, 47, 48C-E, 5 IE) 
(inc: Esse autem naturam hominis) Capodistria, 1388 
Manuscript: 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.54 (4328), fol. 

lOlr-v (autograph) {Iter 2:264a) 
Edition: 
Facsimile (fol. lOlv) in Epist., Tav. II (facing page 24). 



' There are verses by "Publius" Vergerio in Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. IV.F.19, fol. 
165v. Manuscripts with excerpts from the works of Vergerio include Marburg, UnivB., cod. 
80, fols. 122V-23; Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 18611, fols. 47-48v; and Venice, Bibl. Na- 
zionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. Xn.8 (4161), fol. 11 (inc: Habet enim potentum eruditio). 
Among the books that Alberto Pio da Carpi sent out for binding on 10 August 1499, there 
were writings of "Paulo Vergerio"; see Iter 5:525b, where Kristeller cites Carpi, Bibl. Comu- 
nale, cod. Archivio Pio, filza 2, no. 94. 



268 CHAPTER 11 

3. Arrianus, Flavius. Anabasis, Indica translatio Latina (inc: 
Quaecumque quidem Ptolomaeus Lagi) with a preface to Emperor 
Sigismund (inc: lussisti me Sigismunde) Buda, 1433-37 

a, PPV translation (dedicated to Emperor Sigismund): 
Manuscripts: 

Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler, cod. 1.9893-9894, fols. Iff. (with 

preface to Sigismund) {Iter 3:117b) 
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fols. 12v-13 

(preface to Sigismund) {Iter 6:130a-31b) 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. 1203, part 1, 27 0-7 \ (preface to 

Sigismund) 
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1302, fols. l-162v (with 

preface to Sigismund) {Iter 3:289a) 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol. 

22r-v (preface to Sigismund) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 84v-85v (preface to 

Sigismund) 
Editions: 
Apostolo Zeno, Dissertazioni Vossiane, 1:54 (Preface). Venice, 1752- 

53. 
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 84-85 (Preface). Venice, 1887. 
Leonardo Smith, Epist, 379-84 (Preface, Ep. 139). 

b. Revised version of Bartolomeo Facio (dedicated to Alfonso V of 
Aragon): 

Manuscripts: 

El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San Lorenzo, cod. N.n.2 (Stadter, 
CTC, 3:11) 

Naples, Bibl. Governativa dei Gerolamini, cod. S.M. XXVin.1-37 
{Iter 1:396a, 2:545b) 

Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.G.I {Iter 1:401b, 6:103b) 

Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fols. 13v-14 (pre- 
face to Alfonso) {Iter 6:130a-31b) 

Piacenza, Bibl. Comunale Passerini-Landi, cod. Landi 176 (/rer 2:69b) 

Vatican City, BAV, cod. Urb. lat. 415 (Stornajolo, Codices Urhinates 
Latini, 1:427) 

Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5268 {Iter 2:332b) 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), 
fol. 86r-v (preface to Alfonso) 



opera: A Finding-List 269 



Editions: 

Arrianus de rebus gestis Alexandri regis quern Latinitate donavit Bar- 
tholomaeus Facius. Pesaro, 1508. Basel, 1539. Lyon, 1552. Berne 
and Basel, 1554. 

4. Carmen ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria (inc: Carriger nobis 
pater) Padua, November 1402 
Manuscripts: 
London, University of London, cod. 288 (formerly Phillipps 9184), 

<fols. 52-53v> (/fer 4:216b) 
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. D 223 inf., fols. 173-74 {Iter 1:284b) 
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 78, fol. 76v (in marg.) 

(Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 345-60, / codici del Petrarca, 197-212 

[no. 873) 
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, lat. 126, fol. 64v (Coxe, Codices Grae- 

cos et Latinos Canonicianos Complectens, 163-64) 
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 188-89 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 108-10 
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 36-38 

Turin, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. H.III.8, fol. 202 {Iter 2:lSU-h) 
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 5223, fol. 55v {Iter 2:372b-73a) 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fol. 

94r-v (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 53r-v 
Vicenza, Bibl. Comunale Bertoliana, cod. 7.1.31, fols. 152-52(bis)v 

{Iter 2:302a) 
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3481, fols. 26v-27v {Tabu- 
lae Codicum Manuscriptorum 2:306-7) 
Editions: 

Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, Id-.lAl. 
Edoardo Alvisi, Ugo Brilli, and Tommaso Casini, Ode saffica di Pier 

Paolo Vergerio, il vecchio, per il ritomo dei Carraresi in Padova. 

Rome, 1888: "Per le nozze Chiarini-Pelaez." 
Tommaso Casini, "Notizie e documenti per la storia della poesia ita- 

liana: Tre nuovi rimatori del trecento," Il Propugnatore, n.s., 1, 

no. 2 (1888): 352-55. 



270 CHAPTER 11 

5. Carmen Francisco Zabarellae (inc: Omnia iam dudum cum sint) 
Padua, 1400 

Manuscripts: 

Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 196, fol. 230 (Iter 2:9b) 

Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1223, 160 

Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fol. 77 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XII.50 (4376), fol. 

103v (Zorzanello, Catalogo del codici latini, 2:135-37) 
Washington, D. C, Library of Congress, cod. Phillipps 5819, fol. 

102 {Iter 5:418b-19a) 
Editions: 

Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:241D-E. 
Leonardo Smith, Epist., 367 n. 1. 

6. De arte metrica (with Francesco Zabarella) (inc: Penes omne sae- 
culum ingenti praeconio) Padua, 1395 

Manuscript: 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIIL41 (4729), fols. 
1-52 

Edition: 

Remigio Sabbadini, "La metrica e prosodia latina di Francesco Zaba- 
rella," La Biblioteca delle scuole italiane, n.s., 9-10 (1904), no. 2 
(15 gennaio): 3-5; no. 12 (15 giugno): 5-8 (excerpt.) 

7. De dignissimo funebri apparatu in exequiis clarissimi omnium principis 
Francisci Senioris de Carraria (inc: Soleo saepe maiorum nostrorum) 
Padua, November 1393 

Manuscripts: 

Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XIL22, fols. 90-97 

Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22), fols. 29- 

36v 
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. Gia Viennesi lat. 57 (Vindob. 3160), 

fols. 146ff. {Iter 1:437b, 3:59a-b) 
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly 

Phillipps 9627), fols. 94v-100 {Iter 5:291a; Dutschke, Census, 

194-97 [no. 77]) 
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 160b-64 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 263-69 
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 59-66 
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 85-90v 



opera: A Finding-List 271 



Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 3-8v 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols. 

156-59 (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.239 (4500), fols. 30-36v 
Edition: 
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:189A-94A. 

De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis adulescentiae (inc: Franciscus 

senior avus tuus) Padua, 1402-3 

Manuscripts: 

Augsburg, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. n.Lat.l.quarto.33, fols. 71- 
91v {Iter 3:571a) 

Basel, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. O.III.23, fol. 234v (fragm.) {Iter 
5:78b-79a) 

Beauvais, Bibl. de la Ville, cod. 14, fols. Iff. {Catalogue general: 
Departements, 3:326-27) 

Bergamo, Bibl. Civica, cod. Delta 11.15, fols. 37v-101 {Iter 1:9b) 

Ibid., cod. Delta V.20, fols. 139v-45 {Iter 1:11a) 

Ibid., cod. Delta VI.33 {Iter 1:12a) 

Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, cod. Hamilton 397, fols. l-42v 
{Iter 3:365a) 

Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, cod. Lat. 
quarto 239, fols. 251-61v {Iter 3:486b-87a) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. quarto 468, fols. 53v-71v {Iter 3:489a) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. octavo 32, fols. 97-124 {Iter 3:479b) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. octavo 108 {Iter 3:479b) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. octavo 195 (formerly Phillipps 9212) {Iter 3:480a) 

Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler, cod. 1.10731-10738, fols. 54-77 {Iter 
3:118a) 

Budapest, Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar (National Szechenyi Li- 
brary), cod. Clmae 314, fols. 2-60 {Iter 4:293b) 

Cape Town, South African Library, cod. 3.C.11, 197-243 {Iter 
4:477a-b) 

Ceske Budejovice, Krajske vedecka knihovna, cod. 40, fols. 7-22v 
{Iter 6:461a) 

Chicago, University of Chicago Library, cod. 807 (formerly Phil- 
lipps 3386) {Iter 5:254b) 

Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, cod. Db.89 {Iter 3:376b) 

Ibid., cod. Dc.l40 {Iter 3:376b) 

Dublin, Trinity College, cod. C 2.17, fols. l-33v {Iter 3:194a) 



272 CHAPTER 11 



Durham (USA), Duke University Library, cod. Lat. 21-25 (24), fols. 

146-76V {Iter 5:260a) 
Evora, Bibl. Piiblica, Incunabulos 307-12 (impr.) (Iter 4:455b-56a) 
Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea, cod. 11.205 [Iter 1:55a) 
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Ashb. 1704, fols. 42-60 {Iter 1:98a) 
Florence, Bibl. Marucelliana, cod. C.CCCXXXV {Iter 1:108a) 
Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana, cod. Rice. 413, fols. 251v-62v (fragm.) 

{Iter 1:191b) 
Ibid., cod. Rice. 697 {Iter 1:179a) 

Ibid., cod. Rice. 907, fol. 114v (excerpt.) {Iter l:208a-b, 5:607b) 
Ibid., cod. Rice. 952, fols. l-29v {Iter 1:211b, 2:516b) 
Ibid., cod. Rice. 978, fols. 1-39 {Iter 1:213a) 
Ibid., cod. Rice. 1175, fols. 1-24 
Ibid., cod. Rice. 4046, fols. 1-30 {Iter 5:613a) 
Forli, Bibl. Comunale, cod. III.66 (384) {Iter 1:231a) 
Genoa, Bibl. Durazzo, cod. B.V.14, fols. 65-86 {Iter l:246a-b, 2:523a, 

6:7a-b) 
Gotha (Germany), Forschungsbibliothek, cod. Memb. 11.105, fols. 1- 

26 {Iter 3:396b) 
Granada, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. Caja 2-29 (B.93), fols. l-21v {Iter 

4:506a-b) 
Harburg, Fiirstlich Oettingen- Wallerstein'sche Bibliothek und 

Kunstsammlung, cod. II.Lat.l.quarto.33, fols. 71-91v (Sottili, 

IMU 11 (1968): 36S-75, 1 codici del Petrarca, 106-13 [no. 40]) 
Holkham Hall, Library of Earl of Leicester, cod. 486 {Iter 4:41a) 
Ibid., cod. 487, fols. 1-34 {Iter 4:46a-b) 
Innsbruck, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 962 {Iter 3:20a) 
Kassel (Germany), Gesamthochschul-Bibliothek, cod. Philos. quarto 

6, fols. 181-207V {Iter 3:585a) 
Krakow, Bibl. Jagiellonska, cod. 3245, fols. 53-85 {Iter 4:406b) 
Krakow, Bibl. Muzeum Narodowego w Krakowie, cod. 1242, 474- 

504 (fragm.) {Iter 4:408a-b) 
Kremsmiinster (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 329 {Iter 3:23b) 
Leiden, Bibl. der Rijksuniversiteit, cod. Voss. lat. octavo 85, fols. 89- 

124 {Iter 4:371b) 
Leningrad. See Saint Petersburg 

London, British Library, cod. Add. 1996 {Iter 4:142b) 
Ibid., cod. Add. 27580, fol. 74 (fragm.) {Iter 4:117a-b) 
Ibid., cod. Arundel 353, fols. 104-36 {Iter 4:131a) 
Ibid., cod. Egerton 1996 (/fer 4:142b) 



opera: A Finding-List 273 



Ibid., cod. Harley 2678, fols. 5-15 {Iter 4:165a-b) 

Ibid., cod. Harley 3949, fols. 76-84 {Iter 4:177b-78a) 

Ibid., cod. Harley 4150, fols. 40-93v {Iter 4:179b) 

London, University of London, cod. 288 (formerly Phillipps 9184), 

<fols. l-51v> (/fer 4:216b) 
Madrid, Bibl. Nacional, cod. 10161 (Ii.l51), fols. 62-99v (/fer 4:568a) 
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. J 33 inf., fols. 18-31 {Iter 1:294a) 
Ibid., cod. A 50 sup., fols. l-68v {Iter 1:327a) 
Ibid., cod. A 166 sup., fols. 25-43v {Iter 1:296b) 
Ibid., cod. C 43 sup., fols. 30v-57 {Iter 1:297a, 2:531a) 
Ibid., cod. E 13 sup., fols. l-43v {Iter 1:297b, 6:40a) 
Ibid., cod. F 51 sup., fols. Iff. {Iter 1:298b) 
Ibid., cod. G 29 sup., <fols. lff.> {Iter 1:299b, 6:41a; Derolez, Codi- 

cologie, 2:77 [no. 455]) 
Ibid., cod. N 22 sup. (fragm.) {Iter 6:42b) 
Ibid., cod. N 104 sup., fols. 87-116 {Iter 1:335b) 
Ibid., cod. N 202 sup., fols. Iff. {Iter 1:303a) 
Milan, Bibl. dei Padri Cappuccini, cod. 24 (fragm.) {Iter 2:538b) 
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Campori 175 (Gamma Z.6, 21) {Iter 1:388a) 
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 17 (Alpha F.2, 59), fols. 117-62v {Iter 1:377b) 
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 572 (Alpha M.9, 8), fols. Iff. {Iter 1:372a) 
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 666 (Alpha Q.5, 28) {Iter 1:372b) 
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 943 (Alpha K.7, 10) {Iter 1:373a) 
Montecassino, Bibl. della Badia, cod. 335 {Iter 1:394a) 
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 424, fols. 124-44 (Sot- 

tili, IMU 12 [1969]: 421-27 , 1 codici del Petrarca, 273-79 [no. 99]) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 426, fols. 36-76 (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 427-30, / 

codici del Petrarca, 279-82 [no. 100]) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 487, fols. 104-3 Iv (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 436-39, / 

codici del Petrarca, 288-91 [no. 103]) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 520, fols. Iff. (Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus, 

Editio Altera, 1.1:146) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 3849 (Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus, Editio Al- 
tera, 1.2:144) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 18170, fols. 168ra-90ra (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 438- 

40, / codici del Petrarca, 486-88 [no. 146]) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 19652, fols. 39ff. (Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus, 

Editio Altera, 2.3:265) 
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. IV.G.31bis (impr. & bound in ms.) 

{Iter 1:399b) 



274 CHAPTER 11 



Ibid., cod. V.C.44, fols. Iff. {Iter 1:415a; Cenci, Manoscritti, 1:205 n. 

1) 
Ibid., cod. V.E.21 (fragm.) {Iter 1:401a) 

Ibid., cod. V.E.22, fols. 15ff. {Iter 1:416b) 

Ibid., cod. V.E.24 {Iter 1:401a) 

Ibid., cod. VI.D.2, fols. 131-51 {Iter l:421b-22a; Fossier, La bi- 

bliotheque Famese, 318-21) 
Ibid., cod. VIII.C.8, fols. 121-28 {Iter 1:403b; Cenci, Manoscritti, 

2:819-21) 
Ibid., cod. XIII.D.128 {Iter 1:432a) 
Neustadt an der Aisch (Germany), Evangelische Kirchenbibliothek, 

cod. 81 {Iter 3:655a) 
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Marston 107 (formerly 

Phillipps 1010), fols. 49-77 {Iter 5:287a) 
New York, Columbia University Library, cod. Plimpton 153, fols. 

2-27v (fragm. at beginning) {Iter 5:306b-7a) 
Ibid., cod. Plimpton 154, fols. 1-34 {Iter 5:307a) 
Ibid., cod. Plimpton 187, fols. l-23v {Iter 5:308b) 
New York, Library of Mrs. Phyllis Goodhart Gordan, cod. 18, fols. 

l-57v {Iter 5:350a) 
Ibid., cod. 73, fols. 20v-55 {Iter 5:351a) 
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 87 (Derolez, Codicologie, 2:91 

[no. 580} 
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 146 (Pacht and Alexander, Illuminated 

Manuscripts, 2:35 [no. 354]) 
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 114-39v 
Ibid., cod. D'Orville 525 (Derolez, Codicologie, 2:93 [no. 595} 
Ibid., cod. Rawl. G.47 (Derolez, Codicologie, 2:93 [no. 602} 
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 2, fols. Iff. {Iter 6:130a) 
Padua, Bibl. Antoniana, cod. 1.19, fols. 90-1 13v (Abate and Luisetto, 

Codici e manoscritti della Biblioteca Antoniana, 1:20-21) 
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 92 {Iter 2:8b) 
Ibid., cod. 165 {Iter 2:9b) 
Padua, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 70 {Iter 2:12b) 
Ibid., cod. 187 {Iter 2:13a) 
Ibid., cod. 1138 (/rer 2:15b) 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 271-303 
Ibid., cod. CM. 728 {Iter l-.lld) 

Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 1676, fols. 70-92 (Lauer, ed., Cata- 
logue general, 2:120-21) 



opera: A Finding-List 275 



Ibid., cod. Lat. 2742, fol. 94 (excerpt.) (Lauer, ed.. Catalogue general^ 

3:53-54) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 6722 (Alexander and De la Mare, Italian Manuscripts^ 

98) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 16593 {Iter 3:264a) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 16594, fols. 18-38v {Iter 3:264a-b) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 17888, fols. 148-81 {Iter 3:267a-b) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 18529, fols. 202-29v {Iter 3:269a-b) 
Ibid., cod. Moreau 849, fols. 42ff. {Iter 3:328b) 
Ibid., cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1103 (fragm.) {Iter 3:273b) 
Ibid., cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 2609 (formerly Phillipps 3348), fols. 8-24 

{Iter 3:295b-96a) 
Parma, Bibl. Palatina, cod. Pal. 156, fols. l-30v {Iter 2:34b) 
Ibid., cod. Parm. 94 {Iter 2:41b) 
Perugia, Bibl. Comunale Augusta, cod. 2862 (formerly N.F.81), fols. 

73-lOOv {Iter l-.dlh, 6:137b) 
Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Library, cod. Smith lat. 34, 

fols. l-33v {Iter 5:373a) 
Piacenza, Bibl. Comunale Passerini-Landi, cod. Landi 7, fols. 66ff. 

{Iter 2:70b) 
Pisa, Bibl. del Seminario Arcivescovile S. Caterina, cod. 136, fols. 70- 

78 {Iter 6:142a-b) 
Prague, Statni Knihovna Ceske Republiky, cod. XXIII.G.56, fols. 

Iff. {Iter 3:164a-b) 
Rieti, Bibl. Comunale Paroniana, cod. O.I.21 {Iter 2:86b) 
Rome, Bibl. Casanatense, cod. 868, fols. 131-42v (/fer 2:99b-100a) 
Ibid., cod. 1283, fols. 34v-52 (/fer 2:101a) 
Rome, Bibl. Corsiniana, cod. Nic. Rossi 304, fols. ll-20v {Iter 

2:116b, 6:170a) 
Ibid., cod. Nic. Rossi 354, fols. 175-81v (excerpt.) (/fer 2:117a, 

6:171a-b) 
Rome, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale Vittorio Emanuele II, cod. Vitt. 

Eman. 474 (673.454) (/ter 2:121b, 562a) 
Ibid., cod. Vitt. Eman. 1414 (186.692) {Iter 6:181b) 
Saint Petersburg, Archive of the Historical Institute, cod. 1.614, fols. 

l-21v {Iter 5:173a) 
Saint Petersburg, Public Library Saltykov-Shchedrin (formerly: re- 
turned to Warsaw and destroyed in World War II), cod. Lat. 

F.XVIII.5 {Iter 5:185a) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. O.IH.Sl, fols. 1-49 {Iter 5:187a) 



276 CHAPTER 11 

San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 70, fols. 126- 

38v {Iter 2:567a; Casarsa et al., La Libreria, 279-84) 
Ibid., cod. 105, fols. 1-15 (Casamassima et al., Mostra, 16 [no. 12]; 

Casarsa et al.. La Libreria, 344-46) 
Ibid., cod. 110, fols. 1-29 [Iter 2:568a; Casarsa et al.. La Libreria, 352- 

53) 
Savignano sul Rubicone, Bibl. deirAccademia Rubiconia dei Filopa- 

tridi, cod. 23, fols. 65-90v {Iter 2:570a) 
Schaffhausen (Switzerland), Stadtbibliothek, cod. Min. 120, fols. 35- 

55v {Iter 5:130b-31a) 
Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket, cod. P.l.a {Iter 5:10b) 
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Theol. et Philos. 

quarto 11 (/fer 3:701b) 
Trent, Bibl. Comunale (formerly in the Museo Nazionale), cod. Vin- 

dob. lat. 3191 (/ter 2:192a-b, 3:59b, 6:232a) 
Trieste, Bibl. Civica, cod. R.P. 1-20 (Alpha BB.3) (Iter 2:200b, 

6:235b) 
Ibid., cod. R.P. 1-21 (Alpha BB.l), fols. Iff. (/ter 2:200b, 6:235b) 
Ibid., cod. R.P. 1-25 (Alpha BB.2) {Iter 2:200b, 6:235b) 
Ibid., cod. R.P. 3-6, fols. 205-16v {Iter 6:236a-b) 
Udine, Bibl. Arcivescovile, cod. 49 (Quarto.36.II.14), fols. l-25v {Iter 

2:201a, 6:237a; Casamassima et al., Mostra, 53-54 [no. 55]; Sca- 

lon. La Biblioteca Arcivescovile, 118-19; Hankins, Plato, 2:721) 
Urbino, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. Fondo dell'Universita vol. 71 

(fragm. at beginning) {Iter 2:207b, 6:247b) 
Utrecht, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, cod. E.quarto.341 (ex- 
cerpt.) {Iter 4:384b) 
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Barb. lat. 211 {Iter 2:443a) 
Ibid., cod. Borg. lat. 344, fols. 43ff. {Iter 2:439b, 6:385a) 
Ibid., cod. Capponiani 3, fols. 2-18v (Salvo Cozzo, / codici Cappo- 

niani, 4-8) 
Ibid., cod. Chig. H.IV.102, fols. 41-82v {Iter 2:47 4h, 6:394b) 
Ibid., cod. Chig. H.IV.105 {Iter 2:474b) 
Ibid., cod. Chig. J.VI.214, fols. 117ff. {Iter 2:484a) 
Ibid., cod. Chig. S.V.8, fasc. 10, fols. 17-43 {Iter 2:490a) 
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 241 {Iter 2:413a) 
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 1615, fols. 35-74v {Iter 2:418b, 6:375b) 
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 1669, fols. 63-87 {Iter 2:431b-32a) 
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 1800, fols. 1-28 {Iter 2:433a) 
Ibid., cod. Pal. lat. 327, fols. 267vff. {Iter 2:390b) 



opera: A Finding-List 277 



Ibid., cod. Pal. lat. 1740 [Iter 2:395a) 

Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 806, fols. llff. (/fer 2:406a-b) 

Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 1321 [Iter 2:402a) 

Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 1676, fols. 122-31v (fragm.) (/fer 2:410a) 

Ibid., cod. Ross. 42 {Iter 2:465a) 

Ibid., cod. Ross. 43 [Iter 2:465a) 

Ibid., cod. Ross. 50, fols. 42-80 [Iter 2:468b) 

Ibid., cod. Urb. lat. 1194, fols. 2-44v (Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates 

Latini, 3:203-4; Derolez, Codicologie, 2:138 [no. 979]) 
Ibid., cod. Urb. lat. 1257, fols. 1-86 (Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates 

Latini, 3:238) 
Ibid., cod. Vat lat. 1690, fols. 337-64v (Nogara, Codices Vaticani La- 
tini: Codices 1461-2059, 186-87) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 1791, fols. 1-44? (followed by Vita Vergerii, fols. 

44v-49v) (Nogara, Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1461-2059, 

267) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 1792, fols. 1-25? (Nogara, Codices Vaticani Latini: 

Codices 1461-2059, 267-68) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 2906, fols. 78-84 {Iter 2:356a-b) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 2913 {Iter 2:314b) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 2931 (/ter 2:315a) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 3167 {Iter 2:317a) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 3407 {Iter 2:319b) 

Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 3440, fols. 103-9 (fragm.) {Iter 2:319b, 6:332a) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5123 (/fer 2:331a) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5124 {Iter 2:33 U) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 6878, fols. 29-69v {Iter 2:341a) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 9306 {Iter 2:346b) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 11253, fols. 16-54v {Iter 6:348b-49a) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 11547, fols. l-48v (Ruysschaert, Codices Vaticani 

Latini: Codices 11414-11709, 282-83) 
Venice, Biblioteca De Franceschi, unnumb. codex, fols. 1-25 (Miani, 

"De ingenuis moribus," 191) 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. VI.84 (3202), fols. 

48-66 {Iter 2:222a) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.129 (3037), fols. Iff. {Iter 2:223b) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI. 130 (3205) (/fer 2:223b) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.131 (3596) (/fer 2:223b) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.268 (3141), fols. 1-23 {Iter 2:226a; Derolez, 

Codicologie, 2:152 [no. 1105]) 



278 CHAPTER 11 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.306 (2891), <fols. lff.> (/fer 2:237b) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.501 (1712), fols. 36-64 (Miani, "De ingenuis 
moribus" 187-88) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIII.46 (4476), fols. 23-59 {Iter 2:244b) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV. 126 (4664) {Iter 2:235b) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.184 (4670), fols. 85-115v (/ter 2:248a) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.214 (4674) (impr. Brescia: B. de Bonnis, 
1485) (Zorzanello, Catalogo del codici latini, 3:297-301; Iter 
2:248a)2 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.215 (4675), fols. 1-23 {Iter 2:248a) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.236 (4499), fols. 91-127 (/fer 2:268b; Dero- 
lez, Codicologie, 2:155 [no. 1130]) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.243 (4070), fols. 1-lOv (fragm.) (Zorza- 
nello, Catalogo del codici latini, 3:404-9) 

Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 498 (1919), fols. 25-46 {Iter 2:214b) 

Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 501 (1712), fols. 35-63 {Iter 2:214b) 

Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Cicogna 575 (/fer 2:281a) 

Ibid., cod. Cicogna 797, fols. 2v-25 {Iter 2:283b) 

Ibid., cod. Correr 37 {Iter 2:288a, 6:269b) 

Ibid., cod. Correr 79 {Iter 2:288a, 6:270a) 

Ibid., cod. Correr 189 {Iter 2:288a, 6:270a) 

Verona, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. CCXLIII (212) {Iter 1'29A2) 

Ibid., cod. CCLV (227) {Iter 2:294a) 

Verona, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 1186 (Biadego, Catalogo, 295 [no. 559}) 

Ibid., cod. 2822 {Iter 2:300b) 

Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 960, fols. 43v-68 {Tabulae 
Codicum Manuscriptorum 1:164-65) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. 3191, fols. 42-62v {Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum 
2:225) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. 3219, fols. 246-85 {Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum 
2:236-37) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. 3481, fols. l-25v {Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum 
2:306-7) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. 4159, fols. 251v-68 {Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum 
3:185-86) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. 5180, fols. 36-4 Iv (excerpt.) {Tabulae Codicum Manu- 
scriptorum 4:50-51) 



^ On the codex, see also Dennis E. Rhodes, "A Volume of Tracts Illustrating Humanist 
Culture at Verona at the End of the Fifteenth Century," IMU 25 (1982): 401-6. 



opera: A Finding-List 279 



Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa, cod. 3458 (/fer 4:417b, 5:184a) 

Weimar, Thiiringische Landesbibliothek, cod. Octavo. 142, fols. 24- 
75v {Iter 3:434b) 

Wroclaw, Bibl. Uniwersytecka, cod. IV.quarto.53, fols. 385v-400 
{Iter 4:426a) 

Wiirzburg, Franziskanerkloster, cod. 1.78, fols. 138-86v {Iter 3:740a) 

Zeitz (Germany), Domherrenbibliothek, cod. 51, fols. 2-24 (fragm. 
at beginning) {Iter 3:436a-b) 

Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, cod. C.74 {Iter 5:140a) 

Editions: 

Editio princeps Venice, 1470/71. Seven undated editions. Twenty-two 
editions from 1470-1500 (Hain 7606, 15981-16003, IGI 10149- 
73). Thirteen editions from 1501-64. 

William Harrison Woodward, trans., "De ingenuis moribus," in 
Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators: Essays and 
Versions, 93-118. Cambridge, 1897. 

Attilio Gnesotto, "Petri Pauli Vergerii De ingenuis moribus et libera- 
libus studiis adulescentiae etc.," Atti e memorie delta R. Acca- 
demia di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 34 (1917-18): 95- 
146; Gnesotto, "Vergeriana (Pierpaolo Vergerio seniore)," Atti 
e memorie della R. Accademia di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Pado- 
va, n.s., 37 (1920-21): 45-57. Repr. in Eugenio Garin, ed., Ilpen- 
siero pedagogico dell'umanesimo, 126-37 (excerpt.). Florence: 
Giuntine, and Florence: Sansoni, 1958. 

Everardo Micheli, trans., with revisions by Eugenio Garin, in L'edu- 
cazione umanistica in Italia, 49-104. Bari: Laterza, 1949. 

Carlo Miani, "Petri Pauli Vergerii— Ad Ubertinum de Carraria de in- 
genuis moribus et liberalibus adolescentiae studiis liber (Codicum 
conspectum recognovit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit 
Carlo Miani)," Atti e memorie della Societa istriana di archeo- 
logia e storia patria 72-73, n.s., 20-21 (1972-73): 183-251. 

De monarchia sive de Optimo principatu (inc: Illud mihi ante omnia 

certum) Padua, 1400-5 

Manuscripts: 

Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fols. 48vff. {Iter 

6:130a-31b) 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 159-62 (fragm.) 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), part 

1, fols. 56-57 (fragm.) 



280 CHAPTER 11 



Ibid., part 3, fols. 84r-v, 87 (fragm.) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 119v-20v (fragm.) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fol. 52r-v (fragm.) 

Editions: 

Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 75-77. Venice, 1887. 

Leonardo Smith, Epist., 447-50. 

10. De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber (inc: Carrariensis 
familia unde Paduanorum) Padua, 1390-1405 

Manuscripts: 

Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea, cod. 11.392 {Iter 1:54a) 

Holkham Hall, Library of Earl of Leicester, cod. 485 {Iter 4:41a) 

Leipzig, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 022 {Iter 3:425b) 

London, Robinson Trust, cod. Phillipps 7698 (Italian translation 
Giacomo Zabarella?) {Iter 4:233b) 

Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. D 223 inf., fols. 116-66 {Iter 1:284b) 

Ibid., cod. P 215 sup. {Iter 1:307a) 

Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22, fols. 1-84 

Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 3-104 

Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 3 {Iter 6:130a)^ 

Padua, Bibl. Antoniana, cod. XXII.566, fols. Iff. (Abate and Luisetto, 
Codici e manoscritti delta Biblioteca Antoniana^ 2:593) 

Ibid., cod. XXII.596, fols. 20-84 (Italian translation Giacomo Zaba- 
rella, fragm.) (Abate and Luisetto, Codici e manoscritti della Bi- 
blioteca Antoniana^ 2:608) 

Ibid., Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 577 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 158 {Iter I'll?) 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 805 {Iter l-lli) 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 915 {Iter l-lli) 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1029 {Iter l-lli) 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 1-103 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 2157 {Iter 2:22b) 

Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 5876 

Rome, Bibl. Angelica, cod. 55 

Vatican City, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 1331 (/fer 2:417b) 

Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5263 {Iter 2:332a-b) 



' When Attilio Gnesotto prepared his edition in 1925, he said that there were three 
codices with Vergerio's work in the Archivio Papafava; see Gnesotto, ed., De principibus 
Carrariensibus, 125-27. 



opera: A Finding-List 281 



Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols. 

59-9 Iv (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. ital. XI.78 (6773) {Iter I'.lldz) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. X.226 (3730) {Iter 2:232b) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. X.292 (3335) {Iter 2:233b) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. X.384 (2951) (excerpt.) (Zorzanello, Catalogo dei 

codici latini, 1:406-7) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 5-38v 
Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Cicogna 148 (abridged by 

Vincenzo Zacco in 18th c.) {Iter 2:281a) 
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3319, fols. l-53v {Tabulae 

Codicum Manuscriptorum 2:259) 
Editions: 
loannes Georgius Graevius, Thesaurus antiquitatum et historiarum Ita- 

liae . . . , 6.3. Leiden, 1722. 
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:113-84. 
Attilio Gnesotto, "Petri Pauli Vergerii De principibus Carrariensibus 

et gestis eorum liber" Atti e memorie della R. Accademia di scien- 

ze, lettere, ed arti in Padova 41 (1924-25): 327-475. Repr. . . . De 

principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber. Padua, 1925. 

11. De republica Veneta (inc: Venetorum respublica optimatum) Padua, 
1402-5 
Manuscripts: 

a. Shorter version (fragm.): 

Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 235v-37 
Padua, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. B.62, fol. 17r-v 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 123ff. 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 109-10 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.255 (4576), 
fol. Ir-v {Iter 2:236a) 

b. Longer version (fragm.): 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 118-23 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 99-107 

Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 5879, fols. 2-6v 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), 

fols. 74-77V 
Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Cicogna 3052, fasc. 20 {J.ter 
6:267b) 



282 CHAPTER 11 



Editions: 

Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna, De republica Veneta fragmentu, nunc 

primum in lucem edita. Venice, 1830. 
David Robey and John Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republica 

Veneta of Pier Paolo Vergerio," Rinascimento, n.s., 15 (1975): 38- 

49. 

12. De situ urbis lustinopolitanae, fragm. (inc: Urbs quae Latine) 
Manuscripts: 

Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 234-35v 

Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fol. 39r-v {Iter 

6:130a-31b) 
Padua, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. B.62, fol. 16r-v {Iter 2:6a) 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 137-39 
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 53-56 
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 28-29v {Iter 2:23b) 
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 75-76v 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), 

fol. 137r-v 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 8-9 {Iter 2:249b-50a) 
Editions: 

Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:240A-41D. 
G. F. Tommasini, "De' commentari storico-geografici della provincia 

deiristria," Archeografo triestino 4 (1837): 324-26. 

13. Dialogus de mortCy fragm. (inc: Discrucior metu mortis) 
Manuscripts: 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 166-67 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), part 

3, fol. 88v 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 138v 
Editions: 

Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 33-34. Venice, 1887. 
Leonardo Smith, Epist., 445-46. 

14. Epistolae 
Manuscripts: 

Augsburg, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. II.Lat.l.quarto.33 (/?er3:571a) 
1 (fols. 233-37) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 



opera: A Finding-List 283 



Belluno, Seminario Gregoriano, cod. LoUiniana 49 {Iter 2:496b) 

1 (fol. 9) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonard! {Epist., 360-62) 
Bergamo, Bibl. Civica Angelo Mai, cod. AB.463 {Iter 5:485b-86a) 
1 (fols. 48vff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi (fragm.) {EpisL, 189- 
202) 
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, cod. Lat. 
folio 667 (formerly Phillipps 11907) {Iter 3:484b) 

1 (fol. 9) Ep. 137 {Epist., 360-62) 

2 (fol. 61r-v) Ep. 120bis (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 54-55; 
ed. Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109) 

3 (fol. 61v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 
355-56) 

4 (fol. 62) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52) 

5 (fol. 62r-v) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54) 

6 (fols. 62V-63) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 

7 (fol. 63v) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4) 

8 (fol. 63v) Ep. 121 {Epist., 319-21) 

9 (fol. 63v) Ep. Ill (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) {Epist., 322-23) 

10 (fols. 76V-79) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death (Smith, 362-79) 

11 (fol. 130) Ep. 121 (Smith, 319-21) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. quarto 468 {Iter 3:489a) 

1 (fol. 8) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Bologna, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 2948 ^isc. Tioli) {Iter 1:21a, 22b, 
2:499a, 499b) 
1-3 (15:464ff.) Ep. 83-85 (from Vat. lat. 5223) 
4 (25:.>) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi (from Vat. lat. 5911) 
Brescia, Bibl. Civica Queriniana, cod. A.VII.3 {Iter l:32b-33a) 
1 (fols. 99v-101v) Ep. 138 to "Leonardus Aretinus" (fragm.) 
{Epist., 362-78) 
Ibid., cod. C.V.IO {Iter 1:34b) 

1 (fol. Ir-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. C.V.20 {Iter l:35a-b) 

1 (fol. 68r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. C.VII.l {Iter 1:35b) 

1 (fols. 113-16v) Pro stattia Virgilii {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi) 
{Epist., 189-202) 
Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler, cod. 11.1442 (formerly Phillipps 
10441) {Iter 3:108b) 
1 (fols. 354-56) Ep. 138 to "Leon. Bruni" {Epist., 362-78) 



284 CHAPTER 11 



Ibid., cod. n.1443 (formerly Phillipps 8901) {Iter 3:122b-23a) 

1 (fols. 192V-94) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death [Epist., 362-78) 
Budapest, National Szechenyi Library, cod. Clmae 294 {Iter 4:291b) 

1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {EpisL, 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Clmae 314 {Iter 4:293b) 

1 (fols. Iff.) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Camaldoli, Archivio del Sacro Eremo, cod. 1201 {Iter 5:522b-23b) 

19 letters (fols. 193v-211v): 

1 Ep. 99 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 251-53) 

2 Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73) 

3 Ep. 87 {Epist., 220-23) 

4 Ep. 120bis (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 54-55; ed. Zacca- 
ria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109) 

5 Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47) 

6 Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37) 

7 Ep. 76 {Epist., 180-82) 

8 Ep. 45 {Epist, 102-6) 

9 Ep. 30 {Epist., 58-61) 

10 £p. 131 {Epist., 347-48) 

11 £p. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
\2Ep. WA {Epist., 303-4) 

13 Ep. 21 (£/7wf., 38-39) 

14 Ep. 40 (£i?wf., 87-89) 

15 Ep. 23 (fpwf., 41-42) 
16£/7. 118 {Epist.,in-\1) 

17 £/7. 36 {Epist., 81) 

18 £p. 37 {Epist., 82-84) 
19£/;. 119 (£/;wf., 313-15) 

Ibid., cod. 1202 {Iter 5:523b) 

1 (195) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Casale Monferrato, Seminario Vescovile, cod. I.b.20 (formerly 16 bis) 
{Iter l:40a-b) 
1 (fols. 105V-8) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 
Chemnitz (Karl-Marx-Stadt), Bezirksbibliothek, cod. 57 (now 
deposited in Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, cod. 5.57 
[24.11a]) {Iter 3:413a-b, 6:501a-b, 507b) 

1 (fols. 75-76) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52) 

2 (fols. 76-77.5) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54) 

3 (fol. 77) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355- 

56) 



opera: A Finding-List 285 



4 (fols. 117-23) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death [EpisL, 362-78) 

5 (fols. ISlvff.) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 

6 (fols. 166-67v) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 

7 (fol. 167v) Ep. 137 (£pwf., 360-62) 

8 (fols. 193-96v) Ep. 141 to loannes de Dominis {Epist., 388-95) 

9 (fol. 196v) Ep. 142 (Nic. Leonard! to PPV) (£pwf., 395-98) 
Como, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 4.4.6 {Iter l:47a-b) 

1 (fols. 371-75) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 
Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, cod. 5.57 (24.11a). See Chem- 
nitz. 
Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, cod. W.113 (formerly Phillipps 
6640) {Iter 3:197a-b) 
1 (fol. 48v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 398 {Iter 5:105a) 
\Ep.%\ to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 
Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea, cod. n.l51 {Iter 1:58b) 

1 Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Ashb. 272 {Iter l:83a-b) 
1 (fol. 89r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Ashb. 278 {Iter 1:83b) 

1 (fol. 154v) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 
Ibid., cod. Plut. XLVI.l (Bandini, Catalogus Codicum Latinorum, 
2:370) 
1 (fol. 76) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Florence, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale, cod. Magi. XXI.9 {Iter 1:120a) 

1 (fol. 58) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana, cod. Rice. 779 {Iter l:201a-b) 

1 (fols. 150-53v) Pro eversione statuae Virgilii {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli 
Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202) 
Gorizia, Bibl. del Seminario Teologico, cod. 12 (missing since World 
War T) {Epist., xxxii; Ziliotto, "Alia ricerca," 91-94) 

1 (fol. 50v) Ep. 66 {Epist., 157-59) 

2 (fol. 57) Ep. 82 {Epist., 202-5) 

3 (fol. 58) Ep. 2 {Epist., 5-6) 

4 (fol. 58) Ep. 9 {Epist., 19-20) 

5 (fol. 58v) Ep. 40 {Epist., 87-89) 

6 (fol. 60) Ep. 24 {Epist., 42-43) 

7 (fol. 60v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 32-33) 

8 (fol. 61) Ep. 11 {Epist., 22-24) 

9 (fol. 61v) Ep. 18 {Epist., 33-34) 



286 CHAPTER 11 



10 (fol. 62) Ep. 12 {Epist., 24-25) 

11 (fol. 62v) Ep. 21 [Epist., 38-39) 

12 (fol. 63v) Ep. 96 (243-46) 

13 (fol. 65v) Ep. 126 {Epist., 335-36) 

14 (fol. 66v) Ep. 30 {Epist., 58-61) 

15 (fol. 68) Ep. 79 {Epist., 186-87) 

16 (fol. 68v) Ep. 108 (£pi5f., 283) 

17 (fol. 69v) Ep. 35 {Epist., 79-80) 

18 (fol. 70v) Ep. 109 (£/;wt., 283-92) 

Hamburg, Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Philol. quarto 
132b {Iter 3:562b-63a) 
1 (fols. 82v-83) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 
355-56)^ 
Holkham Hall, Library of the Earl of Leicester, cod. 487 {Iter 4:46a-b) 

1 (fol. 34r-v) Ep. 9 {Epist., 19-20) 

2 (fol. 35r-v) Ep. 22 {Epist., 39-41) 

3 (fols. 35V-36) Ep. 7 {Epist., 17-18) 

4 (fols. 36v-37) Ep 8 (Ant. Baruffaldi to PPV) (fragm.) {Epist., 18-19) 

5 (fol. 37r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 

6 (fols. 42v-43) Ep. 142 (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) (£pwt., 395-98) 

7 (fols. 46-48v) Ep. 141 to loannes de Dominis {Epist., 388-95) 
Krakow, Bibl. Jagiellofiska, cod. 1961 

1 (332) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56) 
Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, cod. Voss. lat. octavo 85 
{Iter 4:371b) 
1 (fol. 64r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Leipzig, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 1270 {Iter 3:423a-b) 

1 (fols. 182v-87v) In Carolum Malatestam invectiva {Ep. 81 to Lud. 
degli Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202) 
London, British Library, cod. Arundel 70 {Iter 4:126a-27b) 

1 (fols. 73v-74) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 

2 (fols. 83V-84) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47) 

3 (fol. 93) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42) 



^ Two letters of Leonardo Bruni that are cataloged as written to Vergerio are actually 
letters to other correspondents. The letter beginning on fol. 92 is to Niccolo Niccoli; see 
Ludwig Bertalot and Ursula Jaitner-Hahner, Prosa A-M, vol. 2.1 of Initia Humanistica La- 
tina: Initienverzeichnis lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts 
(Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1990), 414 (no. 7591). The letter beginning on fol. 94v is to 
Pope Innocent VII (inc: Qui laudant sanctitatem tuam). Dr. Eva Horvath kindly sent me 
photocopies. 



opera: A Finding-List 287 



4 (fols. 99V-100) Ep. 133 [Epist., 351-52) 

5 (fol. 100) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54) 

6 (fols. lOOff.) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 
355-56) 

7 (fol. 138) £/;. 136 (Guarino to PPV) (£pwf., 356-60) 

8 (fols. 156vff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 

9 (fols. 158V-61) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78) 
Ibid., cod. Harley 2268 {Iter 4:157b-58a) 

1 (fol. 78) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Harley 2492 {Iter 4:159b-60a) 

1 (fol. 327v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 

2 (fols. 378ff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Harley 3716 {Iter 4:175a-b) 

1 (fols. 59-60) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73) 

2 (fols. 119V-24) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 
Lyon, Bibl. de la Ville, cod. 100 (168) {Catalogue general: Departe- 

ments, 30:30-33) 

1 (fol. 150) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 

2 (fol. 166) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. J 33 inf. {Iter 1:294a) 

1 De eversa Virgilii statua {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi) {Epist., 
189-202) 
Ibid., cod. A 166 sup. {Iter 1:296b; Jordan and Wool, Inventory, 1:71- 
73) 
1 (fols. 43v-47) Invectiva de eversione statuae Virgilii {Ep. 81 to 
Lud. degli Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. D 93 sup. {Iter l:330a-b, 6:54b; Jordan and Wool, 
Inventory, 2:191-202) 

1 (fol. 133r-v) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 

2 (fol. 135r-v) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47) 

3 (fol. 136) Ep. 52 to Giovanni da Bologna {Epist., 118-19) 

4 (fol. 136v) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42) 
Ibid., cod. H 21 sup. {Iter 1:332a) 

1 (fols. 107V-8) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Sussidio H 52 {Iter l:347b-48a) 

1 (fols. 90-92v) . . . In Collucium Florentinum invectiva {Ep. 101) 
{Epist., 157 -dl) 
Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22 

13 letters (fols. 103v-9v, 123-53, 157v-59v). See Part II above for 

details. 



288 CHAPTER 11 



Milan, Societa Storica Lombarda, cod. 43 {Iter 1:365a) 

1 (2:fols. 87-88v) Ep. 110 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to 
PPV) [EpisL, 293-96) 

2 (2:fol. 94r-v) Ep. 113 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV) 

{Epist., 300-2) 
Modena, Archivio Capitolare, cod. O.II.8 {Iter 2:538b) 

1 (fols. 103-4v) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 17 (Alpha F.2, 59) {Iter 1:377b) 

1 (fols. 2-3) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 140 (Alpha R.9, 6) {Iter 1:369b) 

1 De statu urbis Romae {Ep. 86) {Epist., 211-20) 
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 217 (Alpha P.6, 25) {Iter 1:370a) 

1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {EpisL, 360-62) 
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 76 (Halm, Laub- 
mann, et al., Catalogus, Editio Altera, 1.1:16-17) 
1 (fols. 275ff.) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 78 (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 345-60, / codici del 
Petrarca, 197-212 [no. 87]) 

1 (fol. 112r-v) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 

2 (fol. 164r-v) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73) 

Ibid., cod. Clm 362 (Sottili, IMU 19 [1976]: 459-62, / codici del 
Petrarca, 775-79 [no. 264]) 
1 (fol. 42v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 418 (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 409-21, / codici del 
Petrarca, 261-73 [no. 98]) 
1 (fol. 170v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 443 (Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus, Editio Al- 
tera, 1.1:121-22) 
1 (fols. 54ff.) Invectiva in Carolum Malatestam {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli 
Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 504 (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 439-58, / codici del Pe- 
trarca, 291-310 [no. 104]) 
1 (fols. 101-2) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno (copied from Mun., UnivB., 
cod. Quarto 768) {Epist., 269-73) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 5350 (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 332-55, / codici del 
Petrarca, 380-403 [no. 120]) 
1 (fol. 112r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 6717 (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 369-75, / codici del 
Petrarca, 417-23 [no. 129]) 
1 (fol. 58r-v) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73) 



opera: A Finding-List 289 



Ibid., cod. Clm 7612 (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 376-82, / codici del 
Petrarca, 424-30 [no. 131]) 
1 (fols. 160-64) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {EpisL, 189-202) 
Munich, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Folio 607 {Iter 3:648a-49a) 

1 (fol. 103r-v) Ep. 120 to Franc. Zabarella {Epist., 316-19) 

2 (fols. 120-21) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47) 

3 (fols. 136V-37) Ep. 61 (Epist., 141-42) 

4 (fols. 148V-49) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52) 

5 (fol. 149) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist, 353-54) 

6 (fols. 149v-50) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) 
{Epist., 355-56) 

7 (fol. 225v) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) (£pi5f., 356-60) 

8 (fols. 257V-61) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 

9 (fols. 261-65) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78) 
Ibid., cod. Quarto 768 (Bertalot, Studien, 1:1-82) 

1 (fols. 90-91) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73) 
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.F.19 {Iter 1:419b) 

Ep.}^ 
Ibid., cod. VIII.G.31 {Iter 1:428a; Fossier, La bibliotheque Famese, 
398-99) 
1 (fols. 47V-48) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
New York, Library of Mrs. Phyllis Goodhart Gordan, cod. 96 {Iter 
5:351b) 
1 (fols. 90v-91v) Ep. 137? to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Oxford, Balliol College, cod. 132 

1 (fol. 138v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 
355-56) 
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166 

69 letters (fols. Iv, 140cv, 218-33v, 248-313). See Part II above for 
details. 
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 169 (Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Cano- 
nicianos Complectens, 543-52) 
1 (fols. 51-55) Invectiva contra Carolum {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli 
Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202) 



^ Kristeller states that, "according to L. Bertalot, there is also a letter of Vergerius." The 
description of the manuscript in Cesare Cenci, Manoscritti francescani della Biblioteca 
Nazionale di Napoli, Spicilegium bonaventurianum 7-8 (Quaracchi: Typographia CoUegii S. 
Bonaventurae, and Grottaferrau: Editiones Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1971), 
1:214-15, has no letter of Vergerio. 



290 CHAPTER 11 



Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 225 

1 (fol. 33v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 
355-56) 
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 316 (Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 
2.1:419 [no. 7681]) 
1 (fol. 271v) Ep. 133 {Epist, 351-52) 
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 317 (Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Cano- 
nicianos Complectens, 676-78) 
1 (fols. 83-86) Ep. 101 {Epist., 257-62) 
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 484 (Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Cano- 
nicianos Complectens, S02-7) 

1 (fols. 22v-23, repeated on fols. 55v-56) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza 

{Epist., 351-52) 

2 (fol. 23r-v, fols. 56-57) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 
353-54) 

3 (fols. 23v-24, fol. 57r-v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. 
Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56) 

4 (fols. 24-25, fols. 57v-58) Ep. 120 to Franc. Zabarella {Epist., 
316-19) 

5 (fol. 25, fol. 58r-v) Ep. 121 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 319-21) 
Oxford, Bodleian. See also Holkham Hall. 

Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2 {Iter 6:130a-31b) 
87 Letters: 

1 (fols. Iff.) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78) 

2 (fol. 4) Ep. 45 {Epist., 102-6) 

3 (fol. 6) Ep. 76 {Epist., 180-82) 

4 (fol. 6v) Ep. 71 {Epist., 171) 

5 (fol. 7) Ep. 78 {Epist., 184-85) 

6 (fol. 7v) Ep. 88 {Epist., 224-27) 

7 (fol. 9) Ep. 90 {Epist., 230-32) 

8 (fol. 9v?) Ep. 91 {Epist., 232-34) 

9 (fol. 9v) Ep. 87 {Epist., 220-23) 

10 (fol. 10) Ep. 92 {Epist., 235-36) 

11 (fol. lOv) Ep. 80 {Epist., 187-88) 

12 (fol. 11) Ep. 75 (£/;w^, 176-79) 

13 (fol. 12v) Ep. 139 (£pwf., 379-84) 

14 (fol. 13) Ep. 15 {Epist., 28-30) 

15 (fol. 19) Ep. 66 (£/7wt, 157-59) 

16 (fol. 21) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52) 

17 (fol. 21) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) (fpwr., 353-54) 



opera: A Finding-List 291 



18 (fol. 21v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 
355-56) 



19 (fo 

20 (fo 

21 (fo 

22 (fo 

23 (fo 

24 (fo 

25 (fo; 

26 (fo 

27 (fo 

28 (fo 

29 (fo 

30 (fo 

31 (fo 

32 (fo 

33 (fo 

34 (fo 

35 (fo 

36 (fo 

37 (fo 

38 (fo: 

39 (fo 

40 (fo 

41 (fo 

42 (fo 

43 (fo 

44 (fo 

45 (fo 

46 (fo 

47 (fo 

48 (fo 

49 (fo 

50 (fo 

51 (fo 

52 (fo 

53 (fo 

54 (fo 

55 (fo 

56 (fo 



22) Ep. 46 {Epist., 106-8) 

23) Ep. 23 {Epist., 41-42) 

23) Ep. 3 {Epist., 6-11) 
23 v) Ep. 1 {Epist., 3-5) 

24) Ep. 13 {Epist., 25-26) 

24) Ep. 24 {Epist., 42-43) 
24v) Ep. U {Epist., 32-33) 
24v) Ep. 40 {Epist., 87-89) 

25) Ep. 4 {Epist., 12-14) 
25v) Ep. 38 {Epist., 84-86) 
25v) Ep. 47 {Epist., 108-9) 

26) Ep. 39 {Epist., 86-87) 

26) Ep 49 {Epist., 113-14) 
26v) Ep. 54 (£pwr., 121-22) 
26v) Ep. 56 (£pw^, 124-26) 

27) Ep. 63 (£/?wf., 152-54) 

27) Ep. 70 {Epist., 165-69) 

28) Ep. 71 (£pwf., 170-71) 
28v) Ep. 67 (£pwr., 159-60) 
28v) Ep. 50 (£pwr., 114-15) 

29) Ep. 2 {Epist., 5-6) 
29) Ep. 82 (£pwf., 202-5) 
31) Ep. 6 (£pwr., 15-17) 
31) Ep. 9 (£pwf., 19-20) 

31) Ep. 22 (£pwf., 39-41) 
31v) Ep. 11 (£pwt, 22-24) 
31v) Ep. 18 (£pwf., 33-34) 

32) Ep. 12 (£/;wf., 24-25) 
32) Ep. 21 (£/7z"5f., 38-39) 
32v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 46-53) 
33 v) Ep. 34 (£/>wr., 66-78) 
37) Ep. 81 (£pwf., 189-202) 
40) Ep. 44 (£pwt., 97-101) 

40) Ep. 103 (£/7i5r., 267-69) 

41) Ep. 96 (£pwr., 243-46) 
41v) Ep. 125 (£/7wr., 332-35) 
41v) Ep. 126 (£pwr., 335-36) 

42) Ep. 145 (£pwf., 423) 



292 CHAPTER 11 



57 (fol. 42) Ep. 123 {Epist., 323-29) 

58 (fol. 42v) Ep. 124 {EpisL, 330-32) 

59 (fol. 42v) Ep. \17 {Epist., 337-39) 

60 (fol. 43) Ep. 119 (£/;i5r., 313-15) 

61 (fol. 43) £p. 97 {Epist., 246-48) 

62 (fol. 43v) Ep. 102 (£/?i5r., 263-67) 

63 (fol. 43v) Ep. 112 {Epist., 299-300) 

64 (fol. 44) Ep. 118 (£/7wf., 311-12) 

65 (fol. 44) Ep. 20 (£pwt., 36-37) 

66 (fol. 45v) Ep. 89 {Epist., 228-30) 

67 (fol. 47) Ep. 59 (£/?wt., 131-37) 

68 (fol. 49) Ep. 93 {Epist., 237-39) 

69 (fol. 49) Ep. 95 (£pwr., 240-42) 

70 (fol. 49) Ep. 60 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV) 
{Epist., 138-40) 

71 (fol. 49v) Ep. 62 (£pwf., 143-52) 

72 (fol. 51) Ep. 41 (£pwt., 89-91) 

73 (fol. 51v) Ep. 28 {Epist., 53-56) 

74 (fol. 51v) Ep. 30 (£/7wf., 58-61) 

75 (fol. 52) Ep. 32 (Col. Salutati to PPV) (£pwf., 64) 

76 (fol. 52) Ep. 33 {Epist., 64-66) 

77 (fol. 52v) Ep. 29 (£;7isr., 56-58) 

78 (fol. 53) Ep. 35 {Epist., 79-80) 

79 (fol. 53) Ep. 36 (£;7wf., 81) 

80 (fol. 53v) Ep. 37 (£/;wt., 82-84) 

81 (fol. 54) Ep. 109 {Epist., 283-92) 

82 (fol. 55v) Ep. 42 (£/7wt, 91-93) 

83 (fol. 55v) Ep. 105 {Epist., 273-76) 

84 (fol. 56) Ep. 106 (£/7wf., 276-77) 

85 (fol. 56v) Ep. 108 (£pwt., 283) 

86 (fol. 56v) Ep. 79 {Epist., 186-87) 

87 (fol. 63r-v) Ep. 31 (£/;?5f., 62-63) 

Padua, Bibl. Antoniana, cod. V.90 {Iter 2:3a-b; Abate and Luisetto, 
Codici e manoscritti delta Biblioteca Antoniana, 1:112-15) 

1 (fols. 70v-71v) Ep. Ill {Epist., 296-99) 
Padua, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. B.62 {Iter 2:6a) 

1 (fol. 18) Ep. 99 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 251-53) 
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 46 {Iter 2:7b-8a) 

1 (fols. 189-90v) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73) 



opera: A Finding-List 293 



Ibid., cod. 692 (/fer 2:10b) 

1 (fols. 102ff.) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 

2 (fols. 190vff.) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 

3 (fol. 195) Ep. 137 {Epist., 360-62) 

Padua, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 528 (/iter 2:13b) 

I Ep. 128 to Franc. Zabarella (fragm. inc: Colonus erat non 
procul) {Epist., 339-43) 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203 

135 letters (part 1, 1-203, 260-63; part 2, 128-34). See Part II above 
for details. 
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223 

II letters (23-35, 38-53, 136-38, 146-50). See Part II above for 
details. 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287 

32 letters (fols. 14-24v, 30-34v, 41v-44v, 59-68, 69-84v, llOv-15, 
120v, 131-35V, 137V-39). See Part II above for details. 
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 1676 (Lauer, ed., Catalogue general^ 
2:120-21) 

1 (fols. 96v-100v) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi [Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 5882 

1 (fol. 381) Ep. 98 to Ubertino da Carrara [Epist., 249-51) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 7868 [Iter 3:222b-23a) 

1 (fols. 84-87v) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi [Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 8572 [Catalogus 4:472) 

1 (fols. 73ff.) Ep. 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV) [Epist., 253-57) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 11138 [Iter 3:248b) 

1 (fol. 48r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1181 [Iter 3:288b) 

1 (fols. 43vff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi [Epist., 189-202) 

2 (fol. 47) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62) 
Parma, Bibl. Palatina, cod. Pal. 156 [Iter 2:34b) 

1 (fols. 86V-87) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62) 
Pesaro, Bibl. Oliveriana, cod. 44 (Unnumbered folios) (Zicari, "II 
piu antico codice"; Iter 2:64a) 

1 (fol. 13) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza [Epist., 351-52) 

2 (fol. 13r-v) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) [Epist., 353-54) 

3 (fol. 14) Ep. 120bis (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 54-55; ed. 
Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109) 

4 (fol. 14) Ep. 122 (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) [Epist., 322-23) 



294 CHAPTER 11 

5 (fol. 14r-v) Ep. 121 {Epist., 319-21) 

6 (fols. 14V-15) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4) 

7 (fol. 15) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 

8 (fols. 15-16) Ep. 120 (£/;i5t., 316-19) 
Ravenna, Bibl. Classense, cod. 117 

1 (292) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 
Ibid., cod. 121 

1 (fol. 13 Iv) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 
Rome, Bibl. Angelica, cod. 234 

1 (fol. 161) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Rome, Bibl. Corsiniana, cod. Corsin. 583 (/ter 2:110a-b) 

1 (fols. 34v-37v) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 
Rome, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale, cod. Gesuitico 973 {Iter 2:124b) 

1 (fols. 36ff.) Ep. 138 to "Leon. Bruni" {Epist., 362-78) 
Salamanca, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 64 {Iter 4:603b) 

1 (fols. 162-65v) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 
San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 70 {Epist., 
xxxvii-xxxviii [cod. 69]; Iter 2:567a; Casamassima et al., Mostra, 
15-16 [no. llbis]; Casarsa et al., La Lihreria, 279-84) 
19 letters (fols. 139-45v): 

1 (fol. 139) Ep. 9 {Epist., 19-20) 

2 (fol. 139r-v) Ep. 22 {Epist., 39-41) 

3 (fol. 139v) Ep. 7 {Epist., 17-18) 

4 (fols. 139V-40) Ep. 8 (Ant. Baruffaldi to PPV) {Epist., 18-19) 

5 (fol. 140) Ep. 11 {Epist., 22-24) 

6 (fol. 140r-v) Ep. 25 (Giovanni da Bologna to PPV) {Epist., 43-44) 

7 (fol. 140v) Ep. 1 {Epist., 3-5) 

8 (fols. 140V-41) Ep. 18 {Epist., 33-34) 

9 (fol. 141r-v) Ep. 14 (Santo de' Pellegrini to PPV) (£/7wt., 26-28) 

10 (fols. 141V-42) Ep. 15 {Epist., 28-30) 

11 (fol. 142v) Ep. 12 (£pwt., 24-25) 

12 (fols. 142V-43) Ep. 19 (£/7wf., 34-36) 

13 (fol. 143r-v) Ep. 10 {Epist., 20-22) 

14 (fol. 143v) Ep. 23 (£/?w^, 41-42) 

15 (fols. 143V-44) Ep. 13 {Epist., 25-26) 

16 (fol. 144r-v) Ep. 21 (£/?wt., 38-39) 

17 (fols. 144V-45) Ep. 26 (£/7wt., 44-45) 

18 (fol. 145) Ep. 4 {Epist., 12-14) 

19 (fol. 145v) Ep. 40 (£/7wr., 87-89) 



opera: A Finding-List 295 



Ibid., cod. 97 (Casamassima et al., Mostra, 20-21 [no. 17]; Casarsa et 
al., La Libreria, 319-21) 
1 (fols. 50v-57v) Ep. 138 to "Leon. Aretinus" on Zabarella's death 
{Epist., 362-78) 
Ibid., cod. 100 (Casamassima et al., Mostra, 22-23 [no. 19]; Casarsa et 
al., La Libreria, 325-37) 
1 (fol. 86v, repeated on fol. 126r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi 
{Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. 105 (Casamassima et al., Mostra, 16 [no. 12]; Casarsa et al., 
La Libreria, 344-46) 
1 (fol. 55r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. 110 {Iter 2:568a; Casarsa et al.. La Libreria, 352-53) 

1 (fol. llOr-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 79.4 {Iter 
3:44a-48a) 

1 (fol. 192) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 

2 (fol. 229) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 

3 (fol. 229v) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4) 

4 (fol. 229v) Ep. 121 {Epist., 319-21) 

5 (fol. 229v) Ep. Ill (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) {Epist., 'Sll-lh) 

6 (fol. 263v) Ep. 120bis (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 54-55; 
ed. Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109) 

7 (fol. 263 v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 
355-56) 

8 (fol. 264r-v) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza {Epist., 351-52) 

9 (fol. 264v) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54) 
Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati, cod. H.V.3 {Iter 2:164a) 

1 (fols. 74-79) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. H.VI.26 {Iter 2:165a) 

1 (fols. 41v-42) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza {Epist., 351-52) 

2 (fol. 43) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 

3 (fols. 81-84v) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78) 
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Poet, et Philol. 

quarto 40 {Iter 3:703a) 

1 (79-81) Ep. 120 to Franc. Zabarella {Epist., 316-19) 

2 (81) Ep. Ill to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 319-21) 

3 (81-82) Ep. Ill (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) {Epist., 311-13) 

4 (82-83) Ep. 114 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 303-4) 

5 (91-92) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 



296 CHAPTER 11 

6 (151-52) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza [Epist., 351-52) 

7 (185-86) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) [Epist.^ 
355-56) 

Toledo, Archivo y Biblioteca Capitolares, cod. 100,42 {Iter 4:645b- 
47a) 
1 (fols. 103-4v) Ep. 82 {Epist., 202-5) 
Trent, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. 42 (temp. 258), Unnumbered fols. {Iter 
2:189b-90a, 6:231b) 
1 Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno (inc: Si tibi occurrerem) {Epist., 269-73) 
Treviso, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. 1.177 
24 letters (fols. 49v-50, 56v-65, 114-16, 143). See Part II above for 
details. 
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5 

13 letters (fols. 14-19v, 33-59v, 63v-65v). See Part II above for 
details. 
Troyes, Bibl. Municipale, cod. 1531 

1 (fol. 318) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 

2 (fols. 451V-52) Ep. 121 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 319-21) 
Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Mc.l04 {Iter 3:721b, 6:544a) 

Ep.}'' 
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Barb. lat. 61 (/fer 2:442a; Prete, Codices Bar- 
heriniani Latini: Codices 1-150, 103-7) 
1 (fols. 170V-71) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Barb. lat. 116 (/fer 2:442b; Prete, Codices Barberiniani La- 
tini: Codices 1-150, 202-4) 
1 (fol. I) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi (fragm.) {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Barb. lat. 1952 {Iter 2:448b, 6:389a) 

1 £p. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 

2 (fol. 195) Ep. 82 {Epist., 202-5) 

Ibid., cod. Barb. lat. 2087 {Iter 2:463a, 6:392a) 

1 (fols. 17v-20v) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Pal. lat. 1592 {Iter 2:397b-98a) 

1 (fols. 75-78v) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 

2 (fol. 79) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 



^ According to the description in the printed catalog prepared by Hedwig Rockelein, 
Signaturen Mc 1 bis Mc 150, Band 1, Teil 1 of Die lateinischen Handschriften der Universi- 
tatsbibliothek Tubingen (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1991), 219-21, there is no letter of 
Vergerio in the manuscript. The description gives an anonymous letter on page 58 (inc: Ho- 
diema me die gaudeo ac iocunditate affectum sentio). 



opera: A Finding-List 297 



Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 1555 {Iter 2:408b-9a) 

1 (fol. 153r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonard! {Epist., 360-62) 

Ibid., cod. Ross. 409 {Iter 2:465b) 

1 (fol. 43) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 

Ibid., cod. Urb. lat. 1194 (Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates Latini, 3:203- 

4) 

1 (fols. 74-82v) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 3155 {Iter 2:317a) 

1 (fol. 35v) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5126 

1 (fols. 141-42) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 
355-56) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5131 (/fer 2:331a, 586b-87a) 

1 (fols. 23v-24v) Ep. 101 to Col. Salutati {Epist., 257-62) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5223 {Iter 2:372b-73a) 

1 (fol. 54) Ep. 83 to Ognibene Scola {Epist., 205-6) 

2 (fol. 54r-v) Ep. 84 to Ognibene Scola {Epist., 207-9) 

3 (fols. 54V-55) Ep. 85 to Ognibene della Scola {Epist., 210-11) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5382 {Iter 2:333b) 

1 (fols. 4-10) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5911 {Iter 2:377b-78a) 

1 (fols. 21V-22) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols. 
96-137V, 146 (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71) 

78 letters (copied from cod. Archivio Papafava 21, fasc. 17, part 2) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.208 (3569) {Iter 2:225a) 

1 (fol. 72) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.21 (3814) (/fer 2:238b) 

1 (fol. 38) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355- 

56) 

2 (fols. 40vff.) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.26 (4428) {Iter 2:239a) 

1 (fol. 38) Ep 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827) 

Part 1 (fols. l-73v): 124 letters 

Part 2 (fols. 74v-77v): 8 letters 

Part 3 (fols. 78-88 v): 15 letters 

Part 4 (fols. 89-96v): 1 letter. See Part II above for details. 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.59 (4152) {Iter 2:253b-54a) 

1 (fols. 22ff.) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78) 



298 CHAPTER 11 



2 (fols. 76ff.) Ep. 120 [Epist., 316-19) 

3 (fol. 257v-58v) Ep. 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV, fragm.) [Epist., 
253-57) 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XL 102 (3940) {Iter 1:15^2) 

1 (fols. 16V-17) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52) 

2 (fol. 17) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) (£pwf., 353-54) 

3 (fol. 17v) Ep. 120bis to Nic. Leonard! (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico 
codice," 54-55; ed. Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109) 

4 (fol. 18) Ep. 120 [Epist., 316-19) 

5 (fol. 18v) Ep. Ill OSric. Leonardi to PPV) [Epist., 311-13) 

6 (fol. 19) Ep. Ill [Epist., 319-21) 

7 (fol. 19) Ep. 114 [Epist., 303-4) 

8 (fols. 19v-20) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.106 (4363) (/fer 2:240a) 

1 (fols. 74-78 v) Pro diruta Virgilii statua [Ep. 8 1 to Lud. degli Ali- 
dosi) [Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIL50 (4376) [Iter 1:14U) 

1 (fols. 105-12) De eversione statuae [Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi) 
[Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIII.71 (4142) [Iter l:lA5z, 6:257a) 

1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIII.72 (4109) [Iter 2:245a) 

1 Ep. 137? to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.7 (4319) [Iter 2:245b-46a) 

1 (fol. 31v) Ep. 101 [Epist., 157-(>1) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.50 (4238) [Iter 2:263b-64a) 

1 (fols. 171ff.) Ep. 81 on the statue of Virgil [Epist., 189-202) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955) 

124 letters (fols. 55-137, 138r-v, 144, 171-72v). See Part II above 
for details. 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.221 (4632) (Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici 
latini, 3:319-26; Iter 6:262b-63a) 

1 (fol. 42v) Ep. 133 [Epist., 351-52) 

2 (fol. 43) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) [Epist., 353-54) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535) 

38 letters (fols. 5-8, 9-15v, 21v-22, 30v-33, 35-37v, 43-44, 44v- 
51v, 53-63, 83v-85v). See Part II above for details. 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.266 (4502) [Iter 2:269a-70a) 
1 (fols. 248-49v) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno [Epist., 269-73) 



opera: A Finding-List 299 



Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.287 (4303) {Iter 2:236a-b) 

1 (fol. 239) Ep. 14 (Santo de' Pellegrini to PPV) {EpisL, Id-li) 

2 (fol. 239r-v) Ep. 18 [Epist., 33-34) 

3 (fols. 240ff.) Ep. 15 {Epist., 28-30) 
Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 408 (2029) {Iter 2:213b) 

1 (fols. 94ff.) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73) 
Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 473 (1592) {Iter l-.lUs) 

1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Cicogna 3407 

1 Ep. 45 {Epist., 102-6) 
Ibid., cod. Cicogna 3409 

1 Ep. 99 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 251-53) 
Ibid., cod. P.D. C.2455 {Iter 6:281a) 

(fasc. 5) Epistolae (copies) 

(fasc. 7) Notes on the letters 
Vicenza, Bibl. Comunale Bertoliana, cod. G.7.1.25 (Mazzatinti 2:78- 
79) 

1 (fols. 22V-23) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Ibid., cod. 7.1.31 (/fer 2:302a) 

1 (fols. 149-52) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno (inc: Si tibi occurrerem) 
{Epist., 1(^9-71) 
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3315 {Tabulae Codicum 
Manuscriptorum 2:258) 

1 (fols. 176ff.) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 3330 

1 (fols. 98vff.) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19) 

2 (fols. 114V-15) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47) 

3 (fols. 129vff.) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42) 

4 (fol. 141) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza {Epist., 351-52) 

5 (fols. 141V-42) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54) 

6 (fol. 142) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 
355-56) 

7 (fols. 214ff.) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 

8 (fols. 247vff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202) 

9 (fols. 251ff.) Ep. 138 to "L. B." {Epist., 362-78) 
Washington, D. C, Library of Congress, cod. Phillipps 5819 {Iter 

5:418b-19a) 
1 (fols. 304V-8) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist, 362-78) 
Wiirzburg, UniversitatsbibHothek, cod. M.ch.f.60 {Iter 3:744b-45a) 
1 (fols. 152V-53) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza {Epist., 351-52) 



300 CHAPTER 11 

Zagreb, Knjiznica Akademije Znanosti i Umjetnosti, cod. II.c.61 {Iter 
5:453a-b) 

1 (fols. 154-55) Ep. 110 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV) 

{Epist., 293-96) 

2 (fols. 158-59) Ep. 113 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV) 

{Epist., 300-2) 
Ibid., Sveucilisna Knjiznica, cod. MR. 107 {Iter 5:454b-55b) 

1 (fols. 76V-77) Ep. 137} to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Editions: 

Francesco Barbaro, De re uxoria libri duo. < Paris > , 1513. Hagenau, 
1533. Amsterdam, 1639. 
1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Michelangelo Biondo. Venice, date unknown.'' 

1 £p. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 
Bernardino Scardeone, . . . De antiquitate urbis Patavii et claris civibus 
Patavinis libri tres . . . , 168ff. Basel, 1560. Repr. in I. G. Grae- 
vius. Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italiae . . . , 6.3:192ff. 
Leiden, 1722. 
1 Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death (fragm.) {Epist., 362-78) 
Epistolae illustrium virorumpost obitum Francisci Zabarellae cardinalis 
Constantia Patavium missae, 5-16. Padua, 1655. 
1 Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78) 
Johann Georg Schelhorn, Amoenitates Litterariae, quibus variae obser- 
vationes, scripta item quaedam anecdota et rariora opuscula exhi- 
bentur, Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1725-31. 
\Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 
Edmond Martene and Ursinus Durand, Thesaurus Novus Anecdoto- 
rum. . . . Paris, 1717. 
\Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202) 
G. A. Furietti, Gasparini Barzizii . . . Opera, l:164ff. Rome, 1723. 

1 Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56) 
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:198D-203E, 215C-40. 

13 Letters: Ep. 138, 81, 27, 34, 16, 98, 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV), 
101, 114, 120, 99, 104, 140 
Dominico M. Salmaso, Petri Pauli Vergerii Senioris De Divo Hiero- 
nymo opuscula ... ,25. Padua, 1767. 



^ On the problems in dating the edition, see Giorgio Stabile, "Biondo, Michelangelo," 
DBI 10:562-63, who establishes that Biondo had set up the press in his Venetian home by 
1545. 



opera: A Finding-List 301 



1 Ep. 78 {Epist., 184-85) 
lacopo Morelli, Delia biblioteca manoscritta di Tommaso Giuseppe 
Farsetti patrizio veneto e ball del Sagr'Ordine Gerosolimitano, 
2:41 (fragm.). Venice, 1771-80. 
1 Ep. 91 {Epist., 232-34) 
Giambattista Verci, Storia della Marca Trivigiana e Veronese, 17:39ff. 
(no. 1934), 44£f. (no. 1936), 51ff. (no. 1937). Venice, 1790. 
3 letters: Ep. 27, 34, 35 
lacopo Bernardi, "Di Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore: Lettera a Carlo 
Combi," Rivista universale, n.s., 22 (1875): 427. 
1 Ep. 115 {Epist., 304-6) 
lacopo Bernardi, "Pier Paolo Vergerio il seniore ed Emanuele Criso- 
lora," Archivio storico italiano, ser. 3, 23 (1876): 176-80. 

1 (177-79) Ep. 96 {Epist., 243-46) 

2 (179-80) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV, fragm.) {Epist., 356-60) 
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole di Pietro Paolo Vergerio seniore da Capodi- 

stria. Miscellanea della R. Deputazione veneta di storia patria 
4.5. Venice, 1887. 
138 Letters 
Remigio Sabbadini, "Epistole di Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore da 
Capodistria," Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 13 (1889): 
295-304. 
1-3 Ep. 83-85 to Ognibene Scola {Epist., 205-11) 
Domenico Vitaliani, Della vita e delle opere di Nicolb Leoniceno vicen- 
tino, 274-75. Verona, 1892. 
\ Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62) 
Francesco Novati, Epistolario di Coluccio Salutati, Fonti per la storia 
d'ltalia pubblicate dall'Istituto storico italiano: Epistolari, secoli 
XIV-XV, 15-18. Rome, 1891-1911. 
6 letters (2:277-78, 4:78-86, 365-75, 478-80) Ep. 32, 100-1, 107-8, 
111 {Epist., 64, 253-62, 278-83, 296-99) 
Remigio Sabbadini, Epistolario di Guarino, 1:72-75. Venice, 1915. 

1 Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60) 
Remigio Sabbadini, Giovanni da Ravenna insigne figura d'umanista 
(1343-1408), 11%-19, 231-32, Studi umanistici 1. Como, 1924. 

1 Ep. 110 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV, excerpt.) 
{Epist., 293-96) 

2 Ep. 113 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV, excerpt.) 
{Epist., 300-2) 

Leonardo Smith, "Pier Paolo Vergerio: De situ veteris et inclytae 



302 CHAPTER 11 



urbisRomae" English Historical Review A\ (1926): 57'h-77. Repr. 
in Roberto Valentini and Giuseppe Zucchetti, eds., Scrittori 
(secoli XIV-XV), vol. 4 of Codice topografico della citta di Roma, 
89-100, Fonti per la storia d'ltalia 91. Rome: Istituto storico ita- 
liano per il Medio Evo, 1953. 
1 Ep. 86 {Epist., 211-20) 
Leonardo Smith, Epistolario, Fonti per la storia d'ltalia pubblicate 
dairistituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo 74. Rome, 1934. 
148 letters 

15. Epistola 120bis (inc: Spero te cito videre) 
Manuscripts: 

Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, cod. Lat. 

folio 667, fol. 61r-v {Iter 3:484b) 
Camaldoli, Archivio del Sacro Eremo, cod. 1201 {Iter 5:522b-23b) 
Pesaro, Bibl. Oliveriana, cod. 44 (Unnumbered folios), fol. 14 

(Zicari, "Il piu antico codice"; Iter 2:64a) 
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 79.4, fol. 

263v {Iter 3:44a-48a) 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI. 102 (3940), fol. 

17v {Iter 2:256a) 
Editions: 
Marcello Zicari, "Il piu antico codice di lettere di P. Paolo Vergerio 

il vecchio," Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 54-55. 
Vittorio Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi, i suoi corrispondenti, e una 

lettera inedita di Pier Paolo Vergerio," Atti e memorie del- 

I'Accademia di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 95 (1982- 

83): 109. 

16. Epistola (inc: Plutarchus in describenda Antonii vita) 
Manuscripts: 

Gorizia, Bibl. del Seminario Teologico, cod. 12, fol. 66 (missing since 
World War I) {Epist., xxxii; Ziliotto, "Alia ricerca," 91-94) 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 156-57 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fols. 
46V-47 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. llOv-11 

Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fol. 44r-v 

Editions: 

Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 144. Venice, 1887. 



opera: A Finding-List 303 



Leonardo Smith, EpisL, 451-52. 

17. Epistola nomine Ciceronis ad Franciscum Petrarcam (inc: Sero iam 
tandem quisquis es) Padua, 1 August 1394 

Manuscripts: 

Brescia, Bibl. Civica Queriniana, cod. A.VII.3, fols. 95v-96 (Petrarch 
to Cicero), fols. 96-99 {Iter l:32b-33a) 

Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Ashb. 269, fols. 34-35 (Petrarch to 
Cicero), fols. 35-39v {Iter 1:82b) 

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 504, fol. 329v (Pe- 
trarch to Cicero), fols. 329v-30v (fragm.) (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 
439-5S, I codici del Petrarca, 291-310 [no. 104]) 

Ibid., Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Quarto 768, fols. 44v-45 (Petrarch 
to Cicero), fols. 45v-47 {Iter 3:650a-b) 

New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Mellon 14, fol. 40r-v (Pe- 
trarch to Cicero), fols. 40v-43v {Iter 5:290b; Dutschke, Census, 
213-15 [no. 83]) 

Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 238-39 (Petrarch to 
Cicero), fols. 239-43 v 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 189-90 (Petrarch to Ci- 
cero), part 1, 190-95 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 115-16 (Petrarch to Cicero), fols. 116-20 

Rimini, Bibl. Civica Gambalunga, cod. SC-MS 22 (formerly 
4.A.L22), fols. 18-19v (/rer 2:87b-88a, 6:149a) 

Vatican City, BAV, cod. Pal. lat. 1552, fols. 172v-73 (Petrarch to Ci- 
cero), fols. 173-74V {Iter 2:394a, 590b, 6:360b-61a) 

Edition: 

Leonardo Smith, Epist., 436-45. 

18. Epitaphium (for Francesco il Vecchio da Carrara) (inc: Magnanimi 
sunt ossa senis) Padua, 21 November 1393 

Manuscripts: 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 115 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 73 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fol. 96 

Parma, Bibl. Palatina, cod. Parm. 283, fols. 32v-33 {Iter 2:45b-46a) 

Edition: 

Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:198C. 



304 CHAPTER 11 



19. Epitaphium (for Manuel Chrysoloras) (inc: Ante aram situs est) 

Constance, April 1415 
Editions: 
Emile Louis Jean Legrand, Bibliographie Hellenique, ou, Description 

raisonnee des ouvrages publics par des Grecs au dix-huitieme siecle, 

Irxxvi. Paris, 1918-28. Repr. in Epist, 357n. 
Remigio Sabbadini, Epistolario di Guarino, 1:112 {Ep. 54), Miscellanea 

di storia veneta 8, 11, 14. Venice, 1915-19. 
Elena Necchi, "Una silloge epigrafica Padovana: Gli Epygramata illu- 

strium virorum di loannes Hasenbeyn," IMU 25 (1992): 156. 

20. Facetia (inc: M q. Cauchius primi apud Venetos) 

Manuscripts: 

Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2 {Iter 6:130a-31b) 

Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 164 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol. 

68v 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 130v 
Editions: 

Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 98. Venice, 1887. 
Leonardo Smith, Epist, 452-53. 

21. Hippocrates, lusiurandum translatio Latina (inc: Testor ApoUinem 
et Aesculapium) 

Manuscripts: 

Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 481, fol. 45r-v {Iter 

3:280a-b) 
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Pal. lat. 1248, fol. 91r-v (where the translation 

is attributed to Leonardo Bruni) (Kibre, "Hippocrates Latinus 

[VI]," 354-55; Schuba, Die medizinischen Handschriften, 278-83) 
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 4772, fols. 62v-63 (repeated 

on fols. 108v-9) (Kibre, "Hippocrates Latinus (VI)," 354-55) 
Editions: 
Articella, sen thesaurus operum medicorum antiquorum. Venice, 1483, 

1487, 1491, 1493, 1500. GIT 2679-83. 
Articella. Lyon, 1515. 
Leonardo Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," Archivio 

veneto, ser. 5, 4 (1928): 131.^ 



Pearl Kibre, "Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin 



opera: A Finding-List 305 



22. . . . Officium Divi Hieronymi . . . (inc: Sancti Hieronymi clara prae- 
conia) Padua, 1400-5 

Manuscript: 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), 
fols. 38-42V 

23. <Oratio> (inc: O altitude divitianim sapientiae <Rom. 11:33 >) 
Rome, 6 August 1406 

Manuscripts: 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 304-6 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 139v-40v 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol. 

91 (fragm. at beginning) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 165 (fragm. at beginning) 
Edition: 
Leonardo Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," Archivio 

veneto, ser. 5, 4 (1928): 132-33. 

24. Oratio ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria, Paduae principem, pro 
Communitate Patavina (inc: Vellem ego optimi viri) Padua, 1392-93 

Manuscripts: 

London, British Library, cod. Arundel 70, fols. 74v-79v (/rer4:126a- 

27a) 
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. D 93 sup., fols. 46-52 {Iter l:330a-b) 
Ibid., Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22, fols. 110-22v 
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22), fols. 23-29 
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 78, fols. 71v-76v 

(Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 345-60, / codici del Petrarca, 197-212 

[no. 87]) 
Munich, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Folio 607, fols. 104v-13 {Iter 

3:648a-49a) 
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 169-80 



Middle Ages (VI)," Traditio 36 (1980): 354-56, discusses a previous translation of Nicolaus 
de Reggio (1308-45) and later translations of Niccolo Perotti and perhaps Andreas Brentius. 
On Perotti's translation, see also Paul Oskar Kristeller, "Niccolo Perotti ed i suoi contributi 
alia storia dell'umanesimo,"in Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters 2 (Rome: Edizioni 
di Storia e Letteratura, 1985), 310. The incipit of BAV Pal. lat. 1248 matches that of 
Vergerio's translation, and not Perotti's. In addition to the fourteen manuscripts listed by 
Kristeller and Kibre, Perotti's translation is also found in Florence, Bibl. Nazionale Cen- 
trale, cod. Magi. Vin.1435, fols. 133v-34 {Iter 5:576a-b), and Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. 
Est. lat. 56 (Alpha 0.7, 12), fols. 114v-15v {Iter 1:368b, 6:84a-b). 



306 CHAPTER 11 



Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 578 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 231-47 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 74-92 

Treviso, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. 1.177, fols. 122-27v 

Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 20-32 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols. 

148-55 (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 23-30 
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3330, fols. 100-8 
Edition: 
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:204-15. 

25. Oratio infunere Francisci Senioris de Carraria, Patavii principis (inc: 
Vereor optimi viri ne si) Padua, 21 November 1393 

Manuscripts: 

Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22, fols. 97v-103 
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22), fols. 37-57 
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. Gia Viennesi lat. 57 (Vindob. 3160), 

fols. ?-152 (Iter 1:437b, 3:59a-b) 
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly 

Phillipps 9627), fols. 100-4v (/ter 5:291a; Dutschke, Census, 194- 

97 [no. 77'^ 
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 164-68v 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 225-31 
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 69-73 
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 90v-95v 
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 9-13v 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols. 

160-62V (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.208 (3569), fols. 56-61 (Valentinelli, Biblio- 

theca manuscripta, 4:193; /fer 2:225a) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.239 (4500), fols. 18v-25 
Edition: 
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:194B-98C. 

26. Oratio pro fortissimo viro Cermisone Patavino ad illustrissimum prin- 
cipem Franciscum luniorem de Carraria (inc: Multa mihi verba faci- 
enda essent) Padua, 8 September 1390-January 1392 

Manuscripts: 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 178-79 (fragm.) 

Vatican City, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 1223, fols. 109-11 (/fer 2:428b-29a) 



opera: A Finding-List 307 



Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol. 

72r-v (fragm.) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 135v-36 (fragm.) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 22-23 
Editions: 

Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 103-5. Venice, 1887. 
Leonardo Smith, Epist., 431-36. 

27. Paulus (inc [Prologus]: Hanc dum poeta mihi verecundus) Bologna, 
1388-90 
Manuscripts: 

Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. C 12 sup., fols. 6v-27 {Iter 1:329a) 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 114-15 (Prologus) 
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Poet, et Philol. 

quarto 37, fols. 115v-29v {Iter 3:707b-8a) 
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 6878, fols. 93-1 13v 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), 

fols. 152-63 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 64-73v 
Editions: 
Filippo Argelati, . . . Bibliotheca Scriptorum Mediolanensium, 393ff. 

{Prologus). Milan, 1747. 
Apostolo Zeno, Dissertazioni Vossiane, 1:59 {Prologus). Venice, 1752. 
Karl Milliner, "Vergerios Paulus, eine Studentenkomodie," Wiener 

Studien: Zeitschrift fiir classische Philologie 11 (1900): 236-57. 

Revisions proposed by Remigio Sabbadini, "II Paulus di P. P. 

Vergerio," Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 38 (1901): 

464-65. Repr. in Vito Pandolfi, ed., and Erminia Artese, trans., 

Teatro goliardico dell'umanesimo, 47-119. Milan: Lerici, 1965. 
Amalia Clelia Pierantoni, Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore, 167-201. 

Chieti, 1920. 
Alessandro Perosa, trans., // teatro umanistico, 55-85. Milan: Nuova 

Accademia, 1965. 
Sergio Cella, ed., and Francesco Semi, trans., "II Paulus" Atti e me- 

morie della Societa istriana di archeologia e storia patria 66, n.s., 

14 (1966): 45-103. 
Giuseppe Secoli, "II Paulus di Pierpaolo Vergerio il Vecchio," Studi 

vergeriani, 13-23. Trieste, 1971.' 



' I am aware of the editions of Pierantoni and Secoli because they are cited in Smith's 
edition of the Epistolario and in Perosa's edition of the Paulus. 



308 CHAPTER 11 



Alessandro Perosa, "Per una nuova edizione del Paulus del Ver- 
gerio," in Vittore Branca and Sante Graciotti, eds., L'umanesimo 
in Istria, 321-56, Civilta veneziana: Studi 38. Florence: Olschki, 
1983. 

28. Petrarcae vita (inc: Franciscus Petrarca Florentinus origine) Padua, 
1395-96 

Manuscripts: 

Cambridge, Pembroke College, cod. 249 {Argumenta in Africam) 
(Mann, "Petrarch Manuscripts," 172-73 [no. 17]) 

Cambridge (USA), Harvard University, Houghton Library, cod. Typ. 
17, fol. 152 {Materiae omnium librorum Ajricae) {Iter 5:232a; Dut- 
schke. Census, 87-90 [no. 23| 

Erlangen (Germany), Universitatsbibliothek, Inc. 590 (ms. fascicle 
bound within), fols. 2-4v {Petrarcae vita . . . , fols. 2-4; Argu- 
menta in Africam, fol. 4; Materiae omnium librorum Africae, fol. 
4r-v) (Sottili, IMU 19 [1976]: 450-51, /co^id del Petrarca, 766- 
67 [no. 257]) 

Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Acquisti e Doni 441 {Iter 1:105b) 

Ibid., cod. Acquisti e Doni 715, fol. 74v {Versus de principalibus operi- 
bus domini Francisci Petrarcae, inc. Illustres celebrare viros) {Iter 
5:567b) 

Ibid., cod. Ashb. 1014 {Argumenta in Africam, Materiae omnium li- 
brorum Africae) {Iter 1:85b) 

Ibid., cod. Laur. XXXIII.35 {Argumenta in Africam, Materiae o- 
mnium librorum Africae) (Bandini, Catalogus Codicum Latino- 
rum, 2:131-32) 

Greifswald (Germany), Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 682, fols. 131- 
35v {Iter 3:403b) 

Karlsruhe (Germany), Badische Landesbibliothek, cod. Aug. (Reiche- 
nau) 53, fols. 201-4 (Sottili, IMU 11 [1968]: 383-84, / co^id del 
Petrarca, 121-22 [no. 46]) 

Ibid., cod. Aug. (Reichenau) fragm. 205 (copied from Reich. 53), fols. 
l-4v {Iter 3:579b) 

London, British Library, cod. Add. 10234, fols. 1-10? {Petrarcae vita 
. . . , Argumenta in Africam) {Iter 4:69b) 

Ibid., cod. Harley 3722 {Argumenta in Africam) (Mann, "Petrarch 
Manuscripts," 301-2 [no. 118]) 

Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. D 223 inf., fols. 166-73 {Iter 1:284b) 

Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22), fols. l-20v 



opera: A Finding-List 309 



Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 124, fols. 1-4 {Pe- 
trarcae vita . . . , fols. 1-3; Argumenta in Africam, fols. 3-4; Ma- 
teriae omnium librorum Africae, fol. 4) (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 
360-63, / codici del Petrarca, 212-15 [no. 88]) 

Ibid., cod. Clm 350, fols. 149-55v {Petrarcae vita ..., fols. 149-54; 
Argumenta in Africam, fols. 154-55; Materiae omnium librorum 
Africae, fol. 155v) (copied from Clm 124) (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 
392-98, / codici del Petrarca, 244-50 [no. 94]) 

Ibid., cod. Clm 3561, fols. 286-89v {Petrarcae vita . . . , fols. 286-88v; 
Argumenta in Africam, fols. 288v-89v; Materiae omnium li- 
brorum Africae, fol. 289v) (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 281-84, / co- 
dici del Petrarca, 329-32 [no. lli;0 

Ibid., cod. Clm 21203, fols. 212v-15v (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 447-48, 
/ codici del Petrarca, 495-96 [no. 150]) 

Ibid., cod. Clm 23610, fols. 35v-36 (fragm.) (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 
456-58, / codici del Petrarca, 504-6 [no. 153]) 

Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.E.40, fols. l-8v {Iter 1:401b, 6:103b) 

New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly 
Phillipps 9627), fols. 105-12 {Petrarcae vita . . . , Argumenta in 
Africam) {Iter 5:291a; Dutschke, Census, 194-97 [no. 77^ 

Olomouc, Statni Archiv, cod. CO.509, fols. 115v-17 {Iter 3:158b) 

Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, lat. 311, fols. 1-6 (modern foliation, 
51-56) (Mann, "Petrarch Manuscripts," 374-75 [no. 170]) 

Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 105-13 

Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fols. 16-19 {Iter 
6:130a-31b) 

Ibid., Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 403 (/rer 2:10a) 

Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 307-17 {Petrarcae vita 
. . . ), part 2, 110-11 {Omnia Petrarcae opera his . . . versibus conti- 
nentur), part 2, 111-14 (. . . Epitomata in Africam) 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 5-16 {Iter 2:23a-b) 

Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 10209, fols. lv-5 {Iter 3:229b) 

Prague, Knihovna Metropolitni Kapituli, cod. D.LX, fols. 235ff. 

Ravenna, Bibl. Classense, cod. 627, fols. 28ff. {Petrarcae vita ... , 
Argumenta [fragm.]) {Iter 2:83b) 

Seville, Bibl. Capitular y Colombina, cod. 5-6-13, fols. 59-62v {Iter 
4:619b-20a) 

Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. HB.X.21, fols. 
2-4 {Iter 3:704a) 

Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 66-74v 



310 CHAPTER 11 

Vatican City, BAV, cod. Barb. lat. 3064 {Iter 2:452a) 

Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 4521, fols. 2-5v 

Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5155, fols. 224-29 (/fer 2:331b) 

Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5263, fols. 76-84 {Iter 2:332a-b) 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. XI. 120 (6931), 

fols. 56ff. {Iter 2:278b) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XII. 17 (3944), fols. 100-3v {Petrarcae vita . . . , 

Argumenta) {Iter 2:240b) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 139-44 {Iter 2:248a) 
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3319, fols. 54-60 {Tabulae 

Codicum Manuscriptorum 2:259) 
Wellesley (USA), Wellesley College Library, cod. Plimpton 751, fols. 

39-43v {Iter 5:421b; Dutschke, Census, 280-81 [no. 123]) 
Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, cod. Car. C.118, fols. 1-4 {Iter 5:143a) 
"Utopia," Private Collection 386, flyleaves 1-3 {Petrarcae vita, 

abbrev.) (Dutschke, Census, 287 [no. 130]) 
Editions: 
lacopo Filippo Tomasini, Petrarca redivivus, 175-89 (fragm.). Padua, 

1650. Repr. in Jacques Francois Paul Aldonce De Sade, Me- 

moires pour la vie de Frangois Petrarques, 3:13-19. Amsterdam 

< i.e., Avignon > , 1764-67. 
Egerton Brydges, Epistola Francisci Petrarcae posteritati, 18-19. 

Naples, 1820. 
Angelo Solerti, Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio scritte fino al 

secolo decimosesto, 294-302. Milan, 1904. 

29. Poetica narratio (inc: Anni tempus erat quo sol) Rome, September 
1406 

Manuscripts: 

Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 320-22 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 105-8 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol. 

97r-v 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 147v-49v 
Edition: 
Leonardo Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," Archivio 

veneto, ser. 5, 4 (1928): 134-37. Repr. in Epist., 453-58. 

30. Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia ad Romanos cardinales oratio 
tempore schismatis in concistorio habita (inc: Ecce nunc tempus acce- 



opera: A Finding-List 311 



ptabile <2 Cor. 6:2b >) Rome, 6 November 1406 
Manuscripts: 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 247-60 
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 121-30 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fols. 

91-95V 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 165-71 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 78-82v 
Edition: 
Carlo A. Combi, "Un discorso inedito di Pier Paolo Vergerio il seni- 

ore da Capodistria," Archivio storico per Trieste, I'Istria, ed il 

Trentino 1 (1882): 360-74. 

31. ? Proverbia et sententiae (inc: Non sinit obscurum f acinus) 
Manuscripts: 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 115-17 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol. 

97 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 147r-v 
Edition: 
Facsimile (Marc. lat. XI.56, fol. 97) in Epist, Tav. HI (facing page 452) 

32. Quaestiones de ecclesiae potestate (inc: Utrum procurantes quod abs- 
que expresso) Constance, 10 August 1417 

Manuscripts: 

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 5596, fol. 95 (Halm, 

Laubmann, et al., Catalogus Codicum Latinorum, 1.3:26) 
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Theol. et Philos. 

folio? 137, fol. 176 
Edition: 
Heinrich Finke et al.. Acta Concilii Constanciensis, 3:667-69. Miin- 

ster in Westphalia, 1896-1928. 

33. Sermones decern pro Sancto Hieronymo 

See Part II above. 

34. Testamentum (inc: In nomine Domini, Amen. . . . Quia praesentis 
vitae conditio) Buda, 3 May 1444 

Manuscript: 

Capodistria, Archivio Civico, cod. 27, fol. 161v 



312 CHAPTER 11 



Editions: 

Baccio Ziliotto, "Nuove testimonianze per la vita di Pier Paolo 

Vergerio seniore," Archeografo triestino 30 (1905-6): 257-61. 
Leonardo Smith, Epist.y 463-71. 

Addenda 

1. (to 292) Siena H.VI.26 also has Ep. 134 (fol. 42r-v) and Ep. 135 

(fols. 42v-43) and is a further example of the sylloge of letters 
discussed in Chapter 5. 

2. (to 304) the epitaph for Manuel Chrysoloras is preserved in 

Munich cod. Clm 78, fol. 112. 



CHAPTER 12 

Works Attributed to 
Pierpaolo Vergerio 



1. Anon., Apologia pro Carrariensihus in Albertinum Mussatum (inc: 
Fuerunt aliqui qui cum scripserunt) 

Manuscripts: 

Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 16, Iff. (where attributed to 

PPV) {Iter 6:130a) 
Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 408 (V. Lazzarini, "Libri di Francesco 

Novello," in Scritti di paleografia e diplomatica^ 278-79; Epist., 

493-94 n. l;/rer 2:22a) 
Edition: 
Giovanni Cittadella, Storia delta dominazione Carrarese in Padova, 

1:443-44. Padua, 1842. 

2. Anon., Epistola to Pellegrino Zambeccari on the destruction of Vir- 
gil's statue, 1397 (inc: Neminem vir insignis eloquentiae)^ 
Manuscripts: 

Cambridge, University Library, cod. Add. 6676 E, fols. 204-11 

(Robey, "Virgil's Statue," 184) 
Freiburg im Breisgau, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 159, fols. 46v-50v 

(Sottili, IMU 11 (1968): 350-55, I codici del Petrarca, 88-93 [no. 

32]) 



' In a review of Bischoff's Studien zu P. P. Vergerio dem Alteren from 1910, Ludwig Ber- 
talot proposed Vergerio as the author of the letter. 



314 CHAPTER 12 



Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 487, fols. 29-36v 

(Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 436-39, / codici del Petrarca, 288-91 [no. 

103)] 
Ibid., cod. Clm 5354, fols. 335-39v (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 355-60, / 

codici del Petrarca, 403-8 [no. 121]) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 14134, fols. 219-21v (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 402-17, 

/ codici del Petrarca, 450-65 [no. 140]) 
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 79.4, fols. 

189v-91v {Iter 3:45a-48a) 
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Poet, et Philol. 

quarto 40, 14-32 {Iter 3:703a) 
Edition: 
David Robey, "Virgil's Statue at Mantua and the Defence of Poetry: 

An Unpublished Letter of 1397," Rinascimento, n.s., 9 (1969): 

183-203. 

3. Anon., Hymni quattuor (inc: Plausibus laetis canit omnis aetas)^ 
Editions: 

Gedeone Pusterla, San Nazario, protovescovo di Capo d'Istria: Me- 
morie storiche con note e cronologie. Capodistria, 1888. 

Francesco Babudri, San Nazario protovescovo di Capodistria. Capodi- 
stria, 1901. 

4. Anon., Oratio de bonis artibus (inc: Scio amantissime praeceptor et 
colendissime) 

Manuscript: 

Vatican City, BAV, cod. Chig. J.VII.266, fol. 67 (cites De ingenuis 
moribus, ed. Gnesotto, 97, lines 3ff.) {Iter 2:486a-87b) 

5. Gasparino Barzizza, De nominibus magistratuum Romanorum liber 
(inc: Rex Romulus omnium primus) 

Manuscript: 

Volterra, Bibl. Comunale Guarnacciana, cod. 9637, fols. 9v-ll {Iter 
2:310b)^ 



^ Information on St. Nazarius and his cult in Capodistria is supplied by Daniele Ireneo, 
"Nazario, vescovo e patrono di Capodistria, santo," in Bibliotheca Sanctorum (Rome: Istitu- 
to Giovanni XXm, Pontificia Univ. Lateranense, 1961-69), 9:777-79. The hymns were writ- 
ten in 1422 to celebrate the fact that the relics of Sts. Nazarius and Alexander were restored 
to Archbishop Geremia Pola of Capodistria by Archbishop Pileo de Marini of Genoa. 

' Further manuscripts containing the work include: Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, 



Works Attributed to Vergerio 315 

6. Leonardo Bruni, Epistola ad Petrum Histrum (i.e., to Col. Salutati) 
(inc: Etsi sciam quae tu nuper de me)'* 

Manuscripts: 

Hamburg, Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Philol. quarto 

132b, fols. 55V-56 (Iter 3:562b-63a) 
Verona, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. CCCIII (303), fols. 78-79 (Iter 2:299a) 

7. Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna, De regimine principum (inc: 
Memini domine insignis et amanda) 

Manuscript: 

Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati, cod. G.X.33, fols. 137-63v 
(Iter 2:164a, 6:215a; Kohl, "Works," 353-54, 356) 

8. Pietro del Monte?, Facetia (inc: Solveramus ratem e Patavio)^ 
Manuscripts: 

Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Bywater 38, fols. 171vff. (Iter 4:248b-49b) 
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1223, 161-63 (where attributed to 

PPV or Guarino) (Iter 2:23a-b) 
San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 43, fols. lllv- 

13 (Iter 6:207a-b) 
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 5346 (where attributed to PPV) 

(Iter 2:333a) 
Vicenza, Bibl. Comunale Bertoliana, cod. G.7.1.25, fols. 23ff. (Mazza- 

tinti 2:78-79) 
Edition: 
Gilbert Tournoy, "Un nuovo testo del periodo padovano di Pietro 

del Monte," Quademi per la storia dell'Universita di Padova 8 

(1975): 70-72. 



cod. Hamilton 541, fols. 67-69 {Iter 3:366b-67a); Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Laur. 
Gadd. 64; Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1867, fols. 92v-94v {Iter 3:293b); 
Rome, Bibl. dell'Istituto Nazionale di Archeologia e Storia deirArte, cod. 47, fols. 48-50 
(/ter 6:196b); Turin, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. H.IH.S, fols. 199-200v (/ter 2:181a-b); BAV, cod. 
Regin. lat. 786, fols. 4v-5v; cod. Vat. lat. 1541, fols. 160-61v; and cod. Vat. lat. 7229, fol. 14. 
In general, see Alfredo Azzoni, "Ricerche barzizziane," Bergomum 54 (1960): 18-20, 24-25. 

* See Francesco Paolo Luiso, Studi sull'epistolario di Leonardo Bruni, ed. Lucia Gualdo 
Rosa, Studi storici, fasc. 122-24 (Rome: Istituto storico italianoper il Medio Evo, 1980), 7-8; 
and Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 2.1:362-63 (no. 6656). 

^ Claudio Griggio has argued that t)\c facetia is better attributed to Guarino; see Claudio 
Griggio and Albinia de la Mare, "D copista Michele Salvatico coUaboratore di Francesco 
Barbaro e Guamerio d'Artegna," Lettere italiane 37 (1985): 347 n. 3. 



316 CHAPTER 12 



9. Sicco Polenton, Vita Senecae (excerpt, from Book XVII of . . . 
Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae lihri XVIItf 

a. Oratio Senecae ad Neronem imperatorem (inc: Si aut aetati meae) and 
Responsio Neronis (inc: Gratias debeo tibi amplissimas) 
Manuscripts: 

Belluno, Seminario Gregoriano, cod. LoUiniana 49, fol. 74 (Mazza- 

tinti 2:125-27; /fer 2:496b) 
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Ashb. 269 (where attributed to 

PPV) {Iter 1:82b) 
Parma, Bibl. Palatina, cod. Parm. 937b {Iter 2:42a) 
San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 121 {Iter 

2:568a) 
Verona, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. CCXLI (202) {Iter 2:296a-b) 
Editions: 
Baccio Ziliotto and Giuseppe Vidossich, "Frammenti inediti della 

Vita di Seneca di P. P. Vergerio il vecchio," Archeografo triestino 

30 (1905-6): 352-55. 
B. L. Ullmann, . . . Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae libri XVIII, 

482-85, Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in 

Rome 6. Rome, 1928. 
Wolfgang Speyer, "Tacitus, Annalen 14, 53/56 und ein angeblicher 

Brief wechsel zwischen Seneca und Nero," Rheinisches Museum 

fur Philologie 114 (1971): 351-59. 

b. De vita Senecae (inc: Seneca longissime vixit) 

Manuscripts: 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, 2:117-18 

Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fol. 68r-v 

Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), 

fol. 83 
Editions: 
Baccio Ziliotto and Giuseppe Vidossich, "Frammenti inediti," 355- 

56. 
B. L. Ullmann, Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguaCy 493-94. 



* Renata Fabbri, "Un esempio della tecnica compositiva del Polenton: La Vita Senecae 
{Script, ill. Lat. ling. lib. XVJl)," Res Publica Litterarum: Studies in the Classical Tradition 10 
(1987): 85-86. 



Works Attributed to Vergerio 317 

10. Ps. Leonardus Aretinus, Ep. to Petrus Paulus (inc: Cum saepe et 
multum de singulari)'' 
Manuscript: 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.286 (4302) 

{Iter 2:250b) 
Edition: 
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 205-7. Venice, 1887. 



^ On the author, see Remigio Sabbadini, Storia e critica di testi latini, 2d ed., Medioevo 
e umanesimo 11 (Padua: Antenore, 1971), 274-79; and Epist, Ixx-lxxi n. 1. 



CHAPTER 13 

Works Dedicated to 
Pierpaolo Vergerio 



1. Leonardo Bruni, Dialogi ad Petrum Histrum (inc: Vetus est cuiusdam 

sapientis sententia) 

Manuscripts: 

Arezzo, Bibl. della Citta, cod. 145 (Preface to PPV) 

Basel, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. O.II.32, fols. l-19v (Iter 5:78a) 

Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, cod. Lat. 
folio 667, fols. 67-76 {Iter 3:484b) 

Ibid., cod. Lat. quarto 272, fols. 77-\Qi7 (Klette, Leonardi Aretini Ad 
Petrum Paulum Istrum dialogus, iv; Iter 3:477b) 

Bologna, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 2720 (Preface to PPV) 

Budapest, Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar (National Szechenyi Li- 
brary), cod. Clmae 292, fols. 145-68 {Iter 4:291b) 

Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Plut. Ln.3, fols. 58-75v (Bandini, 
Catalogus Codicum Latinorum, 2:545-47)^ 

Ibid., cod. Plut. LXXXX sup. 50 (Gaddianus), fols. 48v-63v (Bandini, 
Catalogus Codicum Latinorum, 3:627-28) 

Ibid., cod. Plut. LXXXX sup. 60 (Gaddianus), fols. 61-82 (Bandini, 
Catalogus Codicum Latinorum, 3:642-43) 

Ibid., cod. Strozzi 104 (Preface to PPV) 



' On the codex, see also Annaclara Cataldi Palau, "La biblioteca Pandolfini: Storia della 
sua formazione e successiva dispersione, identificazione di alcuni manoscritti," IMU 31 
(1988): 334. 



Works Dedicated to Vergerio 319 

Ibid., Bibl. Nazionale Centrale, cod. Conv. soppr. J.I.31 (478), fols. 

109-21V {Iter 1:161b) 
Ibid., cod. Magi. Vni.1311, fols. 51-70 {Iter 1:132b) 
Ibid., cod. Naz. II. 1.64 (Preface to PPV) 
Ibid., cod. Naz. 11.8.129^ 
Ibid., Bibl. Riccardiana, cod. Rice. 976, fols. 26v-34 (Book I) {Iter 

1:213a) 
Genoa, Bibl. Durazzo, cod. B.V.14, fols. 31-43 {Iter l:246a-b, 2:523a, 

6:7a-b) 
Jena, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Buder quarto 105, fol. 67r-v (Pre- 
face to PPV), fols. 70-72v (speech of Salutati) {Iter 3:411a) 
Karlsruhe (Germany), Badische Landesbibliothek, cod. Aug. (Reiche- 

nau) 131, fols. 77-93 (Holder, Die Reichenauer Handschriften, 

1:323-25) 
Krakow, Bibl. Jagiellonska, cod. 519, fols. 37-45, 90v (Preface to 

PPV) {Iter 4:404b-5a) 
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. H 49 inf. (Preface to PPV) {Iter 

1:325a) 
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 350, fols. 9-17v 

(Book 1) (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 392-98, / codici del Petrarca, 

244-50 [no. 94]) 
Ibid., cod. Clm 14134, fols. 210v-ll (excerpt.) (Sottili, IMUU [1970]: 

402-17, / codici del Petrarca, 450-65 [no. 140]) 
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.E.69, fols. 104-19v {Iter 1:418b) 
Ibid., cod. XIII.G.33, fols. 120v-21v (Preface to PPV) (Kristeller, 

"Un' ars dictaminis," 192) 
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly 

Phillipps 9627), fols. 113-32 (/fer 5:291a; Dutschke, Census, 194- 

97 [no. 77]) 
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 225 (Preface to PPV) 
Palermo, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 2.Qq.C.79 (Book I) {Iter 2:26b-27a) 
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 5919B (Preface to PPV) 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 6179 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 6315 
Ibid., cod. Lat. 11290, fols. 2-28 {Iter 3:231a) 



^ I found reference to this and other manuscripts of the Dialogi, as well as several manu- 
scripts having only the preface to Vergerio, in James Hankins, review of Leonardo Bruni, 
Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Histrum, ed. Stefano Ugo Baldassarri, Renaissance Quarterly 51 
(1998): 964-65. 



320 CHAPTER 13 



Ibid., cod. Lat. 17888, 235-58 {Iter 3:267a-b) 

Ibid., cod. Moreau 849, fols. 2-34v {Iter 3:328b) 

Perugia, Bibl. Comunale Augusta, cod. H.78, fols. 80-lOlv {Iter 

2:58a-b) 
Princeton, Princeton University Library, cod. 107 {Iter 5:380a) 
Ravenna, Bibl. Classense, cod. 419 (Preface to PPV) 
Reims, Bibl. Municipale, cod. 1111, fols. 118-30 (Book I) {Iter 

3:342a-b) 
Rome, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale, cod. Varia 10 (619) {Iter l-Albz-h) 
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 79.4, fol. 

42r-v (excerpt.) {Iter 3:45a-48a) 
Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati, cod. H.VI.26, fols. 1-14 {Iter 

2:165a) 
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 170, fols. 2v-12 (/fer 2:197a) 
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Chig. J.VI.214, fols. 169-84 {Iter 2:484a) 
Ibid., cod. Chig. J.VI.215, fols. 107-16v {Iter 2:484a-b) 
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 856, fols. 2-18 {Iter 2:415a) 
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 1901, fols. 37v-58 {Iter 2:419b, 6:380a-b) 
Ibid., cod. Pal. lat. 1598, fols. 1-19 {Iter 2:398a-b) 
Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 1321, fols. 164-82 {Iter 2:402a) 
Ibid., cod. Urb. lat. 1164, fols. 17ff. (Stornajolo, Codices Urhinates La- 

tini, 3:180-82) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 1560, fols. 3-4 (Nogara, Codices Vaticani Latini: 

Codices 1461-2059, 64-65) 
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 1883, fols. 12-15v (Book I, fragm.) (Nogara, 

Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1461-2059, 335-36) 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. VI. 134 (3565), fols. 

32-49v {Iter 2:251a) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.31 (4701), fols. l-20v (Zorzanello, Catalogo 

dei codici latini, 3:51-54; Iter 2:263b) 
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.118 (4711), 27-58 (Zorzanello, Catalogo dei 

codici latini, 3:149-50; Iter 2:247a) 
Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 501 (1712), fols. 131v-46 {Iter 2:214b) 
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 229, fols. 13-32v (Klette, 

Leonardi Aretini Ad Petrum Paulum Istrum dialogus, iv; Csapodi- 

Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 110 [no. 52]) 
Editions: 

Giuseppe Kirner, / dialoghi "Ad Petrum Histrum." Livorno, 1889. 
Karl Wotke, Dialogus de tribus vatihus Florentinis. Leipzig, Prague, 

and Vienna, 1889. 



Works Dedicated to Vergerio 321 

Theodor KJette, Leonardi Aretini Ad Petrum Paulum Istrum dialogus. 

Vol. 2 of Beitrdge zur Geschichte und Litteratur der Italienischen 

Gelehrtenrenaissance. Greifswald, 1889. 
Eugenio Garin, Prosatori latini del Quattrocento, 44-99. Milan and 

Naples: R. Ricciardi, < 1952 > . 
Stefano Ugo Baldassarri, Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Histrum. 

Florence: Olschki, 1994. 

2. Francesco Zabarella, De felicitate . . . libri tres (inc: Multa et praeclara 
naturae munera) 
Manuscripts: 
Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler, cod. 1.11479-11484, fols. 2-31 {Iter 

3:119a) 
London, British Library, cod. Harley 1883, fols. 81-118 (/ter 4:157a) 
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 196 {Iter 2:9b) 
Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 2042 {Iter 2:22b) 
Edition: 
Giacomo Zabarella, . . . De felicitate libri tres. . . . Padua, 1655. 



CHAPTER 14 

Renaissance Commentary on 
Works of Pierpaolo Vergerio 



1. Anon., Chronica Carrarese (1314-1435/ 
Manuscript: 

Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 757, fols. 14v-24v 

2. Anon., Commentarius in "De ingenuis moribus" (inc: In hoc expo- 
nendo aureo et paene divino libello) 

Manuscripts: 

Forli, Bibl. Comunale, cod. III.83 (454) {Iter 1:231a) 
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Chig. J.VII.266, fols. 252-54 (inc: In expo- 
nendo hoc aureo Hbello) {Iter 2:486a-87b) 

3. Anon., Sermo de laudibus Hieronymi^ 
Manuscript: 

Munich, Bayerische StaatsbibHothek, cod. Clm 18527b, fols. 146v-53 
(Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus Codicum Latinoruniy 
2.3:171) 



' Sante Bortolami, "Per la storia della storiografia comunale: II Chronicon de potestatibus 
Paduae," Archivio veneto, ser. 5, 105 (1975): 78-80, describes the work as a compendium of 
Vergerio's biographies with an epilogue on Francesco il Vecchio and Francesco Novello. 

^ In the opening passages (fols. 146v-47), the sermon quotes Vergerio's panegyric for 
Jerome ^nc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae) and therefore has the same incipit. A 
colophon on fol. 154 indicates that the sermon was copied in 1483. The manuscript came 
to the StaatsbibHothek from the Benedictine monastery at Tegemsee. 



Renaissance Commentary on Vergerio 323 

4. Guarino da Verona, Oratiuncula . . . pro libello "De ingenuis moribus" 

inchoando (inc: Saepissime viri doctissimi) 

Manuscripts: 

Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea, cod. 11.110, fols, 112v-13 {Iter 
l:57a-b) 

Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AD.XIV.27, fol. 46 (plagiar- 
ized by loannes Grasus) {Iter 1:356b) 

Edition: 

Attilio Gnesotto, "Vergeriana (Pierpaolo Vergerio seniore)," Atti e 
memorie delta R. Accademia di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova, 
n.s., 37 (1920-21): 57. 



CHAPTER 15 

General Bibliography 



Abate, Giuseppe, and Giovanni Luisetto. Codici e manoscritti della Bi- 

blioteca Antoniana (col catalogo delle miniature, Francois Avril, Fran- 

cesca d'Arcais, and Giordana Mariani Canova, eds.). 2 vols. Fonti e 

studi per la storia del Santo a Padova: Fonti 1-2. Vicenza: Pozza, 

1975. 
Alexander, Jonathan James Graham, and Albinia de la Mare. The Italian 

Manuscripts in the Library of Major J. R. Abbey. London: Faber, and 

New York: Praeger, 1969. 
Alpago-Novello, Luigi. "Teodoro de' Lelli vescovo di Feltre (1462-64) 

e di Treviso (1464-66)." Archivio veneto 66 (1936): 238-61. 
Altmann, Wilhelm, ed. Die Urkunden Kaiser Sigmunds (1410-37). Vol. 11 

of Regesta Imperii. 2 parts. Innsbruck, 1896-1900. 
Alvisi, Edoardo, Ugo Brilli, and Tommaso Casini, eds. Ode saffica di 

Pier Paolo Vergerio, il vecchio, per il ritomo dei Carraresi in Padova. 

Rome, 1888. 
Anonymous. "Vita adespota di Pier Paolo Vergerio prefissa al trattato 

De ingenuis moribus nel codice 454 della Biblioteca Comunale di 

Forli." In Epist., 475-80. Rome, 1934. 
. "Vita adespota di Pier Paolo Vergerio trascritta in un codice del 

De ingenuis moribus che si conserva nell'Archivio Diplomatico di 

Trieste." In Epist., A7A-75. Rome, 1934. 
. "Vita Divi Hieronymi . . . (inc: Plerosque nimirum)." In Boninus 



Mombritius, Sanctuarium seu vitae sanctorum. 2 vols. Edited by Bene- 
dictines of Solesmenses, 2:31-36. Paris, 1910. 

— . "... Vita Sancti Hieronymi, presbyteri (inc: Hieronymus 
noster)." PL 22:175-84. 



General Bibliography 325 



Antin, Paul. "Autour du songe de saint Jerome." In Recueil sur saint 
Jerome, 71-100. Collection Latomus 95. Brussels: Latomus, 1968. 

. " 'Hilarius Latinae eloquentiae Rhodanus' (Jerome, In Gal., prol. 

2)." In Recueil sur saint Jerome^ 259-77. Collection Latomus 95. Brus- 
sels: Latomus, 1968. 

. "Le monachisme selon saint Jerome." In Recueil sur saint Jerome, 



101-33. Collection Latomus 95. Brussels: Latomus, 1968. 
— . "Les sirenes et Ulysse dans I'oeuvre de saint Jerome." In Recueil 

sur saint Jerome, 59-70. Collection Latomus 95. Brussels: Latomus, 

1968. 
— . "Touches classiques et chretiennes juxtaposees chez saint 

Jerome." In Recueil sur saint Jerome, 47-57. Collection Latomus 95. 

Brussels: Latomus, 1968. 

"Le ville chez saint Jerome." In Recueil sur saint Jerome, 375-89. 



Collection Latomus 95. Brussels: Latomus, 1968. 

Argelati, Filippo. , . . Bibliotheca Scriptorum Mediolanensium. Milan, 1747. 

Articella, seu thesaurus operum medicorum antiquorum. Venice: Herman- 
nus Liechtenstein, 29 March 1483. GIF 2679. 

Augustinus, S. Sancti Aureli Augustini Retractationum libri duo. Edited 
by Pius Knoll. CSEL 36. Vienna and Leipzig, 1902. 

Aurigemma, Marcello. "II Sermo de vita Francisci Petrarcae di Pier Paolo 
Vergerio." In Giorgio Varanini and Palmiro Pinagli, eds. Studijilolo- 
gici, letterari, e storici in memoria di Guido Favati, 1:33-53. Medioevo 
e umanesimo 1%-19. Padua: Antenore, 1977. 

. Studi sulla cultura letteraria fra Tre e Quattrocento (Filippo Villani, 

Vergerio, Bruni). Rome: Bulzoni, 1976. 

Azzoni, Alfredo. "Ricerche barzizziane." Bergomum 54 (1960): 15-26. 

Babudri, Francesco. San Nazario protovescovo di Capodistria. Capodi- 
stria, 1901. 

Balsamo, Luigi. "Editoria e umanesimo a Parma fra Quattro e Cinque- 
cento." In Paola Medioli Masotti, ed. Parma e I'umanesimo italiano 
(Atti del convegno intemazionale di studi umanistici, Parma, 20 ottobre 
1984), 77-95. Medioevo e umanesimo 60. Padua: Antenore, 1986. 

Bandini, Angelo Maria. Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Medi- 
ceae Laurentianae. ... 5 vols. Florence, 1774-7S. 

Barattin, Dino. "Per una storia della Biblioteca Guarneriana di San Da- 
niele del Friuli: Note e documenti." In Laura Casarsa, Anna Giulia 
Cavagna, Mario D 'Angelo, Arnaldo Ganda, Giordana Mariani Cano- 
va, Ugo Rozzo, and Cesare Scalon, eds. La Guarneriana: I tesori di 
un'antica biblioteca, 79-85. San Daniele: Comune di San Daniele, 1988. 



326 CHAPTER 15 



Barbaro, Francesco. De re uxoria libri duo. < Paris >, 1513. 

. "Francisci Barbari De re uxoria liber-. Nuova edizione per cura del 

. . . Prof. Attilio Gnesotto." Atti e memorie delta R. Accademia di 
scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 32 (1915-16): 6-105. 

Francesci Barbari et aliorum ad ipsum epistolae. . . . Edited by 



Angelo Maria Quirini. Brescia, 1743. 

Baron, Hans. "Cicero and the Roman Civic Spirit in the Middle Ages 
and Early Renaissance." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 11 
(1938): 7?>-97. Repr. with revisions as "The Memory of Cicero's 
Roman Civic Spirit in the Medieval Centuries and in the Florentine 
Renaissance." In Search of Florentine Civic Humanism: Essays on the 
Transition from Medieval to Modem Thought^ 1:94-133. Princeton: 
Princeton Univ. Press, 1988. 

. The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Re- 
publican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny. 2 vols. Princeton: 
Princeton Univ. Press, 1955. Rev. ed., Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 
1966. 

. "Franciscan Poverty and Civic Wealth in the Shaping of Trecento 

Humanistic Thought: The Role of Florence." In Search of Florentine 
Civic Humanism: Essays on the Transition from Medieval to Modem 
Thought, 1:191-225. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1988. 

. From Petrarch to Leonardo Bruni: Studies in Humanistic and Politi- 
cal Literature. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1968. 

. Humanistic and Political Literature in Florence and Venice at the 

Beginning of the Quattrocento: Studies in Criticism and Chronology. 
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1955. 

. "The Year of Leonardo Bruni's Birth and Methods for Determin- 



ing the Ages of Humanists Born in the Trecento." Speculum 52 
(1977): 582-625. 

Barzizza, Gasparino. Exempla exordiorum. Padua: <Matthaeus Cerdo- 
nis>, 12 December 1483. 01^3690; BMC 7:921; IGI 1413. 

, and Guiniforte Barzizza. Gasparini Barzizii et Guinifortis filii 

Opera. Edited by G. A. Furietti. Rome, 1723. 

Baxandall, Michael. Giotto and the Orators: Humanist Observers of Paint- 
ing in Italy and the Discovery of Pictorial Composition 1350-1450. 
Oxford-Warburg Studies 6. Oxford: Clarendon, 1971. 

. Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy: A Primer in the 

Social History of Pictorial Style. 2d ed. Oxford and New York: Ox- 
ford Univ. Press, 1988. 

Beale, Walter. "Rhetorical Performative Discourse: A New Theory of 



General Bibliography 327 



Epideictic." Philosophy and Rhetoric 11 (1978): 221-46. 

Beck, Hans-Georg, Karl August Fink, Josef Glazik, Edwin Iserloh, and 
Hans Walter. Die mittelalterliche Kirche; Vom kirchlichen Hoch- 
mittelalter his zum Vorahend der Reformation. Vols. 3 and 3.2 of 
Handhuch der Kirchengeschichte. Edited by Hubert Jedin. Freiburg, 
Basel, and Vienna: Herder, 1968. From the High Middle Ages to the 
Eve of the Reformation. Vol. 4 of History of the Church. Edited by 
Hubert Jedin and John Dolan and translated by Anselm Biggs. New 
York: Seabury, 1982. 

Beleth, loannes. Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis. Edited by Heriberto 
Douteil. CCL con. med. 41-41A. Turnhout: Brepols, 1976. 

Bellavitis, Giorgio, and Giandomenico Romanelli. Venezia. Le citta 
nella storia d'ltalia. Bari: Laterza, 1985. 

Bellinati, Claudio. "La casa canonicale di Francesco Petrarca a Padova: 
Ubicazione e vicende." In Contrihuti alia storia della chiesa padovana 
nell'eta medioevale 1, 83-224. Fonti e ricerche 11. Padua: Istituto per 
la Storia Ecclesiastica Padovana, 1979. 

Belloni, Annalisa. Professori giuristi a Padova nel secolo XV: Profili hio- 
hihliografici e cattedre. lus Commune: Studien zur europaischen 
Rechtsgeschichte 28. Frankfurt am Main: V. Klostermann, 1986. 

Bernadskaja, E. V. "Manoscritti del Petrarca nelle biblioteche di Lenin- 
grado (U.R.S.S.)." IMU 22 (1979): 547-59. 

Bernardi, lacopo. "Di Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore: Lettera a Carlo 
Combi." Rivista universale, n.s., 22 (1875): 405-30. 

. "Pier Paolo Vergerio il seniore ed Emanuele Crisolora." Archivio 

storico italiano, ser. 3, 23 (1876): 176-80. 

Bernardinello, Silvio. "La Consolatio coisliniana di Boezio: Le glosse e la 
biblioteca di Pietro da Montagnana." Atti e memorie dell'Accademia 
patavina di scienze, lettere, ed arti: Memorie della classe di scienze 
morali, lettere, ed arti, n.s., 93, no. 3 (1980-81): 29-52. 

. "Gli studi propedeutici di greco del grammatico padovano Pietro 

da Montagnana." Quademi per la storia deU'Universita di Padova 9- 
10 (1976-77): 103-28. 

Bernardo, Aldo S. Petrarch, Scipio, and the "Africa": The Birth of Human- 
ism's Dream. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1962. 

Bertalot, Ludwig. "Die alteste Briefsammlung des Gasparinus Barzizza." 
Beitrdge zur Forschung, Studien aus dem Antiquariat facques Rosenthal, 
n.s., 2 (1929): 39-84. Repr. in Studien, 2:31-102. 

. "Eine humanistische Anthologie: Die Handschrift Quarto 768 der 

Universitatsbibliothek Miinchen." In Paul Oskar Kristeller, ed. Stu- 



328 CHAPTER 15 



dienzum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, 1:1-82. Raccoltadi 

Studi e Testi 129-30. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1975. 

— . "lacobi Zeni Descriptio coniurationis Patavinae (Das ende des 



letzten Carraresen 1435)." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen 
Archiven und Bibliotheken 20 (1928-29): 333-58. Repr. in Studien, 
2:103-29. 

— . "Eine Sammlung paduaner Reden des XV. Jahrhunderts." Quellen 
und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 26 (1935- 
36): 245-67. Repr. in Studien, 2:209-35. 

— . Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus. 2 vols. Edi- 
ted by Paul Oskar Kristeller. Raccolta di Studi e Testi 129-30. Rome: 
Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1975. 

— . "Uno zibaldone umanistico latino del Quattrocento a Parma." La 
Bibliofilia 38 (1936-37): 73-87. Repr. in Studien, 2:241-64. 

— . "Zwolf Briefe des Ambrogio Traversari." Romische Quartalschrift 
29 (1915): 91-106. Repr. in Studien, 1:251-67. 

— , and Ursula Jaitner-Hahner. Poesie. Vol. 1 of Initia Humanistica 
Latina: Initienverzeichnis lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 
14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts. Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1985. 

— . Prosa A-M. Vol. 2.1 of Initia Humanistica Latina: Initienver- 



zeichnis lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 14. bis 16. Jahr- 
hunderts. Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1990. 

Besomi, Ottavio. "Codici petrarcheschi nelle biblioteche svizzere." IMU 
8 (1965): 369-429. Repr. Codici petrarcheschi nelle biblioteche svizzere. 
Censimento dei Codici Petrarcheschi 3. Padua: Antenore, 1967. 

Bettini, Maurizio. Antropologia e cultura romana: Parentela, tempo, im- 
magini dell'anima. Rome: La Nuova Italia Scientifica, 1986. 

Biadego, Giuseppe. Catalogo descrittivo dei manoscritti della Biblioteca 
Comunale di Verona. Verona, 1892. 

Bianca, Concetta. "La biblioteca romana di Niccolo Cusano." In Mas- 
simo Miglio, with P. Farenga and A. Modigliani, eds. Scrittura, bi- 
blioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento 2, 669-708. Littera anti- 
qua 3. Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, ed 
Archivistica, 1983. 

. "La formazione della biblioteca latina del Bessarione." In 

C. Bianca, P. Farenga, G. Lombardi, A. G. Luciani, and M. Miglio, 
eds. Aspetti e problemi, 103-65. Vol. 1 of Scrittura, biblioteche, e 
stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento. Littera antiqua 1.1. Vatican City: 
Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, ed Archivistica, 1980. 

. "Marianus de Magistris de Urbe." In Massimo Miglio with 



General Bibliography 329 



P. Farenga and A. Modigliani, eds. Scrittura, biblioteche, e stampa a 
Roma nel Quattrocento 2, 555-99. Littera antiqua 3. Vatican City: 
Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, ed Archivistica, 1983. 

Biblioteca Comunale di Treviso: Catalogo numerico di manoscritti. 2 hand- 
written volumes. 

Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Antiquae et Mediae Aetatis. 2 vols. 
Edited by Socii BoUandiani. Subsidia hagiographica 6. Brussels, 1898- 
1901; Supplementum. Subsidia hagiographica 12. Brussels, 1911; No- 
vum Supplementum. Subsidia hagiographica 70. Brussels: Societe de 
Bollandistes, 1986. 

Bignami-Odier, Jeanne. La Bibliotheque Vaticane de Sixte IV a Pie XI: 
Recherches sur I'histoire des collections de manuscrits. Studi e testi 272. 
Vatican City: BAV, 1973. 

Billanovich, Giuseppe. "L'insegnamento della grammatica e della reto- 
rica nelle universita italiane tra Petrarca e Guarino." In Jozef Ijse- 
wijn and Jacques Paquet, eds. The Universities in the Late Middle Ages, 
365-80. Mediaevalia Lovaniensia 1.6. Leuven: Leuven Univ. Press, 
1978. 

. "Petrarca e Cicerone." In Letteratura classica e umanistica, 88-106. 

Vol. 4 of Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati. Studi e testi 124. Vatican 
City: BAV, 1946. 

. Petrarca letterato I: Lo scrittoio di Petrarca. Raccolta di studi e testi 



16. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1947. 

Billanovich, Maria Pia, "Bernardino Parenzano e le origini di Capodi- 
stria." IMU 14 (1971): 252-89. 

Billanovich, Myriam. "Francesco Colonna, // Poli/ilo, e la famiglia 
LeUi." IMU 19 (1976): 419-28. 

Biondo, Flavio. . . . De Roma triumphante libri decem . . . Romae instau- 
ratae libri tres, Italia illustrata, Historiarum ab inclinato Romano 
imperio Decades tres. . . . Basel, 1531. 

. Scritti inediti e rari di Biondo Flavio. Edited by Bartolomeo 

Nogara. Studi e testi 48. Rome: BAV, 1927. 

Birnbaum, Marianna D. "Humanism in Hungary." In Albert Rabil, Jr., 
ed. Humanism Beyond Italy, 293-334. Vol. 2 of Renaissance Human- 
ism: Foundations, Forms, and Legacy. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsyl- 
vania Press, 1988. 

Bischoff, Conrad. Studien zu P. P. Vergerio dem Alteren. Berlin and 
Leipzig, 1909. 

Bloomfield, Morton W., Bertrand-Georges Guyot, Donald R. Howard, 
and Thyra B. Kabealo. Incipits of Latin Works on the Virtues and 



330 CHAPTER 15 



Vices, 1100-1500 A.D. (Including a Section oflncipits of Works on the 

Pater Noster). Mediaeval Academy of America Publication 88. Cam- 
bridge, Mass.: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1979. 
Boerner, Christian Friedrich. De doctis hominibus Graecis litterarum 

Graecarum in Italia instauratoribus liber. Leipzig, 1750. 
Boese, Helmut. Die lateinischen Handschriften der Sammlung Hamilton 

zu Berlin. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1966. 
Bortolami, Sante. "Per la storia della storiografia comunale: II Chronicon 

de potestatibus Paduae." Archivio veneto, ser. 5, 105 (1975): 69-121. 
Bosisio, Alfredo. "II Comune." In Dalle origini alia caduta della signoria 

viscontea (1426), 559-710. Vol. 1 of Storia di Brescia. Brescia: Morcel- 

liana, 1963. 
Better, Mario. "Nobili istriani in Treviso: La famiglia da Montona." 

Atti e memorie della Societa istriana di archeologia e storia patria 58, 

n.s., 6 (1958): 105-18. 
Bouyer, Louis. The Spirituality of the New Testament and the Fathers. Vol. 

\ oi A History of Christian Spirituality. Translated by Mary Ryan. 

Kent, Engl.: Burns & Oates, and New York: Desclee, 1963. 
Bowen, Barbara C. "Renaissance Collections of Facetiae, 1344-1528: A 

New Listing." Renaissance Quarterly 39 (1986): 1-15, 263-75. 
Bower, Edmund W. "Some Technical Terms in Roman Education." 

Hermes 89 (1961): 462-77. 
Bracciolini, Poggio. Lettere a Niccolb Niccoli. Vol. 1 of Lettere. Edited by 

Helene Harth. Florence: Olschki, 1984. 
. Opera omnia. 4 vols. Edited by Riccardo Fubini. Turin: Bottega 

d'Erasmo, 1964-66. 
-. Two Renaissance Book Hunters: The Letters ofPoggius Bracciolini to 



Nicolaus de Niccolis. Translated by Phyllis Gordan. Records of Civili- 
zation: Sources and Studies 91. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 
1974. 

Braggion, Gabriele. "Un indice cinquecentesco della biblioteca di S. Gio- 
vanni di Verdara a Padova." IMU 29 (1986): 233-80. 

Branca, Vittore, and Sante Graciotti, eds. L'umanesimo in Istria. Civilta 
veneziana: Studi 38. Florence: Olschki, 1983. 

Brandmiiller, Walter. Bis zur Abreise Sigismunds nach Narbonne. Vol. 1 of 
Das Konzil von Konstanz 1414-1418. Padeborn et al.: Schoningh, 1991. 

. "L'ecclesiologia di San Bernardino da Siena." In Domenico Maffei 

and Paolo Nardi, eds. Atti del simposio intemazionale Cateriniano- 
Bemardiniano (Siena, 17-20 aprile 1980), 393-406. Siena: Accademia 
Senese degli Intronati, 1982. 



General Bibliography 331 



"Simon de Lellis de Teramo: Ein Konsistorialadvokat auf den 



Konzilien von Konstanz und Basel." Annuarium Historiae Conci- 
liorum 12 (1980): 229-68. 

Briquet, Charles M. Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des marques du 
papier des leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu'en 1600. 2d ed. Paris, 1923. 

Brown, Peter. The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renun- 
ciation in Early Christianity. Lectures on the History of Religions, 
n.s., 15. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1988. 

. The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity. 

Chicago and London: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1981. 

Bruni, Leonardo. AdPetrum Paulum Histrum dialogi. In Eugenio Garin, 
ed. and trans. Prosatori latini del Quattrocento, 44-99. Milan and 
Naples: R. Ricciardi, <1952>. 

. Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Histrum. Edited by Stefano Ugo Baldas- 

sarri. Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento: Studi e testi 35. 
Florence: Olschki, 1994. 

. . . . Epistolarum lihri VIII. 2 vols. Edited by Laurentius Mehus. 

Florence, 1741. 

. 77;e Humanism of Leonardo Bruni: Selected Texts. Translated by 

Gordon Griffiths, James Hankins, and David Thompson. Medieval 
& Renaissance Texts & Studies 46, in conjunction with The Renais- 
sance Society of America: Renaissance Texts Series 10. Binghamton, 
N.Y.: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1987. 

. Humanistisch-Philosophische Schriften. Edited by Hans Baron. 

Berlin and Leipzig, 1928. 

. Rerum suo tempore gestarum commentarius. In RIS, n.s., 19.3, fasc. 



4-5: 403-69. 

Brydges, Egerton, ed. Epistola Francisci Petrarcae posteritati. Naples, 1820. 

Budisa, Drazen. "Humanism in Croatia." In Albert Rabil, Jr., ed. Hu- 
manism Beyond Italy, 265-92. Vol. 2 oi Renaissance Humanism: Foun- 
dations, Forms, and Legacy. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania 
Press, 1988. 

Burlini Calapaj, Anna. "Tra polemica, erudizione, e storia: Scritti editi 
ed inediti di Adamo Pivati, parroco di S. Giuliana in Padova." In 
Contributi alia hihliografia storica della chiesa padovana 5 (1980-83), 
11-46. Fonti e ricerche 15. Padua: Istituto per la Storia Ecclesiastica 
Padovana, 1983. 

Burmeister, Karl Heinz. "Die Bibliothek des Jakob Spiegel." In Fritz 
Krafft and Dieter Wuttke, eds. Das Verhdltnis der Humanisten zum 
Buch, 163-83. Kommission fiir Humanismusforschung, Mitteilung 4. 



332 CHAPTER 15 



Boppard: H. Boldt, 1977. 

Bursill-Hall, G. L. A Census of Medieval Latin Grammatical Manuscripts. 
Grammatica speculativa 4, Stuttgart: Frommann-Holzboog, 1981. 

Bussi, Giovanni Andrea. Prefazioni alle edizioni di Sweynheym e Pannartz 
prototipografi romani. Edited by Massimo Miglio. Documenti sulle 
arti del libro 12. Milan: II Polifilo, 1978. 

Cagni, Giuseppe M. "Agnolo Manetti e Vespasiano da Bisticci." IMU 14 
(1971): 293-312. 

Calabrese, Pierluigi. "Nuove lettere di Francesco Barbaro." Archivio 
veneto, ser. 5, 118 (1982): 5-55. 

Calo, Giovanni. "Nota vergeriana: II De ingenuis moribus e il supposto 
precettorato del Vergerio alia corte di Francesco Novello." Rinascita 
2 (1939): 226-52. Repr. "La genesi del primo trattato pedagogic© del- 
rumanismo." In Dall'umanesimo alia scuola del lavoro, 1:37-66. Flor- 
ence, 1940. 

Cammelli, Giuseppe. Manuele Crisolora. Vol. 1 of / dotti bizantini e le 
origini delVumanesimo. Florence: Vallecchi, 1941. 

Carmody, Francis J. Arabic Astronomical and Astrological Sciences in 
Latin Translation: A Critical Bibliography. Berkeley and Los Angeles: 
Univ. of California Press, 1956. 

Caroti, Stefano, and Stefano Zamponi. Lo scrittoio di Bartolomeo Fonzio, 
umanista fiorentino. Milan: Il Polifilo, 1974. 

Casamassima, Emanuele. "Literulae Latinae: Nota paleografica." In Ste- 
fano Caroti and Stefano Zamponi, Lo scrittoio di Bartolomeo Fonzio, 
umanista fiorentino, ix-xxxiii. Milan: Il Polifilo, 1974. 

, M. D'Angelo, C. Scalon, and L. Martinelli, eds. Mostra di codici 

umanistici di biblioteche friulane (Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana 
Firenze). Florence: Bibl. Medicea Laurenziana, 1978. 

Casanova, Maria Letizia. "Girolamo: Iconografia." In Bibliotheca Sanc- 
torum, 6:1132-37. Rome: Istituto Giovanni XXIII, Pontificia Univ. 
Lateranense, 1961-69. 

Casarsa, Laura. "Un bibliofilo del '400: Guarnerio d'Artegna." In Laura 
Casarsa, Anna Giulia Cavagna, Mario D'Angelo, Arnaldo Ganda, 
Giordana Mariani Canova, Ugo Rozzo, and Cesare Scalon, eds. La 
Guameriana: I tesori di un'antica biblioteca, 19-22. San Daniele: 
Comune di San Daniele, 1988. 

. Gli inventari antichi della Biblioteca Guameriana di San Daniele 

del Friuli. Quaderni Guarneriani 9. Udine: Del Bianco, 1986. 

, Mario D'Angelo, and Cesare Scalon. La Libreria di Guarnerio 



d'Artegna. Udine: Casamassima Libri, 1991. 



General Bibliography 333 



Casini, Tommaso. "Notizie e documenti per la storia della poesia ita- 

liana: Tre nuovi rimatori del trecento." // Propugnatore, n.s., 1, no. 

2 (1888): 93-116, 313-66. 
Cataldi Palau, Annaclara. "La biblioteca Pandolfini: Storia della sua 

formazione e successiva dispersione, identificazione di alcuni mano- 

scritti." IMU31 (1988): 259-395. 
Catalogue general des manuscrits des Bibliotheques publiques de France: De- 

partements. Paris: Plon, 1886ff. 
A Catalogue of Books Printed in the Fifteenth Century Now in the British 

Museum. 12 vols. Edited by R. Proctor and A. W. Pollard. London: 

Trustees of the British Museum, 1908ff. 
A Catalogue of the Harleian Manuscripts in the British Museum. 4 vols. 

London, 1808-12. 
Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae. 4 vols. Paris, 

1739-44. 
Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum. Edited by P. O. Kristeller 

and F. Edward Cranz. Washington, D.C.: Catholic Univ. of America 

Press, 1960ff. 
Cavallera, Ferdinand. Saint Jerome: Sa vie et son oeuvre. 2 vols. Louvain 

and Paris, 1922. 
Cella, Sergio. "La figura e Topera di Pier Paolo Vergerio il Vecchio." 

Pagine istriane 3-4 (1986): 55-61. 
, ed., and Francesco Semi, trans. "Il Paulus." Atti e memorie della 

Societa istriana di archeologia e storia patria 66, n.s., 14 (1966): 45-103. 
Cenci, Cesare. Manoscritti francescani della Biblioteca Nazionale di Na- 

poli. 2 vols. Spicilegium bonaventurianum 7-8. Quaracchi: Typo- 

graphia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, and Grottaf errata: Editiones Col- 

legii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1971. 
Cessi, Roberto. "Il malgoverno di Francesco il Vecchio signore di Pa- 
do va." Atti del R. Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere, ed arti 66, no. 2 

(1906-7): 737-48. 
. "Nuove ricerche su Ognibene Scola." Archivio storico lombardo 

36, fasc. 23 (1909): 91-136. 

"Prefazione." In Gesta magniftca domus Carrariensis, RIS, n.s.. 



17.1.2:i-xlv. 

Chambers, D. S. "Il Platina e il Cardinale Francesco Gonzaga." In Au- 
gusto Campana and Paola Meldioli Masotti, eds. Bartolomeo Sacchi il 
Platina: Atti del Convegno Intemazionale di studiper il V Centenario 
(Cremonay 14-15 novembre 1981), 9-19. Medioevo e umanesimo 62. 
Padua: Antenore, 1986. 



334 CHAPTER 15 

. A Renaissance Cardinal and His Worldly Goods: The Will and 

Inventory of Francesco Gonzaga (1444-1483). Survey and Texts 20. 
London: Warburg Institute, 1992. 

Cherubini, Paolo. "De Lellis, Simone." DBI 36:504-6. 

Chiappini, Aniceto, OFM. "Fr. Nicolai de Para Epistolae Duae ad S. 
loannem de Capistrano." Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 15 
(1922): 382-405. 

. Reliquie letterarie capestranesi: Storia, codici, carte, documenti. 

L'Aquila, 1927. 

Chojnacki, Stanley. "Crime, Punishment, and the Trecento Venetian 
State." In Lauro Martines, ed. Violence and Civil Disorder in Italian 
Cities, 1200-1500, 184-228. Center for Medieval and Renaissance 
Studies: Contributions 5. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of Cali- 
fornia Press, 1972. 

Cicogna, Emmanuele Antonio, ed. De republica Veneta fragmenta, nunc 
primum in lucem edita. Venice, 1830. 

Cipolla, Carlo. La storia politica di Verona. Edited by Ottavio Pellegrini. 
Verona, 1900. Rev. ed., Verona: Edizioni Valdonega, 1954. 

Cittadella, Giovanni. Storia della dominazione Carrarese in Padova. 2 
vols. Padua, 1842. 

Clavis Patrum Latinorum. Edited by Eligius Dekkers and Aemilius 
Gaar. 2d ed. Steenbrugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 1961. 

Clough, Cecil H. "Federigo Veterani, Polydore Vergil's Anglica Hi- 
storia, and Baldassare Castiglione's Epistola . . . ad Henricum Angliae 
regem." English Historical Review 82 (1967): 772-83. 

Cochrane, Eric. Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance. 
Chicago and London: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1981. 

Combi, Carlo A. "Un discorso inedito di Pier Paolo Vergerio il seniore 
da Capodistria." Archivio storico per Trieste, I'Istria, e il Trentino 1 
(1882): 351-74. 

, ed. Epistole di Pietro Paolo Vergerio seniore da Capodistria. Miscel- 
lanea della R. Deputazione veneta di storia patria 4.5. Venice, 1887. 

Conconi, Maurizio. "La caduta della signoria Carrarese." Padova e la sua 
Provincia 25 (1979): 20-22. 

Conversini, Giovanni, da Ravenna. Dragmalogia de eligihili vitae genere. 
Edited and translated by H. Lanneau Eaker. Bucknell Renaissance 
texts in translation, in conjunction with The Renaissance Society of 
America: Renaissance Texts Series 7. Lewisburg, Penn.: Bucknell 
Univ. Press, and London: Associated University Presses, 1980. 

Copinger, W. A. Supplement to Hain's Repertorium Bihliographicum. Part 



General Bibliography 335 



2, Additions. 1 vols. London, 1898-1906. 

Coppens, Joseph. "Le portrait de saint Jerome d'apres Erasme." In J.- 
C. Margolin, ed. Colloquia Erasmiana Turonensia, 2:821-28. De Pe- 
trarque a Descartes 24. Paris: J. Vrin, 1972. 

Coxe, Henry O. Codices Graecos et Latinos Canonicianos Complectens. 
Part 3 of Catologi Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae. 
Oxford, 1854. 

Cozzi, Gaetano. "Authority and the Law in Renaissance Venice." In 
John R. Hale, ed. Renaissance Venice, 293-345. Totowa, N.J.: Row- 
man and Littlefield, 1973. 

Cracco, Giorgio. "Banchini, Giovanni di Domenico." DBI 5:657-64. 

Csapodi, Csaba. The Corvinian Library: History and Stock. Studia huma- 
nitatis: Veroffentlichungen der Arbeitsgruppe fiir Renaissance- 
forschung 1. Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1973. 

, Klara Csapodi-Gardonyi, and Tibor Szanto, eds. Bibliotheca Cor- 

viniana: The Library of King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary. Shannon: 
Irish Univ. Press, 1969. 

Csapodi-Gardonyi, Klara. Die Bihliothek des Johannes Vitez. Studia hu- 
manitatis: Veroffentlichungen der Arbeitsgruppe fiir Renaissance- 
forschung 6. Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1984. 

Cuscito, Giuseppe. Cristianesimo antico ad Aquileia e in Istria. Fonti e 
studi per la storia della Venezia Giulia: Studi, n.s., 3. Trieste: Deputa- 
zione di storia patria per la Venezia Giulia, 1977. 

Dallari, Umberto. / rotuli dei lettori legisti e artisti dello Studio bolognese 
dal 1384 al 1799. 2 vols. Bologna, 1888-91. Repr. Bologna, 1919-24. 

D'Amico, John F. Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome: Humanists and 
Churchmen on the Eve of the Reformation. Studies in Historical and 
Political Science, ser. 101, no. 1. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. 
Press, 1983. 

. Theory and Practice in Renaissance Textual Criticism: Beatus Rhena- 

nus Between Conjecture and History. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and Lon- 
don: Univ. of California Press, 1988. 

Dandolo, Andrea. Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 46-1280 A.D. Edi- 
ted by Ester Pastorello. RIS, n.s., 12.1. 

Daniel, Natalia, Gerhard Schott, and Peter Zahn. Die Handschriften aus 
der Folio Reihe. Vol. 3 of Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschrif- 
ten der Universitdtsbibliothek Miinchen. 2 parts. Wiesbaden: O. Har- 
rassowitz, 1974-79. 

Davies, M. C. "An Emperor Without Clothes?: Niccolo Niccoli Under 
Attack." In Ann Moffatt, ed. Maistor: Classical, Byzantine, and Ren- 



336 CHAPTER 15 



aissance Studies for Robert Browning, 269-308. Byzantina Austra- 
liensia 5. Canberra: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, 
1984. Repr. with additions in IMU 30 (1987): 45-148. 

D'Avray, David L. The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Diffused from 
Paris before 1300. Oxford: Clarendon Press, and New York: Oxford 
Univ. Press, 1985. 

. "Sermons on the Dead before 1350." Studi medievali, ser. 3, 31, 

no. 1 (1990): 207-23. 

Dazzi, Manlio. Il Mussato preumanista (1261-1329): Uambiente e I opera. 
Vicenza: Pozza, 1964. 

De Aldama, Jose Antonio. Repertorium Pseudochrysostomicum. Docu- 
ments, etudes, et repertoires 10. Paris: I'lnstitut de Recherche et 
d'Histoire des Textes, 1965. 

Dekkers, Eligius, and Aemilius Gaar, eds. Clavis Patrum Latinorum. 2d 
ed. Sacris erudiri 3. Steenbrugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 1961. 

De Labriolle, Pierre. "Le songe de saint Jerome." In Miscellanea Geroni- 
miana: Scritti varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San 
Girolamo, 227-35. Rome, 1920. 

De la Mare, Albinia. "The Florentine Scribes of Cardinal Giovanni of 
Aragon." In Cesare Questa and Renato Raffaelli, eds. // libro e il 
testo, 243-93. Urbino: Quattroventi, 1984. 

. The Handwriting of Italian Humanists. Vol. 1, fasc. 1. Oxford: Ox- 
ford Univ. Press, 1973. 

. "Humanistic Script: The First Ten Years." In Fritz Krafft and 



Dieter Wuttke, eds. Das Verhdltnis der Humanisten zum Buch, 89- 
110. Kommission fiir Humanismusforschung, Mitteilung 4. Boppard: 
H. Boldt, 1977. 

— . "New Research on Humanistic Scribes in Florence." In Annarosa 
GsirzeWi. Miniatura fiorentina del Rinascimento 1440-1525: Unprimo 
censimento, 1:393-600. Inventari e cataloghi toscani 18. Scandicci 
(Florence): La Nuova Italia, 1985. 

K. Marshall, and R. H. Rouse. "Pietro da Montagnana and the 



Text of Aulus Gellius in Paris B.N. Lat. 13038." Scriptorium 30, no. 

2 (1976): 219-25. 
Delisle, Leopold-Victor. Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Na- 

tionale. ... 4 vols. 1868-81. Repr. Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1969. 
Dell'Osta, Rodolfo. Un teologo del potere papale e suoi rapporti col cardi- 

nalato nel secolo XV ossia Teodoro de' Lelli vescovo di Feltre e Treviso 

(1427-1466). Belluno, 1948. 
Denley, Peter. "Giovanni Dominici's Opposition to Humanism." In 



General Bibliography 337 



Keith Robbins, ed. Religion and Humanism, 103-14. Studies in 
Church History 17. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1981. 

De Nolhac, Pierre. Petrarque et I'humanisme. 2 vols. 2d ed. Paris, 1907. 

Derolez, Albert. Codicologie des manuscrits en ecriture humanistique sur 
parchemin. 2 vols. Bibliologia 5-6. Turnhout: Brepols, 1984. 

. "Observations on the Colophons of the Humanistic Scribes in 

Fifteenth-Century Italy." In Gabriel Silagi, ed. Paldographie 1981 
(Colloquium des Comite International de Paleographie Munchen, 15-18 
September 1981 y Referate), 249-61. Miinchener Beitrage zur Media- 
vistik und Renaissance-Forschung 32. Munich: Arbeo-Gesellschaft 
e.V., 1982. 

De Rubeis, loannes Franciscus Bernardus Maria. Monumenta ecclesiae 
Aquileiensis commentario historico-chronologico-critico illustrata cum 
appendice in qua vetusta Aquileiensium Patriarcharum rerumque 
Foroiuliensium Chronica, emendatiora quaedam, alia nunc primum in 
lucem prodeunt. Strasbourg, 1740. 

De Sade, Jacques Francois Paul Aldonce. Memoires pour la vie de Fran- 
cois Petrarques, tires de ses oeuvres et des auteurs contemporains, avec 
des notes ou dissertations, & les pieces justificatives. ... 3 vols. Amster- 
dam < i.e., Avignon > , 1764-67. 

De Totto, Gregorio. "II patriziato di Capodistria." Atti e memorie della 
Societa istriana di archeologia e storia patria 49 (1937): 71-158. 

De Tummulillis, Angelus. Notabilia temporum. Edited by Costantino 
Corvisieri. Fonti per la storia d'ltalia pubblicate dall'Istituto storico 
italiano: Scrittori, secolo XV, 7. Rome, 1890. 

The Dictionary of National Biography. 22 vols. London, 1885-1901. Repr. 
London, 1921-22. 

Dionisotti, Carlo. " Tavinia venit litora': Polemica virgiliana di M. Fi- 
letico." IMU 1 (1958): 283-315. 

Dizionario biografico degli Italiani. Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Ita- 
liana, 1960ff. 

Dunston, Arthur J. "Pope Paul II and the Humanists." Journal of Reli- 
gious History 7, no. 4 (1973): 287-306. 

Dutschke, Dennis. Census of Petrarch Manuscripts in the United States. 
Censimento dei Codici Petrarcheschi 9. Padua: Antenore, 1986. 

Edgerton, Samuel Y. Pictures and Punishment: Art and Criminal Prose- 
cution during the Florentine Renaissance. Ithaca, N.Y., and London: 
Cornell Univ. Press, 1985. 

Endlicher, Stephanus. Catalogus Codicum Philologicorum Latinorum Bi- 
bliothecae Palatinae Vindobonensis. Vienna, 1836. 



338 CHAPTER 15 



Epistolae illustrium virorum post obitum Francisci Zabarellae cardinalis 

Constantia Patavium missae. Padua, 1655. 
Eyb, Albrecht von. Margarita poetica. Nuremberg: Johann Sensen- 

schmidt, 2 December 1472. GW9529. 
Fabbri, Renata. "Un esempio della tecnica compositiva del Polenton: La 

Vita Senecae {Script, ill. Lat. ling. lib. XVII)." Res Publica Litterarum: 

Studies in the Classical Tradition 10 (1987): 85-92. 
Facio, Bartolomeo, trans. Arrianus de rebus gestis Alexandri. . . . Pesaro, 

1508. 
Fantham, Elaine. "Hautontimorumenos smd Adelphoe: A Study of Father- 
hood in Terence and Menander." Latomus 30 (1971): 970-98. 
Fera, Vincenzo. "Annotazioni inedite del Petrarca al testo deWAfrica." 

IMU 23 (1980): 1-25. 
. Antichi editori e lettori dell'"Africa." Itinerari eruditi 2. Messina: 

Universita degli studi, Centro di studi umanistici, 1984. 

La revisione petrarchesca dell'"Africa. " Studi e testi 3. Messina: Uni- 



versita degli studi, Centro di studi umanistici, 1984. 
Ferrante, Giuseppina. "Lombardo della Seta umanista padovano (?- 

1390)." Atti del R. Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere, ed arti 93, no. 2 

(1933-34): 445-87. 
Ferrara, Pietro. Luci ed ombre nella Cristianita del secolo XIV: II B. Pietro 

Gambacorta da Pisa e la sua Congregazione (1380-1933). Vatican City: 

Tipografia poliglotta Vaticana, 1964. 
Finke, Heinrich et al., eds. Acta Concilii Constanciensis. 4 vols. Miinster 

in Westphalia, 1896-1928. 
Finlay, Robert. Politics in Renaissance Venice. New Brunswick, N.J.: 

Rutgers Univ. Press, 1980. 
Fiocco, Giuseppe. "La biblioteca di Palla Strozzi." In Giovanni Marder- 

steig, ed. Studi di bibliografia e di storia in onore di Tammaro De 

Marinis, 2:289-310. 4 vols. Verona: Stamperia Valdonega, 1964. 
Fioravanti, Gianfranco. "Sermones in lode della filosofia e della logica a 

Bologna nella prima meta del XIV secolo." In Dino Buzzetti, Mauri- 

zio Ferriani, and Andrea Tabarroni, eds. L'insegnamento della logica 

a Bologna nel XIV secolo, 165-85. Studi e memorie per la storia del- 

I'Universita di Bologna, n.s., 8. Bologna: Istituto per la Storia del- 

I'Universita, 1992. 
Fisher, Alan. "Three Meditations on the Destruction of Vergil's Statue: 

The Early Humanist Theory of Poetry." Renaissance Quarterly 40 

(1987): 607-35. 
Flandrin, Jean-Louis. "Repression and Change in the Sexual Life of 



General Bibliography 339 



Young People in Medieval and Early Modern Times." In Robert 

Wheaton and Tamara K. Hareven, eds. Family and Sexuality in 

French History^ 27 -4S. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 

1980. 
Foligno, Cesare. "Codici di materia veneta nelle biblioteche inglesi 

(cont.)." Nuovo archivio veneto, n.s., 27 (1907): 209-24. 
Fonseca, Cosimo Damiano. "Bernardino da Siena e la vita del clero del 

suo tempo: A proposito del Sermo V De rectoribus et praelatis" In 

Domenico Maffei and Paolo Nardi, eds. Atti del simposio intema- 

zionale Cateriniano-Bemardiniano (Siena, 17-20 aprile 1980), 499-508. 

Siena: Accademia Senese degli Intronati, 1982. 
Forshall, Josiah. The Arundel Manuscripts. Vol. 1, n.s., of Catalogue of 

Manuscripts in the British Museum. London, 1834-40. 
Fossier, Francois. La bibliotheque Famese: Etude des manuscrits latins et 

en langue vemaculaire. Vol. 3.2 of Le Palais Famese. Rome: Ecole 

fran^aise de Rome, 1982. 
Franceschini, Ezio. "Glosse e commenti medievali a Seneca tragico." 

Studi e note di filologia latina medievale, 1-105. Pubblicazioni del- 

rUniversita Cattolica del Sacro Cuore (S. Quarta): Scienze filolo- 

giche 30. Milan, 1938. 
Frati, Carlo. Dizionario bio-hihliografico dei bibliotecari e bibliofili ita- 

liani dal sec. XIV al XIX. Edited by Albano Sorbelli. Biblioteca di 

bibliografia italiana 13. Florence, 1933. 
Frati, Ludovico. "La Lega dei Bolognesi e dei Fiorentini contro Gio. 

Galeazzo Visconti {\3%9-9^).'' Archivio storico lombardo 16 (1889): 5- 

24. 
Friedmann, Herbert. A Bestiary for Saint Jerome: Animal Symbolism in 

European Religious Art. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution 

Press, 1980. 
Gaeta, Franco. "L'idea di Venezia." In Dalprimo Quattrocento al Conci- 

Ho di Trento, 3:565-641. Vol. 3 of Storia della cultura veneta. Vicenza: 

Pozza, 1980-81. 
. "Un inedito vergeriano." Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 13 

(1959): 397-406. 

"Storiografia, coscienza nazionale, e politica culturale nella Vene- 



zia del Rinascimento." In Dal primo Quattrocento al Concilio di 
Trento, 1:1-91. Vol. 3 of Storia della cultura veneta. Vicenza: Pozza, 
1980-81. 
Galletti, Alfredo. L'eloquenza: Dalle origini al XVI secolo. Storia dei 
generi letterari italiani. Milan, 1904-38. 



340 CHAPTER 15 



Gallo, F. Alberto. "La trattatistica musicale." In // Trecento, 469-76, 
Vol. 2 of Storia delta cultura veneta. Vicenza: Pozza, 1976. 

Ganguzza Billanovich, M. Chiara. "Carrara, Francesco da, il Novello." 
DBI 20:656-62. 

. "Carrara, Giacomo da." DBI 20:673-75. 

. "Carrara, Giacomo da." DBI 20:675-76. 

Gargan, Luciano. "Giovanni Conversini e la cultura letteraria a Treviso 
nella seconda meta del Trecento." IMU 8 (1965): 85-159. 

. "Per la biblioteca di Giovanni Conversini." In R. Avesani, 

M. Ferrari, T. Foffano, G. Frasso, and A. Sottili, eds. Vestigia: Studi 
in onore di Giuseppe Billanovich, 1:365-85. Raccolta di studi e testi 
162-63. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1984. 

Garin, Eugenio. "La cultura fiorentina nella seconda meta del '300 e i 
'barbari Britanni.' " La rassegna delta letteratura itatiana 64 (1960): 
181-95. 

. L'educazione in Europa (1400-1600): Prohtemi e programmi. 2d ed. 

Bari: Laterza, 1966. 

. "Ritratto di Leonardo Bruni Aretino." Atti e memorie dett'Acca- 



demia Petrarca di lettere, arti, e scienze, n.s., 40 (1970-72): 1-17. 
— , ed. L'educazione umanistica in Italia. Bari: Laterza, 1949. 
— , ed. // pensiero pedagogico dell'umanesimo. Florence: Giuntine, and 
Florence: Sansoni, 1958. 
-, ed. Prosatori latini del Quattrocento. Milan and Naples: R. Ric- 



ciardi, <1952> 
Gatari, Galeazzo, and Bartolomeo Gatari. Cronaca Carrarese confrontata 

con la redazione di Andrea Gatari (1318-1407). Edited by Antonio 

Medin and Guido Tolomei. RIS, n.s., 17.1. 
Gerosa, Pietro Paolo. Umanesimo cristiano del Petrarca: Influenza agosti- 

niana, attinenze medievali. Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1966. 
Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke. Leipzig: K. Hiersemann, 1925ff. 
Gesta magnifica domus Carrariensis. Edited by Roberto Cessi. RIS, n.s., 

17.1.2. 
Gilbert, Neal W. "The Early Italian Humanists and Disputation." In 

Anthony Molho and John A. Tedeschi, eds. Renaissance Studies in 

Honor of Hans Baron, 201-26. Florence: Sansoni, and De Kalb, 111.: 

Northern Illinois Univ. Press, 1971. 
Giovanni d' Andrea (loannes Andreae). Hieronymianus. BAV, cod. 

Ottob. lat. 480 {Iter 2:414a). Cologne: Konrad Winters, 9 August 

1482 {GW 1727; Hain-Copinger 1082). 
Girgensohn, Dieter. "Antonio Loschi und Baldassare Cossa vor dem 



General Bibliography 341 



Pisaner Konzil (mit der Oratiopro unione ecclesiae)." IMU 30 (1987): 
1-93. 
— . "Caetani, Antonio." DBI 16:115-19. 

"Kardinal Antonio Caetani und Gregor XII. in den Jahren 1406- 



1408: Vom Papstmacher zum Papstgegner." Quellen und Forschungen 
aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 64 (1984): 116-226. 

Giustiniani, Bernardo, and Leonardo Giustiniani. Orationes, nonnullae 
epistolae, traductio in Isocratis lihellum ad Nicoclem regem. Leonardi 
lustiniani epistolae. Venice: s.t., < 1493 > . Hain *9638; BMC 5:374; 
IGI 5546. 

Giustiniani, Vito R. "SuUe traduzioni latine delle Vitae di Plutarco nel 
Quattrocento." Rinascimento, n.s., 1 (1961): 3-62. 

Gnesotto, Attilio. "Breve ritorno a due insigni rappresentanti del primo 
umanesimo italico." Atti e memorie della R. Accademia di scienze, let- 
tere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 53 (1936-37): 129-35. 

. "Vergeriana (Pierpaolo Vergerio seniore)." y4m e memorie della R. Ac- 
cademia di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 37 (1920-21): 45-57. 

, ed. "Petri Pauli Vergerii De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis 

adulescentiae etc." Atti e memorie della R. Accademia di scienze, 
lettere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 34 (1917-18): 75-157. 
-, ed. "Petri Pauli Vergerii De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis 



eorum liber." Atti e memorie della R. Accademia di scienze, lettere, ed 

arti in Padova 41 (1924-25): 327-475. Repr. Petri Pauli Vergerii De 

principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber. Padua, 1925. 
Gombrich, Ernst H. "From the Revival of Letters to the Reform of the 

Arts: Niccolo Niccoli and Filippo Brunelleschi." In Douglas Fraser, 

Howard Hibbard, and Milton Lewine, eds. Essays in the History of 

Art Presented to Rudolf Wittkower, 71-82. London: Phaidon, 1967. 

Repr. in The Heritage ofApelles: Studies in the Art of the Renaissance, 

93-110. Oxford: Phaidon, 1976. 
Gorlato, Laura. "La Repubblica di Venezia e le sue relazioni commer- 

ciali con la penisola istriana dal XI al XIII secolo." Pagine istriane 3- 

4 (1986): 18-29. 
Gothein, Percy. Francesco Barbaro: Friih-Humanismus und Staatskunst in 

Venedig. Berlin, 1932. 

. "Zaccaria Trevisan." Archivio veneto, ser. 5, 21 (1937): 1-59. 

Govi, Eugenia. "La biblioteca di lacopo Zeno." Bollettino dell'Istituto di 

patologia del libro 10 (1951): 34-118. 
Graevius, loannes Georgius, ed. Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum 

Italiae, Neapolis, Siciliae. ... 45 vols, in 23. Leiden, 1704-25. 



342 CHAPTER 15 



Grendler, Paul F. Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 
1300-1600. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1989. 

Griffiths, Gordon. "Leonardo Bruni and the Restoration of the Univer- 
sity of Rome." Renaissance Quarterly 26 (1973): 1-10. 

Griggio, Claudio. "Il codice berlinese Lat. fol. 667: Nuove lettere di 
Francesco Barbaro." In Umanesimo e rinascimento a Firenze e Vene- 
zia, 2 tomes, 1:133-75. Vol. 3 oi Miscellanea di studi in onore di Vit- 
tore Branca. Biblioteca deWArchivum Romanicum 180. Florence: Ol- 
schki, 1983. 

. "Note guarneriane in margine alia recensio dell'epistolario di Fran- 
cesco Barbaro e alia Mostra di codici umanistici friulani." Lettere ita- 
liane 31 (1979): 206-18. 
-, and Albinia de la Mare. "Il copista Michele Salvatico collaboratore 



di Francesco Barbaro e Guarnerio d'Artegna." Lettere italiane 37 

(1985): 345-54. 
Gruijs, A. "Jean de Schoonhoven, De contemptu huius mundi." Archi- 

vum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 33 (1963): 35-97. 
Gualdo, Germano. "Antonio Loschi, segretario apostolico (1406-1436)." 

Archivio storico italiano 147, no. 4 (1989): 749-69. 

. "Barbaro, Francesco." DBI 6:101-3. 

Guarino da Verona. Epistolario. 3 vols. Edited by Remigio Sabbadini. 

Miscellanea di storia veneta 8, 11, 14. Venice, 1915-19. 
Guidi, Remo L. Aspetti religiosi nella letteratura del Quattrocento. 5 vols. 

Rome and Vicenza: Libreria Internazionale Edizioni Francescane, 

1973-83. 
Hain, Ludovicus. Repertorium Bibliographicum. Berlin, 1925. 
Hall, J. B. Prolegomena to Claudian. Bulletin Supplement 45. London: 

University of London, Institute of Classical Studies, 1986. 
Halm, Karl Felix von, Georg von Laubmann, et al. Catalogus Codicum 

Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis. 2 vols, in 7 parts. Munich, 

1868-81. Editio Altera. Vol. 1, parts 1 and 2. Munich, 1892-94. 
Hankins, James. Plato in the Italian Renaissance. 2 vols. Columbia 

Studies in the Classical Tradition 17. Leiden et al.: E. J. Brill, 1990. 
. "Renaissance Crusaders: Humanist Crusade Literature in the Age 

of Mehmed II." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 49 (1995): 111-207. 

Review of Leonardo Bruni, Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Histrum, ed. 



Stefano Ugo Baldassarri. In Renaissance Quarterly 51 (1998): 964-66. 
Hardison, O. B., Jr. "The Orator and the Poet: The Dilemma of Hu- 
manist Literature." The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 1 
(1971): 33-44. 



General Bibliography 343 



Hardwick, Charles, and H. Luard. A Catalogue of the Manuscripts Pre- 
served in the Library of the University of Cambridge. 5 vols. Cam- 
bridge, 1856-67. 

Harris, William V. Ancient Literacy. Cambridge, Mass., and London: 
Harvard Univ. Press, 1989. 

Hay, Denys, and John Law. Italy in the Age of the Renaissance, 1380- 
1530. Longman History of Italy. London and New York: Longman, 
1989. 

Henderson, John. "Penitence and the Laity in Fifteenth-Century Flor- 
ence." In Timothy Verdon and John Henderson, eds. Christianity 
and the Renaissance: Image and Religious Imagination in the Quattro- 
cento, 229-49. Syracuse: Syracuse Univ. Press, 1990. 

Herde, Peter. "Politik und Rhetorik in Florenz am Vorabend der Ren- 
aissance." Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte 47 (1965): 141-220. 

Herding, Olio, ^6.. Jakob Wimpfelings "yl^o/e5cenrw."Jacobi Wimpfelingi 
opera selecta 1. Munich: W. Fink, 1965. 

Hieronymus, S. 5. Eusebii Hieronymi Stridonensis presbyteri Opera. 11 
vols. Edited by Domenico Vallarsi. Verona, 1734-42. 2d ed., Venice, 
1766-72. 

Holder, Alfred. Die Pergamenthandschriften. Vol. 1 of Die Reichenauer 
Handschriften. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1970ff. 

Holmes, George. The Florentine Enlightenment 1400-50. New York: 
Pegasus, 1969. 

Hortis, Attilio. "Di Santo de' Pellegrini e di Blenghio de' Grilli: Lettera a 
Carlo de' Combi." Archeografo triestino, ser. 2, 8 (1881-82): 399^H3. 

Houzeau, Jean-Charles, and Albert Lancaster. Bibliographie generale de 
I'astronomie (ou Catalogue methodique des ouvrages, des memoires, et 
des observations astronomiques). 2 vols, in 3. Brussels, 1882-89. 

Hudon, William V. Marcello Cervini and Ecclesiastical Government in 
Tridentine Italy. DeKalb, 111.: Northern Illinois Univ. Press, 1992. 

Huerga, Alvaro. "Vincent Ferrer." Dictionnaire de Spiritualite, 16:813- 
22. Paris: Beauchesne, 1994. 

Hunt, R. W. "Pietro da Montagnana: A Donor of Books to San Giovan- 
ni di Verdara in Padua." The Bodleian Library Record 9 (1973-78): 
17-22. 

Hyde, J. K. Padua in the Age of Dante. Manchester: Manchester Univer- 
sity Press, and New York: Barnes & Noble, 1966. 

lacopo da Varazze (lacobus a Voragine). Legenda aurea vulgo historia 
Lombardica dicta. Ad optimorum librorum fidem. Edited by Johann 
Georg Theodor Grasse. 2d ed. Leipzig, 1850. 



344 CHAPTER 15 



Indice delle edizioni romane a stampa (1467-1500). Vol. 1.2 of Scrittura, 

biblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento. Edited by P. Casciano, 

G. Castoldi, M. P. Critelli, G. Curcio, P. Farenga, and A. Modi- 

gliani. Littera Antiqua 1.2. Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di Paleo- 

grafia, Diplomatica, ed Archivistica, 1980. 
Indice generate degli incunaboli delle biblioteche d'ltalia. 6 vols. Rome: La 

Libreria dello Stato, 1943-81. 
Innocenti, Beth. "Towards a Theory of Vivid Description as Practiced 

in Cicero's Verrine Orations." Rhetorica 12 (1994): 355-81. 
loannes Chrysostomus. Sermones XXVmagis morales; Epistola ad mona- 

chum Theodorum. Translatio Latina Christophorus Persona. Rome: 

Georg Lauer, ca. 1471. Hain 5039; BMC 4:36; /G/5209. 
Ireneo, Daniele. "Nazario, vescovo e patrono di Capodistria, santo." In 

Bibliotheca Sanctorum, 9\777-79. Rome: Istituto Giovanni XXIII, 

Pontificia Univ. Lateranense, 1961-69. 
Jed, Stephanie H. Chaste Thinking: The Rape o/Lucretia and the Birth of 

Humanism. Bloomington, Ind., and Indianapolis, Ind.: Indiana Univ. 

Press, 1989. 
Jedin, Hubert. Der Kampfum das Konzil. Vol. 1 of Geschichte des Konzils 

von Trient. 2d ed. Freiburg: Herder, 1951. 
Jenkins, Claude. "Dr. Hartmann Schedel and His Books." In Veronica 

Ruffer and A. J. Taylor, eds. Medieval Studies Presented to Rose 

Graham, 98-137. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1950. 
Jordan, Louis, and Susan Wool, eds. Inventory of Western Manuscripts in 

the Biblioteca Ambrosiana. Notre Dame: Univ. of Notre Dame Press, 

1984ff. 
Kelley, Donald R. TTje Human Measure: Social Thought in the Western 

Legal Tradition. Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard Univ. 

Press, 1990. 
Kelly, J. N. D.Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies. New York 

et al.: Harper & Row, 1975. 
Kennedy, George. The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World 300 B.C.- 

A.D. 300. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1972. 
. Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from 

Ancient to Modem Times. Chapel Hill, N.C.: Univ. of North Caro- 
lina Press, 1980. 
Keufer, M., A. Becker, and G. Kentenich. Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der 

Handschriften der Stadtbibliothek zu Trier. 9 Parts. Trier, 1899-1931. 
Kibre, Pearl. "Arts and Medicine in the Universities of the Later Middle 

Ages." In Jozef Ijsewijn and Jacques Paquet, eds. The Universities in 



General Bibliography 345 



the Late Middle Ages, 213-27. Mediaevalia Lovaniensia 1.6. Leuven: 
Leuven Univ. Press, 1978. 
-. "Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in 



the Latin Middle Ages (VI)." Traditio 36 (1980): 347-72. 

Kimball, Bruce A. Orators and Philosophers: A History of the Idea of 
Liberal Education. New York and London: Teachers College Press, 
1986. 

King, Margaret L. The Death of the Child Valerio Marcello. Chicago and 
London: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1994. 

. Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance. Princeton: 

Princeton Univ. Press, 1986. 

Kirner, Giuseppe, ed. I dialoghi "Ad Petrum Histrum. " Livorno, 1889. 

Klapper, Joseph. "Aus der Friihzeit des Humanismus: Dichtungen zu 
Ehren des heiligen Hieronymus." In Ernst Boehlich and Hans 
Heckel, eds. Bausteine: Festschrift fiir Max Koch zum 70. Geburtstag 
dargebracht, 255-81. Breslau, 1926. 

Klette, Theodor. Leonardi Aretini Ad Petrum Paulum Istrum dialogus. 
Vol. 2 of Beitrdge zur Geschichte und Litteratur der Italienischen Ge- 
lehrtenrenaissance. Greifswald, 1889. 

Kohl, Benjamin G. "Carrara, Francesco da, il Vecchio." D5/ 20:649-56. 

. "The Changing Concept of the studia humanitatis in the Early 

Renaissance." Renaissance Studies 6, no. 2 (1992): 185-209. 

. "Government and Society in Renaissance Padua." The Journal of 

Medieval and Renaissance Studies 2 (1972): 205-21. 

. "Humanism and Education." In Albert Rabil, Jr., ed. Humanism 

and the Disciplines, 5-22. Vol. 3 of Renaissance Humanism: Founda- 
tions, Forms, and Legacy. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 
1988. 

. "Introduction." In Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna. Dragmalogia 

de eligibili vitae genere, 13-30. Bucknell Renaissance texts in trans- 
lation, in conjunction with The Renaissance Society of America: 
Renaissance Texts Series 7. Lewisburg, Penn.: Bucknell Univ. Press, 
and London: Associated University Presses, 1980. 

. "Mourners of Petrarch." In Aldo Scaglione, ed. Francis Petrarch, 

Six Centuries Later: A Symposium, 340-52. Studies in the Romance 
Languages and Literatures: Symposia 3. Chapel Hill, N.C.: Depart- 
ment of Romance Languages, Univ. of North Carolina, and Chicago: 
Newberry Library, 1975. 

. "Political Attitudes of North Italian Humanists in the Late Tre- 
cento." Studies in Medieval Culture 4 (1974): 418-27. 



346 CHAPTER 15 



"The Works of Giovanni di Conversino da Ravenna: A Catalogue 



of Manuscripts and Editions." Traditio 31 (1975): 349-67. 
— , and James Day. "Giovanni Conversini's Consolatio ad Donatum 
on the Death of Petrarch." Studies in the Renaissance 21 (1974): 9-30. 
-, and Ronald G. Witt, trans. TTje Earthly Republic: Italian Humanists 



on Government and Society. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania 

Press, 1978. 
Koltay-Kastner, Eugenio. "L'umanesimo italiano in Ungheria." LaRina- 

scita 2 (1939): 10-55. 
Korosak, Bruno. "Bernardino da Siena." In Bibliotheca Sanctorum, 

2:1294-1316. Rome: Istituto Giovanni XXIII, Pontificia Univ. Latera- 

nense, 1961-69. 
Kristeller, Paul Oskar. "The Active and Contemplative Life in Renais- 
sance Humanism." In Brian Vickers, ed. Arbeit, Musse, Meditation: 

Betrachtungen zur Vita activa und Vita contemplativa, 133-52. 

Zurich: Verlag der Vachvereine, 1985, 
. "UnW5 dictaminis di Giovanni del Virgilio." /Aft/ 4 (1961): 181- 

200. 

. Iter Italicum. 6 vols. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1963-91. 

. "Niccolo Perotti ed i suoi contributi alia storia dell'umanesimo." 

Res Publica Litterarum: Studies in the Classical Tradition 4 (1981): 7- 

25. Repr. in Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters 2, 300-19. 
. "Philosophy and Medicine in Medieval and Renaissance Italy." In 

Stuart F. Spicker, ed. Organism, Medicine, and Metaphysics: Essays in 

Honor of Hans Jonas, 29-40. Philosophy and Medicine 7. Dordrecht, 

Holland, and Boston: D. Reidel, 1978. 
. Renaissance Thought and Its Sources. Edited by Michael Mooney. 

New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1979. 
. "Rhetoric in Medieval and Renaissance Culture." In James J. 

Murphy, ed. Renaissance Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and Practice 

of Renaissance Rhetoric, 1-19. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: 

Univ. of California Press, 1983. 
. Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters 2. Rome: Edizioni di 

Storia e Letteratura, 1985. 
. "An Unknown Letter of Giovanni Barbo to Guarino." IMU 8 



(1965): 243-48. 
Lacombe, George, and Lorenzo Minio Paluello, eds. Aristoteles Latinus: 
Codices. Vols. 1 and 2. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato, and Cam- 
bridge: Typis Academiae, 1939-55. Minio Paluello, ed. Supplementa 
Altera. Bruges and Paris: Desclee De Brouwer, 1961. 



General Bibliography 347 



Lambert, Bernard. Bibliotheca Hieronymiana Manuscripta: La tradition 
manuscrite des oeuvres de saint Jerome. 4 vols. Instrumenta patristica 
4. Steenbrugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 1969-72. 

Lane, Frederic C. Venice: A Maritime Republic. Baltimore and London: 
Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1973. 

Lanham, Richard A. A Handlist of Rhetorical Terms: A Guide for Stu- 
dents of English Literature. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: Univ. 
of California Press, 1968. 

Lanzoni, Francesco. "La leggenda di San Girolamo." In Miscellanea 
Geronimiana: Scritti varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di 
San Girolamo, \9-Al. Rome, 1920. 

Lauer, Philippe, ed. Catalogue general des manuscrits latins (Bibliotheque 
National). Paris: Bibliotheque Nationale, 1939ff. 

Laurent, M.-H. Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1135-1266. Vatican City: 
BAV, 1958. 

Lazzarini, Lino. "II patriziato veneziano e la cultura umanistica del- 
I'ultimo Trecento." Archivio veneto, ser. 5, 115 (1980): 179-219. 

Lazzarini, Vittorio. "Libri di Francesco Novello da Carrara." Atti e me- 
morie della R. Accademia patavina di scienze, lettere, edarti 18 (1901- 
2): 25-36. Repr. in Scritti di paleografia e diplomatica, 274-83. 

. "II preteso documento della fondazione di Venezia e la cronaca 

del medico lacopo Dondi." Atti dell'Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere, 
edarti 75, no. 2 (1915-16): 1263-81. Repr. in Scritti di paleografia e 
diplomatica, 99-116. 

Scritti di paleografia e diplomatica. Medioevo e umanesimo 6. Ven- 



ice, 1938. Rev. ed., Padua: Antenore, 1969. 

Lee, Egmont. Sixtus IV and Men of Letters. Temi e testi 26. Rome: Edi- 
zioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1978. 

Leff, Gordon. "The Apostolic Ideal in Later Medieval Ecclesiology." 
The Journal of Theological Studies, n.s., 18 (1967): 58-82. 

Legrand, Emile Louis Jean. Bibliographie Hellenique, ou. Description 
raisonnee des ouvrages publics par des Grecs au dix-huitieme siecle. 4 
vols. Edited by Louis Petit and Hubert Pernot. Paris, 1918-28. 

Lehmann, Paul. "Dr. Johannes Troster, ein humanistisch gesinnter 
Wohltater bayerischer Biichersammlungen." In Erforschung des Mit- 
telalters: Ausgewdhlte Abhandlungen und Aufsdtze, 4:336-52. Stuttgart: 
A. Hiersemann, 1961. 

Leonardi, Claudio, and Maria Magdalena Lebreton. Codices Vaticani La- 
tini: Codices 2060-2117. Vatican City: BAV, 1987. 

Leopoldus (ducatus Austriae filii). Compilatio . . . de astrorum scientia 



348 CHAPTER 15 



decern continens tractatus. Venice and Augsburg: Erhard Ratdolt, 
1489. Hain 10042; BMC 2:382. 

Lesnick, Daniel R. "Civic Preaching in the Early Renaissance: Giovanni 
Dominici's Florentine Sermons." In Timothy Verdon and John 
Henderson, eds, Christianity and the Renaissance: Image and Religious 
Imagination in the Quattrocento, 214-32. Syracuse: Syracuse Univ. 
Press, 1990. 

Levine, Edwin Burton. Hippocrates. World Author Series 165. New 
York: Twayne Publishers, 1971. 

Loraux, Nicole. The Invention of Athens: The Funeral Oration in the Clas- 
sical City. Translated by Alan Sheridan. Cambridge, Mass., and Lon- 
don: Harvard Univ. Press, 1986. 

Lorch, Maristella. "Petrarch, Cicero, and the Classical Pagan Tradi- 
tion." In Albert Rabil, Jr., ed. Humanism in Italy, 71-94. Vol. 1 of 
Renaissance Humanism.: Foundations, Forms, and Legacy. Philadelphia: 
Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1988. 

Luiso, Francesco Paolo. Studi sull'epistolario di Leonardo Bruni. Edited 
by Lucia Gualdo Rosa. Studi storici, fasc. 122-24. Rome: Istituto sto- 
rico italiano per il Medio Evo, 1980. 

Luzio, Alessandro, and Rodolfo Renier. "Il Platina e i Gonzaga." Gior- 
nale storico della letteratura italiana 13 (1889): 430-40. 

McClure, George W. Sorrow and Consolation in Italian Humanism. 
Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1991. 

McManamon, John M. "Continuity and Change in the Ideals of Hu- 
manism: The Evidence from Florentine Funeral Oratory." In Marcel 
Tetel, Ronald G, Witt, and Rona Goffen, eds. Life and Death in Fif- 
teenth-Century Florence, 68-87. Durham, N.C: Duke Univ. Press, 
1989. 

. Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism. 

Chapel Hill, N.C, and London: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 
1989. 

. "Innovation in Early Humanist Rhetoric: The Oratory of Pier 



Paolo Vergerio the Elder." Rinascimento, n.s,, 22 (1982): 3-32. 
— . "Pier Paolo Vergerio (the Elder) and the Beginnings of the Hu- 
manist Cult of Jerome." 7^e Catholic Historical Review 71 (1985): 
353-71. 

Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder (ca. 1369-1444): The Humanist as 



Orator. Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 163. Tempe, Ariz. 
Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1996. 
Madan, Falconer. A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the 



General Bibliography 349 



Bodleian Library at Oxford. ... 7 volumes. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 

1895-1953. 
Maguire, John B. "Erasmus' Biographical Masterpiece: Hieronymi Strido- 

nensis Vita." Renaissance Quarterly 26 (1973): Idb-l'i. 
Maier, Anneliese. Codices Burghesiani Bibliothecae Vaticanae. Studi e 

Testi 170. Vatican City: BAV, 1952. 
Mallett, Michael E. "Cermisone, Bartolomeo." DBI 23:774-76. 
Maniacoria, Nicolo. "Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi . . . vita " PL 22:183- 

202. 
Mann, Nicholas. "Arnold Geilhoven: An Early Disciple of Petrarch in 

the Low Qonnir'xes." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 

32 (1969): 73-108. 
. "Petrarca e la cancelleria veneziana." In // Trecento, 517-35. Vol. 

2 of Storia della cultura veneta. Vicenza: Pozza, 1976. 

"Petrarch Manuscripts in the British Isles." IMU 18 (1975): 139- 



527. Repr. Petrarch Manuscripts in the British Isles. Censimento dei 
Codici Petrarcheschi 6. Padua: Antenore, 1975. 

Manni, Amos. "Terzi ed Estensi (1402-1421)." Atti e memorie della 
Deputazione ferrarese di storia patria 25, no. 2 (1925): 73-240. 

Maranini, Giuseppe. La costituzione di Venezia dalle origini alia serrata 
del Maggior Consiglio. Venice, 1927. 

March, Jose M. "Documentos insignes que pertenecieron al Cardenal 
Zelada tocantes a la Compania de Jesus." Archivum Historicum Socie- 
tatislesu 18 (1949): 118-25. 

Marchente, Carmela. Ricerche intomo al "De principibus Carrariensibus 
et gestis eorum liber" attribuito a Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore. Univer- 
sita di Padova: Pubblicazioni della Facolta di lettere e filosofia 23. 
Padua: CEDAM, 1946. 

Marrou, Henri-Irenee. A History of Education in Antiquity. Translated 
by George Lamb. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1956. 

Marsh, David. The Quattrocento Dialogue: Classical Tradition and Hu- 
manist Innovation. Harvard Studies in Comparative Literature 35. 
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1980. 

. "Xenophon." CTC 7:75-196. 

Martene, Edmond, and Ursinus Durand, eds. Thesaurus Novus Anecdo- 
torum. . . . Paris, 1717. 

Martines, Lauro. Power and Imagination: City-States in Renaissance Italy. 
New York: Knopf, 1979. 

. The Social World of the Florentine Humanists 1390-1460. Prince- 
ton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. 



350 CHAPTER 15 



Maugeri, Giuseppe, // Petrarca e San Girolamo. Catania, 1920. 

May, James M. Trials of Character: The Eloquence of Ciceronian Ethos. 

Chapel Hill, N.C., and London: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1988. 
Mazzatinti, Giuseppe, et al. Inventario dei manoscritti delle biblioteche 

d'ltalia. Forli, 1891-1911; Florence, 1912ff. 
Mazzuconi, Daniela. "Per una sistemazione dell'epistolario di Gasparino 

Barzizza." IMU 20 (1977): 183-241. 
Meersseman, Gilles Gerard. "La raccolta dell'umanista fiammingo Gio- 
vanni de Veris De arte epistolandi" IMU 15 (1972): 215-81. 
. "Seneca maestro di spiritualita nei suoi opuscoli apocrifi dal XII 

al XV secolo." IMU 16 (1973): 43-135. 
Meiss, Millard. "Scholarship and Penitence in the Early Renaissance: 

The Image of St. Jerome." In The Painter's Choice: Problems in the 

Interpretation of Renaissance Art, 189-202. New York: Harper & 

Row, 1976. 
Meneghelli, Antonio. Breve ragguaglio delle collezioni sacre alle glorie patrie 

ed alle belle arti presso law. Antonio Piazza di Padova. Padua, 1842. 
Menesto, Enrico, ed. Coluccio Salutati editi e inediti latini dal Ms. 53 

della Biblioteca Comunale di Todi. Res Tudertinae 12. Todi: s.t., 1971. 
Mercati, Angelo. Dell'Archivio Vaticano I: Una corrispondenza fra curiali 

della prima meta del Quattrocento. II: Diarii di concistori del pontifi- 

cato di Adriano VI. Studi e testi 157. Vatican City: BAV, 1951. 
Mercati, Giovanni. Note per la storia di alcune biblioteche romane nei 

secoli XVI-XIX. Studi e testi 164. Vatican City: BAV, 1952. 
. Traversariana. Fasc. 1 of Ultimi contributi alia storia degli uma- 

nisti. Studi e testi 90. Vatican City: BAV, 1939. 
-. "Tre dettati universitari dell'umanista Martino Filetico sopra Per- 



sio, Giovenale, ed Orazio." In Leslie Webber Jones, ed. Classical and 
Mediaeval Studies in Honor of Edward Kenneth Rand, Presented upon 
the Completion of His Fortieth Year of Teaching, 221-30. New York, 
1938. 

Mercer, R. G. G. The Teaching of Gasparino Barzizza, with Special Refer- 
ence to His Place in Paduan Humanism. Texts and Dissertations Series 
10. London: Modern Humanities Research Association, 1979. 

Merolle Tondi, Irma. L'abate Matteo Luigi Canonici e la sua biblioteca: I 
manoscritti Canonici e Canonici-Soranzo delle biblioteche fiorentine. 
Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1958. 

Mezey, Ladislaus. Codices Latini Medii Aevi Bibliothecae Universitatis 
Budapestinensis. Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1961. 

Miani, Carlo, ed. "Petri Pauli Vergerii—Ad Ubertinum de Carraria de 



General Bibliography 351 



ingenuis morihus et liberalibus adolescentiae studiis liber (Codicum 

conspectum recognovit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit Carlo 

Miani)." Atti e memorie della Societa istriana di archeologia e storia 

patria 72-73, n.s., 20-21 (1972-73): 183-251. 
Miglio, Massimo. "Bussi, Giovanni Andrea." DBI 15:565-72. 
Mitchell, J. B. "Trevisan and Soranzo: Some Canonici Manuscripts from 

Two Eighteenth-Century Venetian Collections." Bodleian Library 

Record 8, no. 3 (1969): 125-35. 
Molin, Girolamo Ascanio, ed. Orazioni, elogi, e vite serine da letterati 

veneti patrizi. ... 2 vols. 2d ed. Venice, 1798. 
Momigliano, Arnaldo. "La liberta di parola nel mondo antico." Rivista 

storica italiana 83 (1971): 499-524. 
Monfasani, John, ed. Collectanea Trapezuntiana: Texts, Documents, and 

Bibliographies of George of Trebizond. Medieval & Renaissance Texts 

& Studies 25. Binghamton, N.Y.: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & 

Studies, 1984. 
Morelli, lacopo. Della biblioteca manoscritta di Tommaso Giuseppe Far- 

setti patrizio veneto e ball del Sagr'Ordine Gerosolimitano. 2 parts. 

Venice, 1771-80. 
Morin, Germain. "La patrie de St. Jerome; le missorium d'Exsuperius: 

Deux retractions necessaires." Revue Benedictine 38 (1926): 217-20. 
Morisi Guerra, Anna. "La leggenda di San Girolamo: Temi e problemi 

tra umanesimo e controriforma." Clio 23 (1987): 5-33. 
Morison, Stanley. "Marcello Cervini, Pope Marcellus IL Bibliography's 

Patron Saint." IMU 5 (1962): 301-19. 
Morrissey, Thomas E. "Emperor-Elect Sigismund, Cardinal Zabarella, 

and the Council of Constance," The Catholic Historical Review 69 

(1983): 353-70. 
. "Franciscus Zabarella (1360-1417): Papacy, Community, and 

Limitations Upon Authority." In Guy Fitch Lytle, ed. Reform and 

Authority in the Medieval and Reformation Church, 37-54. Washing- 
ton, D.C.: Catholic Univ. of America Press, 1981. 
Mortensen, Lars Boje. "Leonardo Bruni's Dialogus: A Ciceronian 

Debate on the Literary Culture of Florence." Classica et Mediaevalia 

37 (1986): 259-302. 
Mosin, Vladimir. Anchor Watermarks. Monumenta chartae papyraceae 

historiam illustrantia 13. Amsterdam: Universiteits-Bibliotheek, 1973. 
Mueller, Reinhold C. "Effetti della Guerra di Chioggia (1378-1381) sulla 

vita economica e sociale di Venezia." Ateneo veneto, n.s., 19 (1981): 

27-41. 



352 CHAPTER 15 



Milliner, Karl. "Vergerios Paulus, eine Studentenkomodie." Wiener 
Studien: Zeitschrift fur classische Philologie 11 (1900): 232-57. 

Muir, Edward. Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice. Princeton: Princeton 
Univ. Press, 1981. 

Munby, A. N. L. The Formation of the Phillipps Library Up to the Year 
1840. Phillipps Studies 3. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1954. 

Muzzioli, Giovanni, ed. Mostra storica nazionale delta miniatura. Flor- 
ence: Sansoni, < 1954 > . 

Necchi, Elena. "Una silloge epigrafica Padovana: Gli Epygramata illu- 
strium virorum di loannes Hasenbeyn." IMU 25 (1992): 123-77. 

Nogara, Bartolomeo. Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1461-1059. Vatican 
City, 1912. 

Oakley, Francis. The Western Church in the Later Middle Ages. Ithaca, 
N.Y., and London: Cornell Univ. Press, 1979. 

O'Connor, Daniel W. Peter in Rome: The Literary, Liturgical, and Arche- 
ological Evidence. New York and London: Columbia Univ. Press, 1969. 

Olin, John. "Erasmus and the Church Fathers." In Six Essays on Eras- 
mus and a Translation of Erasmus' Letter to Carondelet, 1513, 33-47. 
New York: Fordham Univ. Press, 1979. 

O'Malley, John W. "Erasmus and the History of Sacred Rhetoric: The 
Ecclesiastes of 1535." Erasmus of Rotterdam Society Yearbook 5 (1985): 
1-29. 

. "Grammar and Rhetoric in the Pietas of Erasmus." The Journal of 

Medieval and Renaissance Studies 18 (1988): 81-98. 

. Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome: Rhetoric, Doctrine, and Re- 



form in the Sacred Orators of the Papal Court, ca. 1450-1511. Duke 

Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 3. Durham, N.C.: 

Duke Univ. Press, 1979. 
Ong, Walter J. "Latin Language Study as a Renaissance Puberty Rite." 

Studies in Philology 56 (1959): 103-24. 
''Opera di San Girolamo, edizione del XV. secolo." Bullettino di 

archeologia e storia dalmata 39 (1916): 158-63. 
Origo, Iris. The World of San Bernardino. New York: Harcourt, Brace & 

World, 1962. 
Orlando, Saverio. "L'ideologia umanistica negli Apologi di P. Colle- 

nuccio." In Giovannagiola Tarugi, ed. Civilta dell'umanesimo, 115- 

40. Florence: Olschki, 1972. 
Pacht, Otto, and Jonathan James Graham Alexander. Illuminated Manu- 
scripts in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon 

Press, 1966-73. 



General Bibliography 353 



Pandolfi, Vito, ed., and Erminia Artese, trans. // teatro goliardico del- 
I'umanesimo. Milan: Lerici, 1965. 

Panizza, Letizia A. "Gasparino Barzizza's Commentaries on Seneca's 
Letters." Traditio 33 (1977): 297-358. 

. "Textual Interpretation in Italy, 1350-1450: Seneca's Letter I to 

Lucilius." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 46 (1983): 
40-62. 

Paredi, Angelo. La biblioteca del Pizzolpasso. Milan: Hoepli, 1961. 

Parenti, Marino. Aggiunte al Dizionario bio-bihliografico dei hibliotecari 
e bibliofili italiani di Carlo Frati. 3 vols. Florence: Sansoni Antiqua- 
riato, 1952-60. 

Parry, Adam. "Landscape in Greek Poetry." Yale Classical Studies 15 
(1957): 3-29. 

Paschini, Pio. Antonio Caetani Cardinale Aquileiese. Rome, 1931. Origi- 
nally published in Archivio della R. Societa Romana di storiapatria 52 
(1929): 147-222. 

. "L'Istria patriarcale durante il governo del patriarca Antonio Cae- 
tani (1395-1402)." Atti e memorie della Societa istriana di archeologia 
e storia patria 42 (1930): 87-119. 

Pastor, Ludwig. Geschichte der Pdpste. 21 vols. Freiburg, 1891-1938. Sto- 
ria dei Papi dallafine del Medio Evo. 16 vols. Translated by Clemente 
Benetti et al. Trent and Rome, 1890-1934. 

Pastore Stocchi, Manlio. "La biblioteca del Petrarca." In // Trecento^ 
536-65. Vol. 2 of Storia della cultura veneta. Vicenza: Pozza, 1976. 

Pastorello, Ester. Nuove ricerche sulla storia di Padova e dei principi da 
Carrara al tempo di Gian Galeazzo Visconti. Padua, 1908. 

. "Un'orazione inedita del Card. Zabarella per le nozze di Belfiore 

Varano con Giacomo da Carrara." Atti e memorie della R. deputa- 
zione di storia patria per le province delle Marche, n.s., 8 (1912): 121- 
28. 

Patrologia Latina. Edited by Jacques-Paul Migne. Paris, 1844-64. 

Pease, Arthur Stanley. "The Attitude of Jerome towards Pagan Litera- 
ture." Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Asso- 
ciation 50 (1919): 150-67. 

Pellegrin, Elisabeth. "Manuscrits de Petrarque a la Bibliotheque Vati- 
cane: Supplement au catalogue de Vattaso." IMU 18 (1975): 73-138; 
19 (1976): 493-97. Repr. Manuscrits de Petrarque a la Bibliotheque 
Vaticane. Censimento dei Codici Petrarcheschi 5. Padua: Antenore, 
1976. 

. "Manuscrits de Petrarque dans les bibliotheques de France." IMU 



354 CHAPTER 15 

4 (1961): 341-431; 6 (1963): 271-364; 7 (1964): 405-522. Repr. Manu- 
scrits de Petrarque dans les bibliotheques de France. Censimento dei 
Codici Petrarcheschi 2. Padua: Antenore, 1966. 

Jeannine Fohlen, Colette Jeudy, and Yves-Francois Riou, with 



Adriana Marucchi and Paola Scarcia Piacentini. Les manuscrits class- 
iques Latins de la Bibliotheque Vaticane. Paris: Editions du Centre 
national de la recherche scientifique, 1975ff. 

Penna, Angelo. "Girolamo." InBibliotheca Sanctorum, 6:1109-32. Rome: 
Istituto Giovanni XXIII, Pontificia Univ. Lateranense, 1961-69. 

Perelli, Luciano. // teatro rivoluzionario di Terenzio. Biblioteca di cultura 
112. Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1973. 

Perosa, Alessandro. "Per una nuova edizione del Paulus del Vergerio." 
In Vittore Branca and Sante Graciotti, eds. L'umanesimo in Istria, 
273-356. Civilta veneziana: Studi 38. Florence: Olschki, 1983. 

, ed. // teatro umanistico. Milan: Nuova Accademia, 1965. 

Perreiah, Alan. "Humanist Critiques of Scholastic Dialectic." The Six- 
teenth Century Journal 13, no. 3 (1982): 3-22. 

Pertusi, Agostino. "EROTEMATA: Per la storia e le fonti delle prime 
grammatiche greche a stampa." IMU 5 (1962): 321-51. 

. Leonzio Pilato fra Petrarca e Boccaccio: Le sue versioni omeriche 

negli autograft di Venezia e la cultura greca del primo umanesimo. Ci- 
vilta veneziana: Studi 16. Venice and Rome: Istituto per la Collabo- 
razione Culturale, 1964, 

. "L'umanesimo greco dalla fine del secolo XIV agli inizi del secolo 

XVI." In Dal primo Quattrocento al Concilio di Trento, 1:177-264. 
Vol. 3 of Storia della cultura veneta. Vicenza: Pozza, 1980-81. 
-, and Ezio Franceschini. "Un'ignota Odissea latina dell'ultimo Tre- 



cento." Aevum 33 (1959): 323-55. 

Pesce, Luigi. La chiesa di Treviso nel primo Quattrocento. 3 vols. Italia sacra: 
Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica 37-39. Rome: Herder, 1987. 

. Vita socio-culturale in diocesi di Treviso nel primo Quattrocento. 

Miscellanea di studi e memorie 21. Venice: Deputazione di storia 
patria per le Venezie, 1983. 

Pesenti, Tiziana. Professori epromotori di medicina nello Studio di Padova 
dal 1405 al 1509: Repertorio bio-bibliograftco. Contributi alia storia 
deirUniversita di Padova 16. Padua: Centro per la storia dell'Univer- 
sita, and Trieste: LINT, 1984. 

Petrarca, Francesco. "Africa" . . . nunc primum emendata curante Franci- 
sco Corradini. In Padova e Francesco Petrarca nel quinto centenario 
dalla sua morte, 77 -47 A. Padua, 1874. 



General Bibliography 355 



V" Africa." Edited by Nicola Festa. Edizione nazionale delle opere 



di Francesco Petrarca 1. Florence, 1926. 

— . Le familiari. 4 vols. Edited by Vittorio Rossi. Edizione nazionale 
delle opere di Francesco Petrarca 10-13. Florence, 1933-42. 
— . Opera omnia. 4 vols. Basel, 1581. 

Petrarch's Testament. Edited and translated, with an introduction, 



by Theodor E. Mommsen. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1957. 
Petronio, Bartolomeo? "Compendio della vita di Pier Paolo Vergerio." 

In Epist., A7\-72>. Rome, 1934. 
Petrucci, Armando. "Biblioteca, libri, scritture nella Napoli aragonese." 

In Guglielmo Cavallo, ed. Le biblioteche nel mondo antico e medie- 

vale, 187-202. Biblioteca universale 250. Bari: Laterza, 1989. 
. La descrizione del manoscritto: Storia, problemi, modelli. Aggiorna- 

menti 45. Rome: La Nuova Italia Scientifica, 1984. 
. "II notariato italiano dalle origini al secolo XIV." In Notarii: 

Documenti per la storia del notariato italiano. Milan: Giuffre, 1958. 
Ilprotocollo notarile di Coluccio Salutati (1372-73). Milan: Giuffre, 



1963. 

The Phillipps Manuscripts: Catalogus Lihrorum Manuscriptorum in Biblio- 
theca D. Thomae Phillipps, St. With an introduction by A. N. L. 
Munby. 1837-71. Repr. London: Holland Press, 1968. 

Piaia, Gregorio. "La fondazione filosofica della teoria conciliare in Fran- 
cesco Zabarella." In Antonino Poppi, ed. Scienza e filosofia all'Uni- 
versita di Padova nel Quattrocento, 431-61. Contributi alia storia del- 
I'Universita di Padova 15. Padua: Centre per la storia dell'Uni- 
versita, and Trieste: LINT, 1983. 

Piccard, Gerhard. Die Ochsenkopfwasserzeichen. 3 vols. Findbuch 2 der 
Wasserzeichenkartei Piccard im Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart. Stutt- 
gart: W. Kohlhammer, 1966. 

. Wasserzeichen Anker. Findbuch 6 der Wasserzeichenkartei Piccard 

im Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1978. 

Piccolomini, Enea Silvio. Privatbrief. Band 1 of Briefe aus der Laienzeit 
(1431-1445). Abteilung 1 of Der Briefwechsel des Aeneas Silvius Picco- 
lomini. Edited by Rudolf Wolkan. Fontes rerum Austriacarum 61. 
Vienna, 1909. 

. . , . Opera inedita .... Edited by Giuseppe Cugnoni. Rome, 1883. 

. . . . Opera quae extant omnia .... Basel, 1571. 

. . . . Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Edited by G. B. Mansi. 

Lucca, 1757. 

Pierantoni, Amalia Clelia. Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore. Chieti, 1920. 



356 CHAPTER 15 



Pigman, G. W. "Barzizza's Studies of Cicero." Rinascimento, n.s., 21 

(1981): 123-63. 
. "Barzizza's Treatise on Imitation." Bibliotheque d'humanisme et 

Renaissance 44 (1982): 341-52. 

"Notes on Barzizza's Correspondence." IMU 15 (1982): 391-98. 



Plant, Margaret. "Patronage in the Circle of the Carrara Family: Padua, 
1337-1405." In F. W. Kent and Patricia Simons, with J. C. Eade, eds. 
Patronage, Art, and Society in Renaissance Italy, 177-99. Canberra: 
Humanities Research Centre AustraHa, and Oxford: Oxford Univ. 
Press, 1987. 

Plinius Caecilius Secundus, C. Epistolarum libri decern. Edited by 
R. A. B. Mynors. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963. 

Polanyi, Michael. Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy. 
Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1958, 

Polenton, Sicco. La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole di Sicco Polenton. 
Edited by Arnaldo Segarizzi. Bergamo, 1899. 

. . . . Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae libri XVIII. Edited by 

Berthold Louis Ullman. Papers and Monographs of the American 
Academy in Rome 6. Rome, 1928. 

Poncelet, Albert. "Catalogus Codicum Hagiographicorum Latinorum Bi- 
bliothecarum Neapolitanarum." Arudecta BoUandiana 30 (1911): Vil-lbX. 

Prete, Sesto. Codices Barberiniani Latini: Codices 1-150. Vatican City: 
BAV, 1968. 

Preto, Paolo. "Pietro Ceoldo (1738-1813) tra ancien regime e rivolu- 
zione." In Contributi alia bibliografia storica della chiesa padovana 1, 
13-32. Fonti e ricerche 7. Padua: Istituto per la Storia Ecclesiastica 
Padovana, 1976. 

Proctor, Robert E. "The studia humanitatis: Contemporary Scholarship 
and Renaissance Ideals." Renaissance Quarterly 43 (1990): 813-18. 

Ps. Augustinus. "Epistola Sancti Augustini Hipponensis episcopi ad 
Cyrillum Jerosolymitanum episcopum de magnificentiis Beati Hiero- 
nymi." In Joseph Klapper, ed. Hieronymus: Die unechten Brief e des 
Eusebius, Augustin, Cyrill zum Lobe des Heiligen, 245-88. Part 2 of 
Schriften Johanns Neumarkt. Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation 6. 
< Berlin, 1932 >. 

Ps. Cyrillus. "Epistola Sancti Cyrilli de miraculis Beati Hieronymi ad 
Sanctum Augustinum." In Joseph Klapper, ed. Hieronymus: Die 
unechten Brief e des Eusebius, Augustin, Cyrill zum Lobe des Heiligen, 
292-512. Part 2 of Schriften Johanns Neumarkt. Vom Mittelalter zur 
Reformation 6. < Berlin, 1932 > . 



General Bibliography 357 



Ps. Eusebius. "Epistola Beati Eusebii de morte gloriosissimi Hieronymi 
doctoris eximii." In Joseph Klapper, ed. Hieronymus: Die unechten 
Briefe des Eusebius, Augustin, Cyrill zum Lobe des Heiligen, 9-241. 
Part 2 of Schriften Johanns Neumarkt. Vom Mittelalter zur Refor- 
mation 6. < Berlin, 1932 > . 

Ps. Plutarchus. "De liberis educandis." Plutarch's Moralia, 1:4-69. Trans- 
lated by Frank Cole Babbitt. Loeb Classical Library. London and 
New York, 1927. 

Ps. Walter of Burley. Burlaei Gaulteri Liber de vita et moribus philosopho- 
rum mit einer altspanischen Ubersetzung der Eskurialbibliothek. Edited 
by Hermann Knust. Tubingen, 1886. Repr. Frankfurt am Main: Mi- 
nerva, 1964. 

Pusterla, Gedeone. I nobili di Capodistria e dell'Istria con cenni storico-bio- 
grafici. 2d ed. Capodistria, 1888. 

. San Nazarioy protovescovo di Capo d'Istria: Memorie storiche con 

note e cronologie. Capodistria, 1888. 

Quaglioni, Diego. "De Lellis, Teodoro." DBI 36:506-9. 

Quain, Edwin A. "St. Jerome as a Humanist." In Francis X. Murphy, 
ed. A Monument to Saint Jerome: Essays on Some Aspects of His Life, 
Works, and Influence, 201-32. New York: Sheed & Ward, 1952. 

Quinn, Betty Nye. "Ps. Theodulus." CTC 2:383-408. 

Quint, David. "Humanism and Modernity: A Reconsideration of 
Bruni's Dialogues." Renaissance Quarterly 38 (1985): 423-45. 

Rabil, Albert, Jr. "The Significance of 'Civic Humanism' in the Inter- 
pretation of the Italian Renaissance." In Albert Rabil, Jr., ed. Hu- 
manism in Italy, 141-74. Vol. 1 of Renaissance Humanism: Founda- 
tions, Forms, and Legacy. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 
1988. 

Ravizza, Gennaro. Epigrammi antichi, de' mezzi tempi, e modemi perti- 
nenti alia citta di Chieti spiegati da diversi autori .... Chieti, 1826. 

Reimann, Arnold Friedrich Siegfried. Die dlteren Pirckheimer: Geschichte 
eines Niimberger Patriziergeschlechtes im Zeitalter des Fruhhumanismus 
(bis 1501). Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, 1944. 

Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Edited by Ludovico Antonio Muratori. 
Milan, 1723-51; n.s., Citta di Castello and Bologna, 1900ff. 

Resta, Gianvito. L'epistolario del Panormita: Studi per una edizione 
critica. Studi e testi 3. Messina: Universita degli studi, Facolta di 
lettere e filosofia, 1954. 

. "Per una edizione critica dei carmi di Giovanni Marrasio." Rina- 



scimento 5 (1954): 261-89. 



358 CHAPTER 15 



Rhodes, Dennis E. "A Volume of Tracts Illustrating Humanist Culture 
at Verona at the End of the Fifteenth Century." IMU15 (1982): 401- 
6. 

Rice, Eugene. Saint Jerome in the Renaissance. Baltimore and London: 
Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985. 

Riddle, John M. "Theory and Practice in Medieval Medicine." Viator 5 
(1974): 157-83. 

Robey, David. "Aspetti dell'umanesimo vergeriano." In Vittore Branca 
and Sante Graciotti, eds. L'umanesimo in Istria, 7-18. Civilta vene- 
ziana: Studi 38. Florence: Olschki, 1983. 

. "Humanism and Education in the Early Quattrocento: The De 

ingenuis moribus of P. P. Vergerio." Bibliotheque d'humanisme et Re- 
naissance 42 (1980): 27-58. 

. "P. P. Vergerio the Elder: Republicanism and Civic Values in the 



Work of an Early Italian Humanist." Past and Present^ no. 58 (Feb- 
ruary 1973): 3-37. 

— . "Virgil's Statue at Mantua and the Defence of Poetry: An Unpub- 
lished Letter of 1397." Rinascimento, n.s., 9 (1969): 183-203. 
— . "Vittorino da Feltre e Vergerio." In Nella Giannetto, ed. Vitto- 
rino da Feltre e la sua scuola: Umanesimo, pedagogia, arti, 241-53. 
Civilta veneziana: Saggi 31. Florence: Olschki, 1981. 

and John Law. "The Venetian Myth and the De republica Veneta 



of Pier Paolo Vergerio." Rinascimento, n.s., 15 (1975): 3-59. 

Rockelein, Hedwig. Signaturen Mc 1 bis Mc 150. Band 1, Teil 1 oi Die la- 
teinischen Handschriften der Universitdtsbibliothek Tubingen. Wies- 
baden: O. Harrassowitz, 1991. 

Romano, Dennis. Patricians and "Popolani": The Social Foundations of 
the Venetian Renaissance State. Baltimore and London: Johns Hop- 
kins Univ. Press, 1987. 

Ronconi, Giorgio. "II giurista Lauro Palazzolo, la sua famiglia, e I'atti- 
vita oratoria, accademica, e pubblica." Quademi per la storia del- 
I'Universita di Padova 17 (1984): 1-67. 

Rossetti, Lucia. "Lo Studio di Padova nel Quattrocento: Nota informa- 
tiva." In Antonino Poppi, ed. Scienza e filosofia all'Universita di 
Padova nel Quattrocento, 11-15. Contributi alia storia dell'Universita 
di Padova 15. Padua: Centro per la storia dell'Universita, and 
Trieste: LINT, 1983. 

Rossi, Vittorio. "La biblioteca manoscritta del senatore veneziano 
lacopo Soranzo." // libro e la stampa: Bullet tino ufficiale della Societa 
bibliografica italiana, n.s., 1 (1907): 3-8, 122-33. Repr. in Dal Rina- 



General Bibliography 359 



scimento al Risorgimento, 251-71. Vol. 3 of Scritti di critica letteraria. 
Florence, 1930. 

Review of Leonardo Smith, ed., Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio. 



In Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 108 (1936): 313-17. 

Rousseau, Philip. Ascetics, Authority, and the Church in the Age of Jerome 
and Cassian. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1978. 

Ruggiero, Guido. The Boundaries of Eros: Sex Crime and Sexuality in Ren- 
aissance Venice. Studies in the History of Sexuality 1. New York and 
Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1985. 

Russo, Daniel. Saint Jerome en Italie: Etude d'iconographie et de spiritualite. 
Images a I'Appui 2. Paris: Decouverte, and Rome: Ecole fran^aise, 
1987. 

Rutherford, David. "Timoteo Maffei's Attack on Holy Simplicity: Edu- 
cational Thought in Gratian's Decretum and Jerome's Letters." In 
Leif Grane, Alfred Schindler, and Markus Wriedt, eds. Auctoritas 
Patrum: Zur Rezeption der Kirchenvdter im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert 
(Contributions on the Reception of the Church Fathers in the 15th and 
16th Century), 159-73. Veroffentlichungen des Instituts fiir Euro- 
paische Geschichte, Beiheft 37. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1993. 

Ruysschaert, Jose. Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 11414-11709. Vatican 
City: BAV, 1959. 

. "Le miniaturiste 'romain' de VOpus de Michele Carara." Scripto- 
rium 23 (1969): 215-24. 

"Recherche des deux bibliotheques romaines Maffei des XVe et 



XVIe siecles." U Bibliofilia 60 (1958): 306-55. 
Sabbadini, Remigio. "Antonio da Romagno e Pietro Marcello." Nuovo 

archivio veneto 30 (1915): 207-46. 
. "Briciole umanistiche 58: Giovanni da Spilimbergo." Giomale 

storico della letteratura italiana 50 (1907): 61-71. 
. Centotrenta lettere inedite di Francesco Barbaro precedute dal- 

I'ordinamento critico cronologico dell'intero suo epistolario seguite da 

appendici e indici. Salerno, 1884. 
. "Epistole di Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore da Capodistria." Giomale 

storico della letteratura italiana 13 (1889): 295-304. 
. Giovanni da Ravenna insigne figura d'umanista (1343-1408). Studi 

umanistici 1. Como, 1924. 
. "La metrica e prosodia latina di Francesco Zabarella." La Biblio- 

teca delle scuole italiane, n.s,, 9-10, no. 2 (1904): 3-5; n.s., 9-10, no. 12 

(1904): 5-8. 
. "II Paulus di P. P. Vergerio." Giomale storico della letteratura 



360 CHAPTER 15 



italiana 38 (1901): 464-65. 
— . Le scoperte del codici latini e greci ne' secoli XIV e XV. 2 vols. Bi- 



blioteca storica del Rinascimento 4. 1905-14. Repr. Florence: G. San- 
son!, 1967. 

— . La scuola e gli studi di Guarino Guarini Veronese. Catania, 1896. 
— , Storia del ciceronianismo e di altre questioni letterarie nell'eta delta 
rinascenza. Turin, 1885. 
— . Storia e critica di testi latini. 2d ed. Medioevo e umanesimo 11. 



Padua: Antenore, 1971. 
Saitta, Giuseppe. L'umanesimo. Vol. 1 oill pensiero italiano nell'umane- 

simo e nel rinascimento. Bologna: C. Zuffi, 1949. 
Salmaso, Dominico M. Petri Pauli Vergerii Senioris De Divo Hieronymo 

opuscula . . . adiecta sua de eiusdem Divi Hieronymi studiis oratione. 

Padua, 1767. 
Salomonius, lacobus (with Georgius Cornelius Senior, Gregorius Barba- 

dicus, and Georgius Cornelius Junior). Urbis Patavinae Inscriptiones 

Sacrae et Prophanae . . . quibus accedunt vulgatae anno MDCXLIV a 

lacobo Philippo Tomasino .... Padua, 1701. 
Salutati, Coluccio. Epistolario. 4 vols. Edited by Francesco Novati. Fonti 

per la storia d'ltalia pubblicate dallTstituto storico italiano: Episto- 

lari, secoli XIV-XV, 15-18. Rome, 1891-1911. 
Salvo Cozzo, Giuseppe. / codici Capponiani della Biblioteca Vaticana. 

Rome, 1897. 
Sambin, Paolo. "Alessio, Nicoletto d'." DBI 2:247-48. 
. "La formazione quattrocentesca della biblioteca di S. Giovanni di 

Verdara in Padova." Atti dell'Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere, ed arti: 

Classe di scienze morali e lettere 114 (1955-56): 263-80. 

-. "Per la biografia di Pietro da Montagnana grammatico e bibliofilo 



del secolo decimoquinto." Atti dell'Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere, ed 
arti: Classe di scienze morali e lettere 131 (1972-73): 787-824. 

Samek Ludovici, Sergio. "Sweynheym, Pannartz, e Giovanni Andrea 
Bussi." Beitrdge zur Inkunabelkunde, ser. 3, 4 (1969): 163-68. 

Sandal, Ennio. "Dal libro antico al libro moderno. Premesse e materiali 
per una indagine. Brescia, 1472-1550: Una verifica esemplare." In 
Ennio Sandal, ed. I primordi della stampa a Brescia 1472-1511, 227- 
307. Medioevo e umanesimo 63. Padua: Antenore, 1986. 

Santini, Emilio. "Leonardo Bruni Aretino e i suoi Historiarum Floren- 
tinipopuli libri XII." Annali della R. Scuola normale superiore di Pisa 
22, no. 4 (1910). 

Sartore, Terenzio. "Un discorso inedito di Francesco Zabarella a Boni- 



General Bibliography 361 



facio IX suU'autorita del papa." Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 
20 (1966): 375-88. 

Sasel, Jaroslav. "Capodistria." In Capodistria tra Roma e Venezia (Koper 
med Rimom in Benetkami), 2:5-14. 2 vols. Ljubljana: Pokrajinski 
Muzej, 1989. 

Sassoli de Bianchi, Gherardo. "Un'orazione della 'Patria del Friuli' al 
Doge Malipiero." Memorie storiche forogiuliesi 40 (1952-53): 309-10. 

Scalon, Cesare. La Bihlioteca Arcivescovile di Udine. Medioevo e uma- 
nesimo 37. Padua: Antenore, 1979. 

Scardeone, Bernardino, ed. . . . De antiquitate urbis Patavii et claris civi- 
bus Patavinis libri tres. . . . Basel, 1560. 

Schaller, Dieter, and Ewald Konsgen, eds. Initia Carminum Latino- 
rum Saeculo Undecimo Antiquiorum. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ru- 
precht, 1977. 

Schelhorn, Johann Georg, ed. Amoenitates Litterariae, quibus variae 
observationes, scripta item quaedam anecdota, et rariora opuscula exhi- 
bentur. Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1725-31. 

Schneyer, Johann Baptist. Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones des Mit- 
telalters fiir die Zeit von 1150-1350. 11 vols. Beitrage zur Geschichte 
der Philosophic und Theologie des Mittelalters: Texte und Unter- 
suchungen 43.1-11. Miinster in Westphalia: Aschendorff, 1969-90. 

Schuba, Ludwig. Die medizinischen Handschriften der Codices Palatini La- 
tini in der Vatikanischen Bibliothek. Vol. 1 of Kataloge der Universi- 
tdtsbibliothek Heidelberg. Wiesbaden-Dotzheim: L. Reichert, 1981. 

Schucan, Luzi. Das Nachleben von Basilius Magnus "ad adolescentes": Ein 
Beitrag zur Geschichte des christlichen Humanismus. Travaux d'huma- 
nisme et Renaissance 133. Geneva: Droz, 1973. 

Schwarzenberg, Egon. "La lettera di Lodovico Vergerio e la cartina del- 
ristria nella Cosmogra/ia di Sebastiano Miinster." Atti e memorie 
della Societa istriana di archeologia e storia patria 75, n.s., 23 (1975): 
79-109. 

Schweyen, Renate. Guarino Veronese: Philosophie und humanistische 
Padagogik. Munich: W. Fink, 1973. 

Scrittura, biblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento. Vol. 1.1, 
C. Bianca, P. Farenga, G. Lombardi, A. G. Luciani, and M. Miglio, 
eds. Aspetti e problemi. Vol. 1.2, lERS; Vol. 3, Massimo Miglio with 
P. Farenga and A. Modigliani, eds. Scrittura, biblioteche, e stampa a 
Roma nel Quattrocento 2. Littera Antiqua 1.1-2, 3. Vatican City: 
Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, ed Archivistica, 1980- 
83. 



362 CHAPTER 15 

Secoli, Giuseppe. Studi vergeriani. Trieste, 1971. 

Segarizzi, Arnaldo. "Lauro Quirini umanista veneziano del secolo XV." 
Memorie della R. Accademia delle scienze di Torino: Scienze morali, sto- 
riche, e filologiche, ser. 2, 54 (1904): 1-28. 

, ed. La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole di Sicco Polenton. Bergamo, 

1899. 

Seigel, Jerrold E. " 'Civic Humanism' or Ciceronian Rhetoric? The Cul- 
ture of Petrarch and Bruni." Past and Present, no. 34 (July 1966): 3- 
48. 

. Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renaissance Humanism: The Union of 

Eloquence and Wisdom, Petrarch to Valla. Princeton: Princeton Univ. 
Press, 1968. 

Semi, Francesco. Capodistria: Guida storica ed artistica con illustrazioni. 
Capodistria, <1930>. 

Seneca, L. Annaeus. . . . Opera quae supersunt supplementum. Edited by 
Friedrich Haase. Leipzig, 1902. 

Serena, Augusto. La cultura umanistica a Treviso nel secolo decimoquinto. 
Miscellanea di storia veneta, ser. 3, tom. 3. Venice, 1912. 

Shailor, Barbara A. Marston Manuscripts. Vol. 3 of Catalogue of Medieval and 
Renaissance Manuscripts in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Li- 
brary, Yale University. Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 100. 
Binghamton, N.Y.: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1992. 

Silverstein, Theodore. Medieval Latin Scientific Writings in the Barberini 
Collection: A Provisional Catalogue. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 
1957. 

Siraisi, Nancy G. Arts and Sciences at Padua: The Studium of Padua before 
1350. Studies and Texts 25. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediae- 
val Studies, 1973. 

. Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils: Two Generations of Italian Medical 

Learning. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1981. 

Skeat, Theodore Cressy. The Catalogues of the Manuscript Collections in 
the British Museum. Rev. ed. London: Trustees of the British Mu- 
seum, 1962. 

Skinner, Quentin. The Renaissance. Vol. 1 of The Foundations of Modem 
Political Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1978. 

Smith, Christine. Architecture in the Culture of Humanism: Ethics, Aesthe- 
tics, and Eloquence 1400-1470. New York and Oxford: Oxford Univ. 
Press, 1992. 

Smith, Leonardo. "Note cronologiche vergeriane, I e IL" Archivio 
veneto-tridentino 10 (1926): 149-57. 



General Bibliography 363 



-. "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V." Archivio venetOy ser. 5, 4 



(1928): 92-141. 

— , ed. Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio. Fonti per la storia d'ltalia 
pubblicate dall'Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo 74. Rome, 
1934. 
-, ed. "Pier Paolo Vergerio: De situ veteris et inclytae urhis Romae." 



English Historical Review 41 (1926): 571-77. 
Solerti, Angelo, ed. Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio scritte fino al 

secolo decimosesto. Milan, 1904. 
Sorbelli, Albano, and Luigi Simeoni. Storia dell'Universita di Bologna. 2 

vols. Bologna, 1940. 
Sottili, Agostino. "I codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidentale." 

IMU 10 (1967): 411-91; 11 (1968): 345-448; 12 (1969): 335-476; 13 

(1970): 281-467; 14 (1971): 313-402; 15 (1972): 361-423; 18 (1975): 1- 

72; 19 (1976): 429-92; 20 (1977): 413-94. Repr. / codici del Petrarca 

nella Germania Occidentale. Censimento dei Codici Petrarcheschi 4 

and 7. Padua: Antenore, 1971-78. 
. "La questione ciceroniana in una lettera di Francesco Zabarella a 

Francesco Petrarca (tav. IV)." Quademiper la storia dell'Universita di 

Padova 6 (1973): 25-57. 
Speyer, Wolfgang. "Sicco Polenton und ein angeblicher Brief wechsel 

zwischen Seneca und Nero." Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie 116 

(1973): 95-96. 
. "Tacitus, Annalen 14, 53/56 und ein angeblicher Briefwechsel 

zwischen Seneca und Nero." Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie 114 

(1971): 351-59. 
Spino, Pietro. Istoria della vita e fatti dell'eccellentissimo capitano di 

guerra Bartolomeo Colleoni ... di nuovo ristampata coll'aggiunta di 

due orazioni funehri. Bergamo, 1732. 
Stabile, Giorgio. "Biondo, Michelangelo." DBI 10:560-63. 
Stacul, Paolo. // cardinale Pileo da Prata. Miscellanea 19. Rome: Societa 

romana di storia patria, 1957. 
Stadter, Philip A. "Arrianus, Flavins." C7C 3:1-20. 
Stapleton, Thomas. . . . Opera quae extant omnia. ... 4 vols. Paris, 1620. 
Stauber, Richard. Die Schedelsche Bibliothek: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte 

der Aushreitung der italienischen Renaissance, des deutschen Humanis- 

mus, und der medizinischen Literatur. Studien und Darstellungen aus 

dem Gebiete der Geschichte, Band 6, Heft 2-3. Freiburg im Breisgau, 

1908. 
Stegmiiller, Friedrich. Repertorium Biblicum MediiAevi. 11 vols. Madrid: 



364 CHAPTER 15 



Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Istituto Francisco 

Suarez, 1950-80. 
Stinger, Charles L. The Renaissance in Rome. Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana 

Univ. Press, 1985. 
Stone, Lawrence. "Literacy and Education in England 1640-1900." Past 

and Present, no. 42 (February 1969): 69-139. 
Stornajolo, Cosimus. Codices Urbinates Latini. 3 vols. Vatican City, 

1902-21. 
Strnad, Alfred A., and Katherine Walsh. "Cesarini, Giuliano." DBI 

24:188-95. 
Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum praeter Graecos et Orientales in Biblio- 

theca Palatina Vindobonensi Asservatorum. 10 vols. Vienna, 1864-99. 
Tamani, Giuliano. "Catalogo dei manoscritti ebraici della Biblioteca 

Marciana di Venezia." La Bibliofilia 74 (1972): 239-301. 
. "Pietro da Montagnana studioso e traduttore di testi ebraici." 

IMU 16 (1973): 349-58. 
Tenneroni, Annibale. Catalogo ragionato dei manoscritti appartenuti alfu 

Conte Giacomo Manzoni. Bibliotheca Manzoniana 4. Citta di Ca- 

stello, 1894. 
Thierry, Jean Jacques. "The Date of the Dream of Jerome." Vigiliae 

Christianae 17 (1963): 28-40. 
Thomson, Ian. "The Scholar as Hero in lanus Pannonius' Panegyric on 

Guarinus Veronensis." Renaissance Quarterly 44 (1991): 197-212. 
Thorndike, Lynn, and Pearl Kibre. A Catalogue oflncipits of Mediaeval 

Scientific Writings in Latin. Rev. ed.. Mediaeval Academy of America 

Publication 29. Cambridge, Mass., and London: Mediaeval Academy 

of America, 1963. 
Tilatti, Andrea. "L'elezione del Doge Pasquale Malipiero e I'orazione di 

Giacomo da Udine in nome della Patria del Friuli." Metodi e ricerche, 

n.s., 8, no. 2 (1989): 37-47. 
Tomasini, lacopo Filippo. Bibliothecae Patavinae manuscriptae puhlicae et 

privatae quibus diversi scriptores hactenus incogniti recensentur ac illu- 

strantur. Udine, 1639, 

, ed. Petrarca redivivus. Padua, 1650. 

Tommasini, G. F. "De' commentari storico-geografici della provincia 

deiristria." Archeografo triestino 4 (1837): 1-554. 
Tournoy, Gilbert. "Un nuovo testo del periodo padovano di Pietro del 

Monte." Quademiperla storia dell'Universita di Padova 8 (1975): dl-ll. 
Tracy, James D. "From Humanism to the Humanities: A Critique of 

Grafton and Jardine." Modem Language Quarterly 51 (1990): 122-43. 



General Bibliography 365 



Ullman, Berthold Louis. The Humanism ofColuccio Salutati. Medioevo 

e umanesimo 4. Padua: Antenore, 1963. 
. The Origin and Development of Humanistic Script. Rome: Edizioni 

di Storia e Letteratura, 1960. 

"Petrarch Manuscripts in the United States." IMU 5 (1962): 443- 



75. Repr. Petrarch Manuscripts in the United States. Censimento dei 
Codici Petrarcheschi 1. Padua: Antenore, 1964. 

Unterkircher, Franz. Die datierten Handschriften der Osterreichischen Na- 
tionalbibliothek bis zum Jahre 1400. Vol. 1 of Katalog der datierten 
Handschriften in lateinischer Schrift in Osterreich. Vienna: Verlag der 
Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1969. 

. Die datierten Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek 

von 1401 bis 1450. Vol. 2 of Katalog der datierten Handschriften in la- 
teinischer Schrift in Osterreich. Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen 
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1971. 

Vaccari, Alberto. "Le antiche vite di S. Girolamo." In Miscellanea Gero- 
nimiana: Scritti varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San 
Girolamo, 1-18. Rome, 1920. 

Valentinelli, Giuseppe. Bibliotheca Manuscripta ad S. Marci Venetiarum. 
6 vols. Venice, 1868-73. 

. Codici manoscritti d'opere di Francesco Petrarca od a lui riferentisi 

posseduti dalla Biblioteca Marciana di Venezia. Venice, 1874. Origi- 
nally published in Petrarca e Venezia (nel V centenario di F. Petrarca), 
41-147. Venice, 1874. 
-. Regesta Documentorum Germaniae Historiam Illustrantium. Rege- 



sten zur deutschen Geschichte aus den Handschriften der Marcusbiblio- 
thek in Venedig. Munich, 1864. Originally published in A bhandlungen 
der historischen Classe der Konglich bayerischen Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften, Klasse 3, Band 9, Abteilung 2, 357-923. 

Valentini, Roberto, and Giuseppe Zucchetti, eds. Scrittori (secoli XIV-XV). 
Vol. 4 of Codice topografico della citta di Roma. Fonti per la storia 
d'ltalia 91. Rome: Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo, 1953. 

Valla, Lorenzo. , . . Opera nunc primo non mediocribus vigiliis et iudicio 
quorundam eruditissimorum virorum in unum volumen collecta et 
exemplaribus variis collatis emendata. . . . Basel, 1540. 

Varanini, Gian Maria. "Della Scala, Alberto." DBI ^7:Z70-7A. 

. "Della Scala, Cangrande." DBI 37:393-406. 

. "Della Scala, Mastino." DBI 37:444-53. 

Vasaly, Ann C. "Ars dispositionis: Cicero's Second Agrarian Speech." 
Hermes 116 (1988): 409-27. 



366 CHAPTER 15 



"The Masks of Rhetoric: Cicero's Pro Roscio Amerino." Rhetorica 



3 (1985): 1-20. 

— . "Personality and Power: Livy's Depiction of the Appii Claudii in 
the First Pentad." Transactions of the American Philological Associa- 
tion 117 (1987): 203-26. 

— . Representations: Images of the World in Ciceronian Rhetoric. Berke- 
ley, Los Angeles, and Oxford: Univ. of California Press, 1993. 
"Transforming the Visible." Res 6 (Autumn 1983): 65-71. 



Vattasso, Marco. / codici petrarcheschi della Biblioteca Vaticana. Studi e 
testi 20. Vatican City, 1908. 

, and Pio Franchi de' Cavalieri. Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1- 

678. Vatican City, 1902. 

Velli, Giuseppe. "La memoria poetica del Petrarca." IMU 19 (1976): 
171-207. 

Ventura, Angelo. "Scrittori politici e scritture di governo." In Dalprimo 
Quattrocento al Concilio di Trento, 3:513-63. Vol. 3 of Storia della 
cultura veneta. Vicenza: Pozza, 1980-81. 

Verci, Giambattista. Storia della Marca Trivigiana e Veronese. 20 vols. 
Venice, 1786-91. 

Vickers, Brian. "Leisure and Idleness in the Renaissance: The Ambiva- 
lence of Otium." Renaissance Studies 4 (1990): 1-37, 107-54. 

Vincent Ferrer, O.P. Les Sermons Panegyriques. Edited by H. D. Fages, 
O.P. Vol. 2 of Oeuvres de Saint Vincent Ferrier. Paris, 1909. 

Vincent of Beauvais (Vincentius Bellovacensis). Speculum historiale. Vol. 
4 of Bibliotheca mundi . . . Speculum quadruplex, naturale, doctrinale, 
morale, historiale. . . . Douai, 1624. 

Vitali, Maria Cristina. "La biblioteca del convento padovano di S. Gio- 
vanni di Verdara." Archivio veneto, ser. 5, 119 (1982): 5-25. 

Vitaliani, Domenico. Della vita e delle opere di Nicolb Leoniceno vicen- 
tino. Verona, 1892. 

Vitez, loannes, de Zredna. Opera quae supersunt. Edited by Ivan Boron- 
kai. Bibliotheca scriptorum Medii Recentisque Aevorum, n.s., 3. 
Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1980, 

Voigt, Georg. Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums, oder das 
erste fahrhundert des Humanismus. 2 vols. 3d ed. prepared by Max 
Lehnerdt. Berlin, 1893. // risorgimento dell'antichita classica, ovvero il 
primo secolo dell'umanismo. 3 vols. Florence, 1888-90. Repr. Biblio- 
teca storica del Rinascimento, n.s., 5. Edited by Eugenio Garin and 
translated by Diego Valbusa. Florence: Sansoni, 1968. 

Von Aschbach, Joseph. Die 2eit der Hussitenkriege bis zur Eroffnung des 



General Bibliography 367 



Basler Konzils. Vol. 3 of Geschichte Kaiser Sigmunds. Hamburg, 1841. 

Repr. Aalen, Germ.: Scientia Verlag, 1964. 
Wadding, Luke. Annales Minorum, seu Trium Ordinum a S. Francisco 

Institutorum. 32 vols. 3d ed. Quaracchi, 1931-33. 
Walter, Eugene Victor. Placeways: A Theory of the Human Environment. 

Chapel Hill, N.C., and London: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1988. 
Walther, Hans. Initia Carminum ac Versuum MediiAevi Posterioris Lati- 

norum: Alphabetisches Verzeichnis der Versanfdnge mittellateinischer 

Dichtungen. Carmina Medii Aevi Posterioris Latina 1. Gottingen: 

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1959. 
Ward, John O. "From Antiquity to the Renaissance: Glosses and Com- 
mentaries on Cicero's Rhetorical In James J. Murphy, ed. Medieval 

Eloquence: Studies in the Theory and Practice of Medieval Rhetoric, 25- 

67. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: Univ. of California Press, 

1978. 
Watson, Andrew G. Catalogue of Dated and Datable Manuscripts ca. 435- 

1600 in Oxford Libraries. 2 vols. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1984. 
Weiss, Roberto. The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity. Oxford: 

Basil Blackwell, and New York: Humanities Press, 1969. 
Wilkins, Ernest H. Petrarch's Later Years. Mediaeval Academy of 

America Publication 70. Cambridge, Mass.: Mediaeval Academy of 

America, 1959. 
Wilson, Nigel G. "Epideictic Practice and Theory." In Donald A. 

Russell and Nigel G. Wilson, eds. Menander Rhetor, 11-34. Oxford: 

Clarendon Press, 1981. 
Wirszubski, Chaim. Libertas as a Political Idea at Rome during the Late 

Republic and Early Principate. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 

1950. 
Witt, Ronald G. "Civic Humanism and the Rebirth of the Ciceronian 

Oration." Modem Language Quarterly 51 (1990): 167-84. 
. "Coluccio Salutati and the Conception of the Poeta Theologus in 

the Fourteenth Century." Renaissance Quarterly 30 (1977): 538-63. 
. Hercules at the Crossroads: The Life, Works, and Thought of Coluccio 



Salutati. Duke Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 6. 
Durham, N.C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1983. 

— . "Medieval ars dictaminis and the Beginnings of Humanism: A 
New Construction of the Problem." Renaissance Quarterly 35 (1982): 
1-35. 

— . "Still the Matter of the Two Giovannis: A Note on Malpaghini 
and Conversino." Rinascimento, n.s., 35 (1995): 179-99. 



368 CHAPTER 15 



Wood, Neal. Cicero's Social and Political Thought. Berkeley, Los Angeles, 

and London: Univ. of California Press, 1988. 
Woodward, William H. Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educa- 
tors: Essays and Versions. Cambridge, 1897. 
Wotke, Karl, ed. Dialogus de tribus vatibus Florentinis. Leipzig, Prague, 

and Vienna, 1889. 
Wright, F. A., trans. Select Letters of Saint Jerome. Loeb Classical Library 

262. London and New York, 1933. Repr. London: W. Heinemann, 

and Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1980. 
Wrobel, loannes, ed. Platonis 'Timaeus" interprete Chalcidio cum eiusdem 

commentario. Leipzig, 1876. 
Wuttke, Dieter. "Telos als explicit." In Fritz Krafft and Dieter Wuttke, 

eds. Das Verhdltnis der Humanisten zum Buch, 47-62. Kommission 

fiir Humanismusforschung, Mitteilung 4. Boppard: H. Boldt, 1977. 
Zabarella, Francesco. . . . De felicitate libri tres. . . . Edited by Giacomo 

Zabarella. Padua, 1655. 
Zabughin, Vladimiro. Virgilio nel Rinascimento italiano da Dante a Tor- 

quato Tasso: Fortuna, studi, imitazioni, traduzioni e parodie, icono- 

grafia. 2 vols. Bologna, 1921-23. 
Zaccaria, Raffaella. "Dolfin, Pietro di Giorgio." DBI 40:562-65. 

. "Dolfin, Pietro di Vittore." Z)5/ 40:565-71. 

Zaccaria, Vittorio. Le epistole e i carmi di Antonio Loschi durante il 

cancellierato visconteo (con tredici inediti). Atti e memorie: Classe di 

scienze morali, storiche, e filologiche, ser. 7, vol. 18, fasc. 5. Rome: 

Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1975. 
. "Niccolo Leonardi, i suoi corrispondenti, e una lettera inedita di 

Pier Paolo Vergerio." Atti e memorie dell'Accademia di scienze, lettere, 

edarti in Padova, n.s., 95 (1982-83): 95-116. 
Zacchia, Laudivio, ed. Epistolae Magni Turci. Rome: loannes Philippus 

de Lignamine, 27 Nov. 1473. Hain 10506; IGI 5965; lERS 203. 
Zamponi, Stefano. / manoscritti petrarcheschi della Biblioteca Civica di 

Trieste: Storia e catalogo. Censimento dei Codici Petrarcheschi 8 

Padua: Antenore, 1984. 
Zanotti, Luigi. "Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore e le sue aspirazioni al deca 

nato cividalese." Nuovo archivio veneto, n.s., 21, no. 1 (1911): 101-27 
Zapperi, Roberto. "Capodivacca, Antonio." DBI 18:641-43. 
Zeno, Apostolo. Dissertazioni Vossiane . . . , cioe giunte e osservazioni 

intomo agli storici italiani che hanno scritto latinamente, rammentati 

dal Vossio nel terzo libro "De historicis Latinis. ..." 2 vols. Venice 

1752-53. 



General Bibliography 369 



Zicari, Marcello. "II piu antico codice di lettere di P. Paolo Vergerio il 

vecchio." Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 33-59. 
Ziliotto, Baccio. "Alia ricerca dei codici manoscritti del Seminario di 

Gorizia." Memorie storiche forogiuliesi 38 (1942): 91-94. 
. "Nuove testimonianze per la vita di Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore." 

Archeografo triestino 30 (1905-6): 249-61. 
Ziliotto, Baccio, and Giuseppe Vidossich. "Frammenti inediti della Vita 

di Seneca di P. P. Vergerio il vecchio." Archeografo triestino 30 (1905- 

6): 343-56. 
Zippel, Gianni. "Analisi di lavori delPultimo decennio." Quademi per 

la storia dell'Universita di Padova 7 (1974): 79-S7. 
Zitko, Salvator. "Lo sviluppo politico e amministrativo di Capodistria 

dalla tarda antichita alia fine del XIII secolo." In Capodistria tra 

Roma e Venezia (Koper med Rimom in BenetkamiJ, 2:29-56. 2 vols. 

Ljubljana: Pokrajinski Muzej, 1989. 
Zonta, Gasparo. Francesco Zaharella (1360-1417). Padua, 1915, 
Zorzanello, Pietro. Catalogo dei codici latini della Biblioteca Nazionale 

Marciana di Venezia (non compresi nel catalogo di G. Valentinelli). 3 

vols. Facsimile edition of handwritten text. Trezzano (Milan): Eti- 

mar, 1980-85. 
. "La stampa nella provincia di Parma e Piacenza." In Domenico 

Fava, ed. Tesori delle biblioteche d'ltalia: Emilia e Romagna, 533-60. 

Milan, 1932. 
Zorzi Pugliese, Olga. "Rites of Passage in Leonardo Bruni's Dialogues to 

Pier Paolo Vergerio." Journal of the Rocky Mountain Medieval and 

Renaissance Association 6 (1985): 127-40. 
Zucchi, Riziero. "Ottonello Descalzi e la fortuna del De viris illu- 

stribus." IMU 17 (1974): 469-90. 



General Index 



Abdul Hamid II (Sultan), 259, 263, 264, 

265 
Adolescence {adolescentia), 2, 4-5, 10, 

18, 97-101, 153, 181 
Aegidius Romanus. See Egidio Romano 
Alanus ab Insulis, O. Cist., 79; De arte 

fidei Catholicae, 264 
Alaric, 9 

Albucasis: Chyrurgia, 263 
Alcuinus: Vita Sancti Willibrordi, 80 
Alessio, Nicoletto d', 104 n. 3 
Alexander and Nazarius, Saints, 314 n. 

2. See also Capodistria 
Alexander of Macedon (the Great), 36, 

77, 106-7, 268-69 
Alexandria, 217 
Alidosi, Ludovico degli, 282, 283, 284, 

285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 293, 294, 

298, 299 
Almerico da Serravalle: Epistola, 38, 45 
Amboise, Georges d' (Cardinal), 29, 114 
Ambrose, Saint, 6, 10, 16, 66, 181 
Anastasius I (Pope), Saint, 50; Epistola, 

50 
Anchorites, 11, 155, 253 n. 3 
Ancona, 97 



Angelus Tutus, 98 n. 18 

Antioch, 3, 4, 5, 6 

Antonello da Messina: "Saint Jerome in 

His Study," 24-25 (Plate 1) 
Antonio da Bergamo, 38, 39, 40 
Antonio da Lucca, 39 
Antonio da Parma, O.E.S.A.: Quaestio 

disputata de unitate intellectus, 264 
Antonius de Butrio, 262 
Antonius de Cumpteis, 73 
Antonius Gurceensis Brixiensis, 96 
Antonius Petri Donadei de Rocca S. 

Stephani de Aquila, 96 
Antonius Petri Guidonis de Callio, 97 

n. 16 
Antonius Vursatus, 98 n. 16 
Apostles, 147, 151, 155, 209, 211, 229, 

255 
Aragon, Alfonso V of, 268 
Aragon, Giovanni of (Cardinal), 30, 

114, 133 
Argonauts, 110 
Aristotle, 36, 77, 106 n. 7, 264; Physica, 

263 
Arrian (Flavius Arrianus), 55, 118, 265 

n. 6, 268-69 



372 



General Index 



Auctoritates Alani de amore (inc: Pax 

odio fraudique fides), 79 
Auctoritates de amore quae habentur in 

metro de morihus, 80 
Auctoritates de amore quae habentur in 

registro morali, 79 
Auctoritates Tobiae de amore (inc: Est 

amor iniustus iudex), 79 
Augustine, Saint, 8, 10, 14, 16, 38, 41, 

80, 84, 107 n. 7, 181, 195; Epistola 

ad Optatum, 68; Retractationes, 50. 

See also Ps. Augustinus 
Aurispa, Giovanni, 265 
Austria, 40, 48, 115 
Averroes: De substantia orbis, 263; Aver- 

roists, 264 
Avogaro, Rambaldo, 69 

Badoer, Giacomo, 40 

Banchini, Giovanni di Domenico. See 

Dominici, Giovanni, O.P. 
Baraninas, 8 
Barbaro, Francesco, 94; De re uxoria, 71, 

92, 94, 100-1, 300; Epistolae, 37, 66, 

72, 75; translation of Plutarch's 

Aristides et Cato Maior, 265 
Barbo 

Giovanni, 98 n. 16 

Marco, 41, 105 
Baretta, Andrea, 56, 62 
Barisone, Niccolo, 64 n. 31 
Baronio, Cesare, 98 n. 16 
Bartholomaeus de Gandino, 97 n. 16 
Bartholomaeus de Rambaldo, 97 n. 16 
Baruffaldi, Antonio, 45, 286, 294 
Barzizza 

Cristoforo: Oratio ad benedictionem 
campanae, 84 

Gasparino, 76 n. 44, 92, 93, 94, 107, 
290, 293, 295, 296, 299; com- 



mentary on Seneca's letters, 107 
n. 8; De nominibus magistra- 
tuum Romanorum, 314; Episto- 
lae, 32, 45, 72, 92, 283, 284, 286, 
287, 289, 290, 291, 293, 295, 
296, 297, 298, 299, 300; Epistolae 
ad exercitationem, 71; Exordia, 
72; Oratio in laudem Martini, 
73; Sermones et orationes, 75, 76 
Basil the Great, Saint: Ad adolescentes, 

98-99, 100 n. 20, n. 21 
Bastianus Ser Antonii de Montefalco, 97 

n. 16 
Battista da Cingoli, 97 n. 16 
Battles: spiritual and military compared, 

155, 163-65, 169, 201, 243-47 
Beckensloer, Johann (Bishop), 261, 262 
Benedict, Saint, 139; rule of, 15 n. 2 
Benedict XIII (Antipope), 23, 73 
Berlin, 93 

Bernardino da Siena, O.F.M., Saint, 71 
Bernardus de Cursis, 97 n. 16 
Bethlehem, 7, 9, 12, 20, 155, 217-19, 233 
Bible, xi, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 13, 17, 21, 22, 
23, 104, 117, 121 n. 39, 132, 153, 
167-69, 171, 215, 227, 231, 241; 
Deuteronomy, 4; Psalter, 76, 113, 
147; Verba Ecclesiastae filii David 
regis, 260 
Biglia, Andrea, O.E.S.A., 38-39, 39-40 
Bildestone, Nicolaus, 101-2 n. 24 
Biondo 

Flavio, 77, 105; Italia illustrata, 56 

n. 24, 59, 110; Epistola, 77 
Michelangelo, 300 
Blesilla, 7 

Boccaccio, Giovanni, 14 
Bocchetti, Elpidio, O.F.M., 53 n. 18 
Boethius: De consolatione philosophiae, 
41 



General Index 



373 



Bologna, 95, 262, 263, 307; University 
of, 13 

Boniface VIII (Pope), 12, 181 n. 5 

Bonisoli, Ognibene (da Lonigo), 105 

Bosoni, Biagio, 96 n. 13 

Boyardis (Ferrariensis), Gerardus de, 102 
n. 24 

Bracciolini, Poggio, 38, 92; Invectivae in 
Vallam, 67 

Bragadin, Lauro, 76 n. 43 

Bravo, Pietro (da Verona), 36 

Brentius, Andreas, 305 n. 8 

Brescia: San Faustino, 42; Santa Barbara, 
96 n. 13 

Brifonnet, Guillaume (Cardinal), 29, 114 

Brown, Peter, 1; Body and Society, 5 n. 
8 

Brunacci, Giovanni (Abbot), 35, 59, 69, 
133 

Bruni, Leonardo (Aretino), 21-22, 40, 
77, 92-93, 283, 294, 304; De studiis 
et litteris (to Battista Malatesta da 
Montefeltro), 99 n. 18, n. 19, 100 n. 
21; Dialogi, 99, 318-21; Epistolae, 
77, 78, 100 n. 21, 286 n. 4, 315; 
Oratio in funere Othonis, 74; ora- 
tions, 100 n. 21; translation of Basil's 
letter, 97 n. 14, 98-101; translation of 
Plato's Gorgias, 99; translation of 
Plato's Phaedrus, 99 n. 19; translation 
of Xenophon's Hiero sive Tyrannus, 
99 n. 19, 100 n. 20, n. 21; See also Ps. 
Leonardos Aretinus 

Buda (Budapest), 93, 114, 266 n. 9, 268, 
311; Corvinian Library, 114, 259- 
66; University Library, 259, 263-65 

Buonaccorso da Montemagno: De nobili- 
tate, 101 n. 21 

Burgus, Tobias: Oratio nuptialis, 7S 

Bussi, Giannandrea, 85, 86, 116-19, 128 



Calchis 

(Greece), 97 n. 16 

(Syria), 4-5, 10 
Calcidius, 267 

Calfurnio, Giovanni, 100 n. 20 
Calvis, Antonio de (Cardinal), 92 
Camaldoli, 112 
Cambiatore, Tommaso, 77 
Cambridge: Jesus College, 49 n. 13 
Campolongo, Niccolo, 40 
Canali, Niccolo, 66 
Canonici 

Giuseppe, 43 

Matteo Luigi, 42-43, 133 
Capella, Febo, 66 

Capodilista, Giovanni Francesco, 39 
Capodistria (Koper), 15, 35, 48, 58, 92, 

104 n. 3, 105 n. 5, 109-10, 111-12, 

113, 120 n. 37, 199 n. 1; cult of St. 

Nazarius, 314; forged inscription on 

founding of, 110 
Carmen (inc: Sum caput Achillis), 81 
Carrara family, 21, 43, 51-52, 55, 57, 
103, 104 n. 3, 110-11, 130-31, 
280-81, 313, 322 

Francesco il Vecchio da, 37, 44, 47, 
52, 55, 60, 64-65, 69-70, 81-82, 
101 n. 22, 104, 270-71, 303, 306, 
322 n. 1 

Francesco Novello da, 36, 37, 44, 
46-47, 52, 63, 64, 70, 77, 101 n. 
22, 108, 269, 305-6, 322 n. 1 

Marsilio da, 73 n. 40, 98 n. 16 

Milone da, 97-98 n. 16 

Niccolo il Vecchio da, 52 n. 16 

Ubertino da, 279, 293 

See also Papafava family 
Casarsa, Laura, 65 n. 34, 67-69 
Castiglionchio, Lapo da: Allegationes 

ahhreviaXae, li>l 



374 



General Index 



Castiglione family, 265 
Zenone, 99 n. 19 

Catiline (L. Sergius Catilina), 78 

Cavitelli, Niccolo, 77 

Cellensis, Petrus, O.S.B.: Sermo, 79 

Celotti, Luigi (Abbot), 51 

Cerda y Llascos, Antonio (Cardinal), 
118 n. 32 

Cermisone, Bartolomeo, 33, 63, 306-7 

Cervini 

Antonio, 121 n. 39 

Marcello. See Marcellus II (Pope) 

Cessi, Roberto, 130 

Christianity, xi, 1-2, 3, 5-6, 8, 9-10, 12, 
14, 17, 20, 23-24, 98, 118, 121, 137, 
139, 151, 157, 163, 197, 207, 211, 
217, 219, 225, 227, 233, 239 

Christoforus de Conradis, 65 

Chrysoloras 
loannes, 74 
Manuel, 16, 37, 74, 98, 107-8, 304 

Church, 6, 8, 10, 12, 18, 23-25, 109, 
118-19, 120-21, 145-47, 153, 157, 
181, 207, 209-11, 241; of Antioch, 
6; councils, 5, 119; eastern, 147; 
fathers of, 115; reform of, 17, 19- 
20; Roman Catholic (Latin), 10, 12, 
22, 155, 163, 179, 181 n. 5, 215 

Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 3, 14, 17-18, 22, 
44, 61, 72 n. 37, 78, 121, 157, 179, 
231 n. 5, 233, 239, 303; De amicitia, 
264; De ojficiis, 264; De senectute, 
264; orations, 265 n. 7; Pro Milone 
1-3, 265; Somnium Scipionis, 265. 
See also Ps. Cicero 

Cippicus ad lectorem, 39 

Cividale del Friuli, 15, 20 

Claudius (Emperor), 38, 106-7 

Claudius Claudianus, 83 

Clement, Nicolas, 30 



Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 266 
Collionibus 

Dondacius de, 65 

loannes de, 65 

Paulus de, 65 

Testinus de, 65 
Colocci, Angelo, 98 n. 16 
Colonna, Giovanni (Cardinal), 61 
Coluta, Gian Girolamo, 69 
Condulmer, Francesco, 66 
Confessors of the Roman Church, 209- 

11 
Constance: Council of, 92, 259, 304, 311 
Constantinople, 6, 10, 127, 217, 219 n. 

6. See also Istanbul 
Contarini, Girolamo, 62 
Conversini, Giovanni (da Ravenna), 102 

n. 24, 223 n. 1; De regimine princi- 

pum, 315; Epistolae, 33, 76, 288, 292, 

300, 301 
Conversino da Frignano, 263 
Corbinelli, Antonio, 74 
Corner family, 43 n. 9 
Correr, Angelo (Cardinal). See Gregory 

XII (Pope) 
Corvinus, Matthias (King), 259, 260, 

261, 262, 263, 264, 265 
Crivelli, Antonio Maria, 47 

Dalle Valli 

Giovanni Bernardo, 95 n. 12, 101 n. 
22 

Girolamo: Ad Pasqualem Maripe- 
trum oratio pro universitate sua, 
37, 108 n. 10 
Dalmatia, 1, 199 

Damasus (Pope), 1-2, 6-7, 10, 84 
Dandolo 

Andrea poge), 59 
Fantino, 40 



General Index 



375 



Dati, Agostino, 68 

David ab Augusta, O.F.M., 80 

Declamation {Declamatio), 38, 76, 77, 

106-7 
De differentia inter stellam, astrum, sidus, 

imaginem, et planetam (inc: Licet 

unumquodque), 48 
De diversitate durationum omnium re- 
rum (inc: Duratio est misera), 48 
De Dominis, loannes (Bishop), 285, 286 
De Hermafrodito (inc: Cum mea me 

genitrix), 84 
De la Mare, Albinia, 30 
De Lellis 

Simone, 73, 116 n. 28 

Teodoro (Bishop), 85-86, 116-19; 
treatise against the Pragmatic 
Sanction, 118; library, 117-18 n. 
32 
De le Volte, Santi, 113 n. 24 
Delia Nichesola, Galesio, 71 n. 36, 74 
Del Monte, Pietro, 38, 315 
Del Nero, Piero di Simone, 113 n. 24 
Demades, 76, 106-7 
Demosthenes, 76, 77, 106-7 
De mysteriis missae (inc: Missa secundum 

Innocentium tertium), 79 
De sacerdotio domini lesu, 39 
Devil: as enemy of faith, 147, 163-65, 

211 
Divine Office, 132, 147, 175, 215, 253; 

Office for Jerome's feast, 62-63, 

113, 305 
Doctors of the Roman Church, xi-xii, 

12, 16-17, 18, 23, 137, 141-47, 151- 

53, 197, 203, 209-11, 221, 229-31 
Dolfin 

Leonardo (Bishop), 112 n. 19 

Pietro (Abbot), 59, 111-12 

Pietro di Giorgio, 112 



Dominicans, 12, 14, 22 
Dominici, Giovanni, O.P., 22 
Donato, Pietro, 93 
Donatus, Aelius, 2 

Doni, Giovan Battista d'Attaviano, 113 
n. 24 

Eberhard: pilgrimage church of, 79, 115 
Egidio Romano, O.E.S.A.: De intellectus 

possibilis pluralitate, 264; Sollemnis 

quaestio, 264 
Egloga Theoduli, 41 
Egypt, 7, 139 
Eloquence, 11, 17-18, 24, 157, 221, 227- 

29, 231-33 
England, 49, 114 
Epigrammata Homerica (inc: Viri ab 

Archadia), 266 
Epistola (dated Constance, 1414), 259 
Epistola (inc: locundissimae fuerunt 

mihi), 73 
Epistola amico nomine alterius (inc: 

Reminiscenti mihi), 39 
Epistola consolatoria (inc: Heu dolenti 

animoque), 77 
Epistola consolatoria (inc: Heu triste 

admodum), 76-77 
Epistola consolatoria (inc: Pleni fuimus 

anxietatibus), 73 
Epistola on death of Giangaleazzo Vis- 

conti (inc: Stella cometa), 73 
Epistola on Virgil's statue ^nc: Nemi- 

nem vir insignis), 313-14 
Epistola to Condeus Drudo (inc: Dedit 

litteram tuam), 39 
Epistola to Fantinus (inc: Delapsus sum), 

39 
Epistola to "virgo nobilissima" (inc: 

Legimus Tullium Ciceronem), 38, 

107 n. 7 



376 



General Index 



Erasmus, Desiderius, 114-15, 120 

Este family, 104 n. 2 
Bernardino d', 47 
Leonello d', 78, 96 
Marco d', 47 
Niccolo III d', 105 

Esztergom (Gran), 120; Cathedral Li- 
brary, 261, 262 

Ethos. See Integrity 

Eustochium, Julia, 6-7, 9, 80, 165, 201, 
243, 253 

Evagrius, 3 

Fabbri, Giacomo, 74 

Facio, Bartolomeo, 57 n. 27, 66, 268-69 

Fano, Tommaso, 75 

Farsetti, Tommaso Giuseppe, 35 

Federigo da Montefeltro (Duke), 66, 97 

Festus, Sextus Pompeius, 67 

Fichet, Guillaume, 98 n. 16 

Filetico, Martino, 82 

Flesh: as enemy of faith, 4-5, 163, 165, 

167, 191-93, 201-3, 205, 211, 213, 

231, 243-45 
Florence, 29, 54, 71, 114 
Foscari, Francesco (Doge), 105 n. 4, 108 

n. 10 
Francesco da Faenza, 45 
Francesco da Poppio, 113 n. 24 
Franciscans: Spiritual, 12 
Franciscus de Maironis: Quaestiones 

super primo libro Sententiarum 

(fragm.), 266 
Freedom, 6, 16, 18, 107 
Friedmann, Herbert: Bestiary for Saint 

Jerome, 24 n. 18 
Fulgosius, Raphael, 40 

Gambacorta, Pietro, Blessed, 113 n. 24 
Gaspar Tyburtinus, 97 n. 16 



Gaza, Theodore, 116, 118 

Gellius, Aulus: story of Androcles, 11; 

treatise attributed to, 100-1 n. 21 
Gentile da Leonessa, 66 
Gerardus Cremonensis, 263 
Gerasimus, Saint, 11 
Germany, 115 

Giacomo da Treviso, 112 n. 19 
Giacomo da Udine, 67, 105 
Giacomo della Marca, Saint, 53-54 
Giovanni da Bologna, 92, 287, 294 
Giovanni d' Andrea (loannes Andreae), 

13-14, 16, 113 n. 24, 117, 130-31; 

Hieronymianus, 13, 16, 117, 130-31 
Giovanni da Spilimbergo, 37, 72 
Giovannino da Mantova, O.P., 14 
Girardini, Bartolomeo, 39 
Giuliano, Andrea, 107-8; Oratio in 

funere Manuelis Chrysolorae, 37, 74, 

107 
Giustiniani 

Bernardo: Oratio habita ad Pium 
secundum, 37, 61, 108 n. 10 

Leonardo, 93-94, 107-8; Ad Georgi- 
um Lauredanum funebris oratio, 
37, 74, 107; Oratio in funere 
Caroli Zeni, 37, 74, 100 n. 21, 
107-8 
God, 4, 7, 23, 143, 145, 147, 149, 153, 

155, 159, 163, 165, 169, 173, 179, 

181, 195, 197, 199, 201, 205, 207, 

211, 219, 223, 225, 233, 237, 249, 

251, 253, 255. See also Holy Spirit; 

Jesus Christ 
Gonzaga 

Francesco (Cardinal), 53 (Plate 3), 
101, 119, 126 n. 4, 133 

Ludovico (Marchese), 73 
Goths: sack of Rome, 9; sack of Stri- 

don, 2, 199 



General Index 



^77 



Grammar: Latin, 2, 94, 101, 106, 115, 
120 

Grammatica Latina (inc: Nota quod 
grammatica), 259 

Gratiadeus, Franciscus, 47 

Gratian: Decretum, 13 

Gravisi-Barbabianca, Anteo (Count), 48; 
manuscript formerly in possession 
of, 48, 267 

Greece, 4, 91, 97 n. 16, 201 

Greek language, 6, 16, 17, 24, 49, 120, 
131, 157, 167-69, 179, 215, 259 

Gregorian Reform, 10-11 

Gregory I (Pope), Saint, 10, 16, 78, 118 
n. 32, 130, 181, 266 

Gregory XII (Pope), 21, 23-24, 75-76 

Gregory of Nazianzus, Saint, 6, 10, 18, 
141, 149, 201, 233, 249 

Gualenus de Solto, Romelius, 83, 115 

Guarino da Verona, 49 n. 13, 77, 92-96, 
105, 107-8, 315; Epistolae, 37, 71-73, 
74-75, 77, 78, 92-93, 105, 285, 287, 
288, 289, 293, 294, 295, 297, 299, 
301; Laudatio Francisci Pisani, 37, 
74, 108 n. 10; Oratio ad Bartholo- 
maeum Storladum, 75; Oratio in 
principio rhetoricae, 37, 73, 108 n. 
10; Oratiuncula, 323; translation of 
Ps. Plutarchus De liberis educandis, 
99-101 

Guarnerio d'Artegna, 68, 98 n. 16, 105, 
133 

Guerrini, Paolo, 42 

Gulielmus de Holborch: Collectio con- 
clusionum, determinationum, et deci- 
sionum Rotae, 262 

Gulielmus Parisiensis, 79 

Gulielmus Salinus, 97 n. 16 

Gunthorpe, John, 49, 114, 133 



Hebrew language, 5, 7-8, 17, 120, 157, 

159, 167, 179, 215 
Heimburg, Gregor, 118 
Heller, Johann, 95 n. 12 
Helvidius, 7 
Heretics, 147-49, 153, 159, 181, 215, 

231, 247 
Hermits, 2, 4-5, 9, 18-19, 155, 165-67, 

189-91, 201, 211, 213, 243, 253 
Herodian of Syria (Herodianus), 68, 105 
Hieronymite congregations, 12-13; Poor 
Hermits of Saint Jerome, 113 n. 24 
Hieronymus, S. See Jerome, Saint 
Hieronymus de Sandellis, 98 n. 17 
Hippo, 8 

Hippocrates: lusiurandum, 304 
History, 22-23, 157, 159, 175, 227 
Holy Spirit, 147, 169, 205, 211 
Homer: Batrachomyomachia, 66, 68; 
Iliad, 266; Odyssey, 100 n. 20, 266 n. 
8 
Horace (Q. Horatius Flaccus), 121 
Humanism, xi-xii, 13-14, 15-17, 20-25, 
91-92, 93-94, 96-102, 104-6, 108, 
113, 114, 115, 116, 118-19, 121, 125; 
humanist miscellanies as rhetorical 
textbooks, 91-95, 103, 106-9; pa- 
tronized by rulers, 96-97, 106 
Humanities {studia humanitatis), 14, 24, 

94-95 
Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, 101 
Hungary, 120 n. 37. See also Louis the 
Great; Pannonia; Sigismund of 
Hungary 

lacopo da Forli: Sermo, 76 

lacopo da Varazze: Legenda aurea, 16, 

117 n. 31, 130-31 
Innocent VII (Pope), 21-23, 105, 109, 

286 n. 4 



378 



General Index 



Integrity (Ethos), xi, 18-19, 153, 169, 

179, 183, 195, 199, 225 
loannes: Epistola missa Hemescirc, 80 
loannes (scribe), 260 
loannes Andreae. See Giovanni d' Andrea 
loannes Cari de Lunardellis (de Monte 

Florum), 98 n. 16 
loannes de Talglacotio, O.M., 53-54 
loannes Hierosolymitanus (Bishop), 50 
loannes Hispalensis, 48 
loannes Matias Tyberinus, 83 
loannes Moschus: Pratum spirituale, 11 

n. 26 
loannes Pottere, 97 n. 16 
lob Resta, 97 n. 16 
Istanbul, 259, 260, 261, 263, 264, 265. 

See also Constantinople 
Istria, peninsula of, 15 n. 2, 37, 59, 110, 

120 n. 37, 131, 199 n. 1. See also 

Capodistria; Pirano d'Istria 
Italy, 12, 13, 31, 40, 41 n. 8, 53, 66, 81, 

92, 94, 96, 99 n. 18, 103, 105, 106, 

107, 108, 114, 115, 259, 260, 261, 

262, 263, 264, 265, 266 
lulius Florentinus, 97 n. 16 
lustinus, M. Iunian(i)us, 37, 56 n. 24, 59, 

110 

Jean de Schoonhoven (loannes de 
Scoenhovia), 79 

Jerome, Saint (Hieronymus, S.), 1-25, 
30-31, 41, 49-50, 79-80, 84, 85-87, 
92, 95, 101-2, 103-21, 127, 130-31, 
137-255; as an example of integrity, 
18-19, 139-41, 143-45, 169, 183-93, 
195, 203, 227-29, 243, 249; depic- 
tions in art, 12-13, 24-25 (Plate 1), 
189; disputes with heretics, 8, 12, 
147-49, 153, 159, 181, 231, 247; 
doctor of the Latin Church, 12, 16- 



18, 22-23, 137, 141, 143-49, 151-53, 
181-83, 197, 203, 211, 221, 229-31; 
dream of, 3-4, 13-14, 17, 23, 24, 
121, 157-59, 233, 239-41; education 
and baptism in Rome, 2-3, 4-5, 
199; Epistolae, 6-7, 30-31, 41, 49-50, 
84, 85-87, 131, 133-34; etymology 
of, 16-17, 130-31, 215, 229; human- 
ist cult of, xi-xii, 13-25; late manu- 
scripts of his works, 116-17; left 
Rome when election as pope 
seemed assured, 6, 18, 23, 121, 141, 
149, 153-55, 189, 201, 205, 233, 249; 
legend that a cardinal, 6, 10, 13, 16, 
24, 153, 181; lived as hermit in 
Syrian desert, 4-5, 9, 10, 13, 16, 18- 

19, 149, 155, 165-67, 189-93, 201-5, 
211-13, 233, 243-45, 253; lives of 
the desert fathers, 19, 139; medieval 
cult of, 10-13; ministries and trial 
in Rome, 1-2, 6-7, 10, 18; miracles 
(in addition to lion), 11-12, 20-21, 
117, 130, 132, 149, 151, 159, 169, 
179, 187, 193-95, 205, 215-19, 229, 
249, 253; monastic life in Bethle- 
hem, 7-9, 149, 155, 233; ordained in 
Antioch, 5-6; persecuted by jealous 
rivals, 16, 18, 147-49, 153-55, 201, 
211, 231, 233, 245; printing of his 
works, 103, 115-20, 127-28; studied 
with Gregory of Nazianzus, 6, 10- 
11, 18, 141, 149, 201, 233, 249; 
supposedly organized Divine Office, 
11 n. 25, 147, 215; supposedly 
tamed a lion, 9-10, 11, 16, 23, 25, 
149, 169, 233; translation and exe- 
gesis of Bible, 6, 8, 9, 13, 17, 18, 21, 
22-23, 120, 147, 159, 167-69, 179- 
81, 215, 227, 231, 241; won victories 
over enemies of faith, 18-19, 145, 



General Index 



379 



163-67, 191-93, 203-5, 211, 231, 
243-45. See also Ps. Hieronymus 

Jerusalem, 201 

Jesus Christ, 3, 147, 167, 169, 191, 203, 
205, 209, 211, 213, 233, 245, 264 

John XXII (Pope), 64 

John Chrysostom, Saint, 41-42, 115 

Justin II (Emperor), 110, 113 

Kelly, J. N. D., 9 
Konrad von Konstanz, 102 n. 24 
Koper. See Capodistria 
Kristeller, Paul Oskar, 91, 97 n. 16, 101 
n. 24, 261, 267 n. 1 

Lactantius, Saint, 37 

Laelius, 39 

Lamola, Giovanni, 95 

Latin language, 6, 9, 11, 17, 105, 106, 

110, 115, 118, 120, 125, 132, 147, 

157, 167, 179, 215, 229, 259. See also 

Grammar: Latin 
Laudatio Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hie est 

dies colendissimi patres), 95 n. 11 
Laudatio Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Mihi in 

venerabilem), 95 n. 11 
Legati Scytarum ad Alexandrum regem 

oratio, 36, 107 n. 7 
Leonardi 

Girolamo, 93 

Niccolo, 92-93, 283, 284, 285, 286, 
287, 288, 289, 290, 293, 294, 
295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 
301, 302; Epistolae, 38, 45, 283, 
285, 286, 293 
Leopoldus de Austria, 48 
Letters {litterae): discipline of, 17, 151, 

157, 167, 171, 179, 183, 209, 227, 

237; sacred letters, 147, 179-81, 211, 

215, 233, 241 



Liberal arts, 229 

Liberius (Pope), 131, 205 

Liberty. See Freedom 

Libidinous desire (lihido), 2, 16. See also 

Lust 
Lillo, Sir Henry, 260 
Livy (Titus Livius), 65; Historiarum de- 
cades tres, 262 
London, 97 n. 16 
Loredan, Giorgio, 37, 74, 107-8 
Loschi 

Alfonso, 56 

Antonio, 81, 105 
Louis the Great (King of Hungary), 263 

n. 3 
Lucan (M. Annaeus Lucanus): Pharsali- 

orum libri X, 261 
Lucca, 23 

Lucius II (Pope), 11 n. 26 
Lucretia, 38, 107 n. 7 
Ludovico (Marchese). See Gonzaga, 

Ludovico 
Ludovico da Montecatini, 73 n. 40 
Lusignano, Enrico, 37, 72 
Lust, 4-5, 8, 167, 191, 201, 213, 245 

Maffei 

Scipione, 51 

Timoteo, 24 
Magnaguadagnus, lacobus, 39 
Malaspina, Leonardo (Marchese), 98 n. 

16, 100 n. 20 
Malatesta 

Battista (da Montefeltro), 99 n. 19 

Carlo, 94, 286, 288. See also Ver- 
gerio, Pierpalo, the elder, Ep. 81 

Margherita, 101 

Pandolfo, 81 
Malipiero, Pasquale (Doge), 67, 108 n. 

10 



380 



General Index 



Mamluks, 12 

Manetti, Agnolo, 98 n. 16 

Maniacoria, Nicolo, 10-11, 16 n. 3, 80, 

117 
Mantua, 37, 70, 97 
Manzoni, Giacomo, 98 n. 16 
Marcello 

Pietro, 76, 77, 97 n. 14 

Valerio, 72 
Marcellus II (Pope), 121 
Marchente, Carmela, 130 
Marcus, 39 

Marianus de Magistris, 97 n. 16 
Marrasio, Giovanni, 68 
Marshall, Thomas, 30 
Marsuppini, Carlo, 66, 68 
Martinengo (Province of Bergamo), 83, 

115 
Martinengo, Giovanni, 65 
Martino da Trieste, 261-62 
Martinus de Braga: De quattuor virtu- 

tibus, 260 
Martyrs, 3, 151-53, 209, 211, 213, 229- 

31 
Mary, 7, 171 

Matthias Antonii, 98 n. 16 
Mazi, Mazo de', 37, 72, 75 
Mazzolato, Ugo, 74 
Merchenti, Ludovico, 72 
Michael (Frater), 266 
Migliorati, Cosimo (Cardinal). See Inno- 
cent VII (Pope) 
Migne, J.-P.: Patrologia latina, 120, 134 
Milan, 98 n. 17; convent of S. Maria 

Incoronata, 98 n. 16 
Monks, 11, 15 n. 2, 19, 98-99, 115, 132, 

137-41, 149, 155, 175, 201, 205, 211, 

231, 251-55. See also Anchorites; 

Hermits 
Montagna, Agostino, 74 



Monte, Pietro del. See Del Monte, 

Pietro 
Moratus, Pamphylus, 83-84, 115 
Morbio, Carlo, 98 n. 16 
Morelli, lacopo, 56-57, 83, 133 
Morisi Guerra, Anna, 11 
Moro, Cristoforo (Doge), 36 
Muratori, Ludovico Antonio, 69, 110- 

11 
Mussato, Albertino, 14 

Nani family, 101 n. 22 

Giacomo, 51 
Naples, 114; convent of S. Ephrem 

Novus, 53; Royal Library, 30, 114, 

263 n. 3 
Niccoli, Niccolo, 286 n. 4 
Niccolino da Zuglio, 68 
Nicholas of Cusa, 24 
Nicolaus de Reggio, 305 n. 8 
Nicolaus Ser Guasparis, 97 n. 16 
Noet, Egbertus, 118 n. 32 

Onigo di Treviso (Count), 71 

Oratory, 22, 91, 94, 101-2, 106, 108; 
deliberative, 108-9; epideictic, xii, 
104, 108-9; judicial, 108-9 

Origen, 4, 8, 247 n. 8 

Orsini, Fulvio, 98 n. 16 

Ottobelli, Zeno, 75 

Padua, 14, 21, 35, 44, 51, 54, 56, 62, 63, 
69, 73 n. 40, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97 n. 15, 
98 n. 16, 99 n. 18, 101, 103, 104, 
106, 108, 110-12, 113, 120, 266, 269, 
270, 271, 279, 280, 281, 303, 305, 
306, 308; burial chapel dedicated to 
Jerome, 120 n. 37; convent of the 
Padri Riformati, 59; forged note on 
founding of Venice, 112; Santa 



General Index 



381 



Giustina, 51; University of, 95 n. 

12, 96, 112, 113. See also Carrara 

family; Antonio Piazza 
Pagans, 1, 3-4, 5, 14, 17, 20, 23, 119, 

159, 175, 179, 207, 215, 219, 227 
Palazzolo, Lauro, 76 n. 44, 106 n. 6 
Palmieri, Matteo, 35 n. 4, 85, 117 n. 30 
Pannonia, 199 
Panormita, Antonio: Epistola, 38; Her- 

maphroditus, 84 n. 51 
Paolo Veneto, O.E.S.A.: In II Posteri- 

orum Analyticorum Aristotelis expo- 

sitio, 264 
Papafava family, 103, 110-11 

Gian Roberto (Count), 54, 59, 69, 
110-11, 133 

Marsilio, 51 (Plate 2), 110, 133 

Roberto (Abbot), 52, 56, 101 n. 22, 
110-11, 133 
Paris, 261; Royal Library, 30, 114, 265- 

66; University of, 98 n. 16 
Parma, 30, 50, 114, 128 n. 7 
Paul, Saint, 4-5. See also Ps. Paulus 
Paul II (Pope), 105, 116, 118-19 
Paula, Saint, 6-7, 9 
Paulinus of Milan: Vita Amhrosii, 66 
Paulus de Pergamo (Frater), 96 n. 13 
Pelagius, 8-9, 247 n. 8 
Pellegrini, Santo de', 45, 294, 299 
Perissinotti, Giovanni, 43 
Perleone, lacopo (da Rimini), 261 
Perotti, Niccolo, 305 n. 8 
Persius Flaccus, A.: Saturae, 84 
Persona, Cristoforo, 41 
Pesaro: Bibl. Oliveriana, 93 
Peter Lombard: Sentences, 13 
Petrarca, Francesco (Francis Petrarch), 

14, 36, 38, 43, 46, 54-55, 57, 62, 70, 

81, 101-2, 104-5, 113, 303, 308-10; 

Africa, 36, 46, 57, 101-2, 104 n. 3, 



308-10; De remediis utriusque for- 
tunae, 102; Epistola to Cicero {Fam. 
24.3), 44, 61, 303; Epistola to Gio- 
vanni Colonna {Fam. 6.11), 61, 64; 
Epistola to Lombardus a Serico {Sen. 
11.11), 81; Epistola to Pandolfo 
Malatesta {Fam. 22.1), 81, 104 n. 3; 
Laureationis privilegium, 36, 104 n. 
3; Nota de laura, 36, 46, 104 n. 3; 
Responsio facta Lombardo a Serico 
{Sen. 15.3), 62, 104 n. 3; Testamen- 
tum, 57, 62, 104 n. 3 

Petronio family, 48 
Enrico, 59, 111-12 

Petrus Ursuleus, 97-98 n. 16 

Phalaris, 84 

Philippus Rex Aristoteli salutem, 36, 106- 
7n. 7 

Phillipps, Thomas, 51; manuscripts for- 
merly in possession of, 51, 101 n. 
22, 269, 270, 271, 273, 274, 275, 
280, 283, 284, 285, 299, 306, 309, 
319 

Philology, 8, 13, 17, 21, 24, 120 

Piazza, Antonio, 36, 54-55 

Piccolomini, Enea Silvio. See Pius II 

Pietro da Montagnana, 120 

Pietro da Viterbo, O.E.S.A.: Office for 
the feast of St. Jerome, 113 n. 24 

Pilato, Leonzio: translation of Homer's 
Iliad, 266; translation of Homer's 
Odyssey, 100 n. 20, 266 n. 8 

Pio, Alberto (da Carpi), 267 n. 1 

Pirano d'Istria, 98 n. 17, 112 n. 19 

Pirckheimer, Hans, 94-95, 101 n. 22 

Pisani, Francesco, 37, 74, 107-8 

Pius II (Pope), 37-38, 61, 97, 118; 
Epistolae, 36, 82; Responsum to 
speech of Ippolita Maria Sforza, 37, 
61, 108 n. 10 



382 



General Index 



Pizzolpasso, Francesco, 98 n. 16 

Platina (Bartolomeo dei Sacchi), 119 

Plato, 141 n. 3, 249; Gorgias, 99; Phae- 
drus, 99 n. 19; Timaeus, 267 

Pliny the Elder: Naturalis historia, 59, 110 

Pliny the Younger, 68 

Plutarch, 33, 55 n. 21, 63, 302; Aristides 
et Cato Maior, 265. See also Ps. 
Plutarchus 

Poetry, 14, 94, 105, 115, 157, 159, 227, 
237-39 

Polenton, Sicco: Epistolae, 38-40; Scrip- 
torum illustrium Latinae linguae 
libri XVIII, 56 n. 24, 60, 64, 316 

Prent, Albertus, 118 n. 32 

Prosodia latina, 41 

Prosper of Aquitaine: Epitoma chronicae, 
131 

Ps. Augustinus: Epistola to Cyril, 12, 
130; Dialogus, 50; Speculum pecca- 
torisj 80 

Ps. Avicenna: Epistola, 38, 107 n. 7 

Ps. Bernardus: Epistola paraenetica ad 
dominum Raimundum, 265; Specu- 
lum peccatoris, 80 

Ps. Cicero: Invectiva in Catilinam, 78, 
107 n. 7; Rhetorica ad Herennium, 
265 

Ps. Cyrillus: Epistola to Aug;ustine, 12 

Ps. Eusebius: Epistola de morte Hierony- 
mi, 12 

Ps. Hieronymus: Ammonitio, 79; Contra 
cinque haereses, 49; De corpore et san- 
guine Christi, 50, 80; De fidei credu- 
litate, 49; De liberorum officiis erga 
parentes, 38, 100 n. 20; Dialogus, 50; 
Epistola, 80; Expositio fidei Nicaeni, 
49; Homilia, 50; Sermo de assump- 
tione, 80; Speculum peccatoris, 80 

Ps. Leonardus Aretinus: Epistola, 317 



Ps. Paulus: Epistolae, 74 

Ps. Phalaris: Ad Demotelem Epistola, 265 

Ps. Plutarchus: "De liberis educandis," 

97 n. 14, 99-100; Epistola to Trajan, 

78, 107 n. 7 
Ps. Pontius Pilatus: Epistolae, 38, 106-7 
Ps. Seneca: De remediis fortuitorum, 78, 

260; Epistolae, 74; Liber de moribus, 

78, 260; Proverbia, 260. See also 

Martinus de Braga 
Ps. Thomas Aquinas: De demonstratione, 

264 
Ps. Walter of Burley: Liber de vita philo- 

sophorum, 173 n. 1 

Quaestiones super oratione dominica (inc: 

Advertendum Thomas de Aquino 

dicit), 79 
Quirini 

Lauro, 39 

Taddeo, 76 n. 44 

Raenardus (scribe), 98 n. 16 

Ramedellus, Ramus, 101 

Ramusio, Paolo, the elder, 61-62 (Plate 

4), 65, 113, 125 n. 2, 133 
Rangan, Domenico, 68 
Raphael de Marcatellis, 98 n. 16 
Recanati, Giovanni Battista, 98 n. 16 
Reggio, Raffaele, 39 
Regino, Filippo, 72 
Repertum in archivo Patavino ante pala- 

tii combustionem, 60 
Republics, 209; republican ideology, 72 

n. 37 
Rhenanus, Beatus, 114 
Rhetoric, 2, 3-4, 8, 17, 20, 21, 22, 37, 

72-73, 75, 91-92, 94, 99, 103, 104, 

106-8, 113. See also Declamation; 

Eloquence; Integrity; Oratory 



General Index 



383 



Rice, Eugene, 8 

Rigault, Nicolas, 30 

Rimini, 92, 113 

Rinuccini, Neri, 29 

Rizzon, Martino, 71, 72 

Rome, 3, 4, 5, 6-7, 9, 10, 11 n. 26, 12, 
18, 19, 20, 21-23, 36, 41, 42, 61, 64, 
83 n. 49, 84, 97 n. 16, 103, 105, 109, 
111, 114, 115-16, 118-20, 121, 127 
n. 7, 128 n. 8, 141, 149, 153, 155, 
165, 189, 199-201, 205, 213, 233, 
243, 267, 305, 310-11; Biblioteca 
Casanatense, 121; Castel Sant' 
Angelo, 119; church and canons of 
Santa Maria Maggiore, 12; papal 
court, 15 n. 2, 17-18, 21, 23, 101 n. 
22, 105, 112, 118, 119, 132; Roman 
Academy, 119 

Rossi 

G. B., 69 
Roberto de', 78 

Rufinus, 8, 247 n. 8; Apologiae, 50; Ex- 
positio in symbolum apostolorum, 49 

Sabbadini, Remigio, 71 

Sabbion, Cristoforo, 75 

Sabinianus, 247 n. 8 

Sacchi, Bartolomeo dei. See Platina 

Sagundino, Niccolo, 118 

Saints, 9, 10, 143, 145, 159, 163, 173, 
197, 199, 207, 211, 237, 251. See also 
Apostles; Confessors of the Roman 
Church; Doctors of the Roman 
Church; Martyrs 

Salerno, Giannicola, 71 n. 36, 74-75 

Salmaso, Dominico M., 87, 126-27, 134 

Salutati, Coluccio, xi, 14, 70, 109, 297, 
315, 319; Declamatio Lucretiae, 38, 
107 n. 7; Epistolae, 33, 45, 52, 65, 
70, 292, 293, 298, 300, 301 



Salzburg: Cathedral Library, 261, 262 

Sandal, Ennio, 41-42 

San Daniele del Friuli, 105 

Santucci, Agostino, 93 

Scarampo, Ludovico (Cardinal), 66 

Schedel 

Hartmann, 95-96 n. 12, 98 n. 16 
Hermann, 95 n. 11, 95-96 n. 12 

Schenk 

Jakob (von Seydaw), 95 n. 12 
Johann (von Seydaw), 95 n. 12 

Schism: Great Western, 19-20, 22-23, 
108, 310-11 

Scholasticism: and preaching, 104; and 
theology, 12. See also Thematic 
sermon 

Scola, Ognibene, 297, 301 

Scriba, Giacomo, 39 

Scripture. See Bible 

Sdregna (Sdrigna, Stregna, Zrenj, Zrinj), 
130, 131, 197-99 

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, 60, 64, 107 n. 
8, 316; De beata vita, 260; De 
beneficiis, 260; De hrevitate vitae, 
260; De dementia, 261; De consola- 
tione lihri tres, 260; De ira, 260; De 
providentia Dei, 260; De quaestioni- 
bus naturalibus, 260; De septem libe- 
ralibus artibus <Ep. 88>, 260; Liber de 
tranquillitate animi, 260; Tragoediae, 
260, 261 

Seraphim de Luzago (Prater), 96 n. 13 

Sermo (inc: Accipite et comedite <Matt. 
26:26> Non satis possunt divina 
mysteria), 77 

Sermo de morte et de die iudicii (inc: In 
hac vita), 31 

Severus, Septimius (Emperor), 68, 105 

Sforza 

Alessandro, 82 



384 



General Index 



Galeazzo Maria: Ad Franciscum Fus- 
carum oratio, 61, 108 n. 10 

Ippolita Maria: Oratio ad summum 
pontifican Pium, 37, 61, 108 n. 10 
Siena, 15 n. 2, 23, 43-44, 234 
Sigismund of Hungary (Emperor), 55, 

95 n. 12, 105, 268 
Sigonio, Carlo, 98 n. 16 
Silvanus, 215 
Sirens, 165 
Smith, Leonardo, xii, 31-32, 48, 58, 69, 

92, 105 n. 5, 109, HI 
Soardo, Marco, 97 n. 15 
Soranzo 

Giovanni (Doge), 64 

lacopo, 42-43 
Soul, 4, 137, 163, 173-75, 195, 225, 237, 

253 
Spiegel, Jakob (von Schlettstadt), 30, 

114-15 
Squara, Bartolomeo, 97 n. 15 
Stapleton, Thomas, 82-83 
Strabo, 59, 110 
Stridon, 2, 130, 131, 199 
Strozzi, Palla, 75, 98 n. 16, 100 n. 20 
Siileyman II (Sultan), 259, 260, 261, 263, 

264, 265 
Sweynheym and Pannartz: German 

printers, 85, 86, 103, 116 
Syria, 105; desert of, 4, 10, 18. See also 

Antioch; Calchis 

Tabula astrologica (astrological chart), 

48, 58, 60, 112 
Tabula monasteriorum, 79 
Tabulae duodecim astronomicae, 47 
Tabulae festorum mobilium, 264 
Tabulae planetariae, 48 
Tacitus, 68, 114 
Tegernsee: monastery at, 322 n. 2 



Terence (Publius Terentius Afer), 39, 

121 
Terzi, Ottobono, 81, 105 
Thales of Miletus, 173 
Thematic sermon, 21 n. 11; thematic 

verse for, 21, 104, 171 
Theology, xi, 8-9, 12, 22, 23, 24, 114- 

15, 227 
Thomas a Kempis: Imitatio Christi, 79 
Thomas Franchus Graecus, 97 n. 16 
Tiberius (Emperor), 38, 106-7 
Toledo: Archivo y Biblioteca Capitu- 

lares, 83, 115 
Tractatus de diebus creticis, 48 
Trainatus, Barnabas, 264 
Trajan (Emperor), 78 
Trebizond (Trapezuntius), George of, 66 
Trent, 261 
Trevisan, Zaccaria: Oratio ad dominum 

Avenionensem, 76; Oratio ad Grego- 

rium XII, 76 
Treviso, 69, 71, 116 
Tula epitaphia (inc: Hie iacet Arpinas), 

78 

Ubertino da Parma, 99 n. 19, 100 n. 20 

Valentinelli, Giuseppe, 62 
Valla, Lorenzo, 24, 35-36 n. 4, 67 
Vallarsi, Domenico, 87, 119-20, 134 
Vatican Library (Bibl. Apostolica Vati- 

cana), 117 
Vegio, Maffeo, O.E.S.A.: De educatione 

liberorum, 100 n. 21 
Venice, 39, 46, 47, 51, 62, 73 n. 40, 80, 
92, 95, 104, 105, 107-8, 109, 111, 
113, 118-19, 127 n. 7, 263; convent 
of San Michele di Murano, 59, 111- 
12; Rialto, 112 
Venier, Antonio (Doge), 64 



General Index 



385 



Venturinus, 40 

Vergeri, Vergerio di Giovanni de': 
father of PPV, 223 n. 1 

Vergerio 

Giovanni Andrea, 105 n. 5, 109 

Girolamo, 35 

Paolo, 31-32 

Pierpaolo di Vergerio, 32 

Vergerio, Pierpaolo, the elder: xi-xii, 
15-25, 91-121, 125, 130-32, 259- 
323; advocated church reform, 19- 
20, 119-21, 139-41, 189, 245-47, 
249; advocated monastic reform, 19, 
139, 253-55; advocated reform of 
preaching, 19, 21, 171; affeaed by 
legends about Jerome, 15-17; assem- 
bled office for feast of Jerome, 113; 
autograph material of, 36 n. 4, 42, 
109, 120, 125, 259-62, 267; com- 
mentary on works of, 322-23; com- 
pared saints to officials in a repub- 
lic, 17, 209-11; convinced of power 
of sight, 20, 111, 143, 189; depicted 
Jerome as humanist saint, xi-xii, 
16-25, 118-21, 147-49, 157-59, 167- 
69, 179-83, 215, 227-33, 237-41; 
emphasized rhetoric as matrix for 
humanism, 91-95, 99, 102, 106-7, 
108-9; family took Jerome as pa- 
tron, 15, 20, 177, 223-25; library, 
259-66; popular ideas on humanist 
education for adolescents, 96-101, 
114; portraits of, 97-98 (Plate 5); 
practice of classicizing oratory, 21, 
94, 101-2, 104, 106, 108-9, 171; 
preached on Jerome before papal 
court, 21-24, 105, 109, HI, 114-21, 
132, 221-49; scholarly methods of, 
109-10, 130-31; sources used in 
Jerome panegyrics, 130-32; sylloges 



of his letters, 92-95, 111-12; treat- 
ment of Jerome's miracles, 20-21, 
132, 149, 159, 169, 187, 193-95, 205, 
215-19, 249; works attributed to, 
313-17; works dedicated to, 318-21 
Epistolae, 56 n. 26, 92-95, 101 n. 21, 
282-302; Ep. 1, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 
291, 294; Ep. 2, 33, 45, 55 n. 21, 
285, 291; Ep. 3, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 
291; Ep 4, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 59, 291, 
294; Ep. 5, 45; Ep. 6, 32, 45, 55 n. 
21, 291; Ep. 7, 45, 286, 294; Ep. 8, 
45, 55 n. 21, 286, 294; Ep. 9, 33, 45, 

285, 286, 291, 294; Ep. 10, 55 n. 21, 
294; Ep. 11, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 285, 
291, 294; Ep 12, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 

286, 291, 294; Ep. 13, 32, 45, 55 n. 
21, 291, 294; Ep. 14, 45, 294, 299; 
Ep 15, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 290, 294, 
299; Ep. 16, 32, 38, 44, 52, 62, 70, 
300; Ep. 17, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 285, 
291; Ep. 18, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 285, 
291, 294, 299; Ep. 19, 294; Ep. 20, 
33, 34, 55 n. 21, 59, 63, 284, 292; 
Ep 21, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 284, 286, 
291, 294; Ep. 22, 33, 45, 55 n. 21, 
286, 291, 294; Ep. 23, 32, 45, 55 n. 
21, 284, 291, 294; Ep. 24, 32, 45, 55 
n. 21, 285, 291; Ep. 25, 294; Ep. 26, 
294; Ep. 27, 33, 36, 44, 52, 55 n. 21, 
62, 70, 109, 291, 300, 301; Ep. 28, 
33, 55 n. 21, 292; Ep. 29, 33, 55 n. 
21, 292; Ep. 30, 33, 55 n. 21, 284, 
286, 292; Ep 31, 33, 55 n. 21, 292; 
Ep. 32, 33, 55 n. 21, 292, 301; Ep. 
33, 33, 55 n. 21, 292; Ep 34, 33, 36, 
44, 52, 55 n. 21, 60, 62, 70, 291, 
300, 301; Ep. 35, 33, 55 n. 21, 60, 
286, 292, 301; Ep. 36, 33, 55 n. 21, 
284, 292; Ep. 37, 33, 55 n. 21, 284, 



386 



General Index 



292; Ep. 38, 32, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 
39, 32, 291; Ep. 40, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 
284, 285, 291, 294; Ep. 41, 33, 55 n. 
21, 292; Ep. 42, 33, 43, 55 n. 21, 
292; Ep. 43, 33, 44, 55 n. 21, 60; Ep. 

44, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 45, 32, 
55 n. 21, 59, 63, 284, 290, 299; Ep. 
46, 32, 44, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 47, 32, 
55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 48, 32, 34, 45, 55 
n. 21, 60, 73; Ep. 49, 32, 55 n. 21, 
291; Ep. 50, 32-33, 55 n. 21, 291; 
Ep. 51, 32, 34, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73; 
Ep. 52, 32, 34, 45, 55 n. 21, 57, 60, 
73, 287; Ep. 53, 32, 34, 45, 55 n. 21, 
60, 73; Ep. 54, 32, 44, 55 n. 21, 291; 
Ep. 55, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73; Ep. 
56, 33, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 57, 32, 34, 

45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73; Ep. 58, 32, 34, 
45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73; Ep. 59, 33, 55 
n. 21, 63, 292; Ep. 60, 33, 55 n. 21, 
292; Ep. 61, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73, 
92-95, 286, 287, 289, 299; Ep. 62, 
33, 55 n. 21, 292; Ep 63, 33, 55 n. 
21, 291; Ep. 64, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 
74; Ep. 65, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 74; 
Ep. 66, 32, 55 n. 21, 57, 285, 290; 
Ep. 67, 33, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 68, 32, 
45, 55 n. 21, 60, 74; Ep. 69, 32, 34, 
45, 55 n. 21, 60, 74; Ep 70, 33, 55 
n. 21, 291; Ep. 71, 33, 55 n. 21, 291; 
Ep. 72, 32, 55 n. 21, 63, 290; Ep. 73, 
32, 44, 55 n. 21; Ep. 74, 44, 60; Ep. 

75, 32, 44, 55 n. 21, 63, 77, 290; Ep. 

76, 32, 55 n. 21, 63, 284, 290; Ep. 

77, 32, 34, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 74; Ep. 

78, 32, 55 n. 21, 63, 290, 300-1; Ep. 

79, 33, 45, 286, 292; Ep 80, 32, 55 
n. 21, 64, 290; Ep. 81 (Letter on 
Virgil's statue), 33, 36, 44, 52, 55 n. 
21, 59, 62, 70, 92-95, 97 n. 14, 282, 



283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 
291, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 

299, 300; Ep. 82, 33, 55 n. 21, 285, 

291, 296; Ep 83, 283, 297, 301; Ep. 
84, 283, 297, 301; Ep 85, 283, 297, 
301; Ep. 86 (Fragmentary letter on 
Rome), 56 n. 24, 61, 64, 288, 301-2; 
Ep. 87, 32, 55 n. 21, 64, 284, 290; 
Ep. 88, 32, 64, 290; Ep. 89, 33, 63, 
292; Ep. 90, 32, 55 n. 21, 64, 290; 
Ep. 91, 32, 55 n. 21, 63, 290, 301; 
Ep. 92, 32, 55 n. 21, 64, 290; Ep. 93, 
33, 34, 292; Ep. 94, 33, 34; Ep. 95, 
33, 34, 292; Ep. 96, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 
63, 286, 291, 301; Ep. 97, 33, 34, 55 
n. 21, 63, 292; Ep. 98, 32, 38, 44, 52, 
55 n. 21, 60, 70, 293, 300; Ep. 99, 
32, 45, 52, 55 n. 21, 63, 70, 73, 284, 

292, 299, 300; Ep. 100, 45, 52, 70, 

293, 298, 300, 301; Ep. 101, 45, 52, 
70, 74, 287, 290, 297, 298, 300, 301; 
Ep. 102, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 63, 292; 
Ep. 103, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 
104, 32, 45, 52, 55 n. 21, 63, 70, 73, 
95 n. 11, n. 12, 284, 287, 288, 289, 
292, 296, 298, 299, 300; Ep. 105, 33, 
55 n. 21, 292; Ep 106, 33, 55 n. 21, 
292; Ep. 107 (Letter to Salutati in 
name of Innocent VII), 35, 55 n. 21, 
58, 61, 109, 301; Ep. 108, 55 n. 21, 
61, 286, 292, 301; Ep. 109, 33, 44, 55 
n. 21, 60, 286, 292; Ep. 110, 288, 

300, 301; Ep. Ill, 55 n. 21, 292, 
301; Ep. 112, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 63, 
292; Ep. 113, 288, 300, 301; Ep. 114, 
32, 45, 52, 55 n. 21, 70, 72, 283, 

284, 294, 295, 298, 300; Ep. 115, 32, 
55 n. 21, 301; Ep. 116, 33, 55 n. 21, 
59; Ep 117, 33, 55 n. 21, 59; Ep. 
118, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 63, 284, 292; 



General Index 



387 



Ep. 119, 33, 55 n. 21, 63, 284, 292; 
Ep. 120, 32, 45, 52, 55 n. 21, 70, 72, 
92-95, 283, 285, 286, 287, 289, 290, 
293, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299, 300; 
Ep. nobis, 92-95, 283, 284, 293, 

295, 298, 302; Ep. 121, 32, 38, 45, 55 
n. 21, 72, 92-95, 283, 290, 294, 295, 

296, 298; Ep. 122, 38, 45, 92-95, 
283, 293, 295, 298; Ep. 123, 33, 55 
n. 21, 63, 292; Ep. 124, 33, 34, 55 n. 
21, 63, 292; Ep. 125, 33, 34, 55 n. 
21, 63, 291; Ep. 126, 33, 34, 55 n. 
21, 63, 286, 291; Ep. 127, 33, 34, 55 
n. 21, 63, 292; Ep. 128, 32, 45, 55 n. 
21, 63, 73, 78, 293; Ep. 129, 38, 45; 
Ep. 130, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 63, 77, 92- 
95, 284, 286, 287, 289, 299; Ep. 131, 
32, 38, 45, 55 n. 21, 63, 77, 284; Ep. 
132, 32, 55 n. 21, 59, 64; Ep. 133, 
32, 45, 55 n. 21, 92-95, 283, 284, 
287, 289, 290, 293, 295, 296, 298, 
299; Ep. 134, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 92- 
95, 283, 284, 287, 289, 290, 293, 
295, 298, 299; Ep. 135, 32, 45, 55 n. 
21, 92-95, 283, 284, 286, 287, 289, 
290, 291, 295, 296, 297, 299, 300; 
Ep. 136, 74, 92-95, 285, 287, 288, 
289, 293, 294, 295, 297, 299, 301; 
Ep. 137, 32, 44, 55 n. 21, 60, 92-95, 
283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 
293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 
300, 301; Ep. 138 (Epistolary eulogy 
for Zabarella), 32, 43, 44, 52, 55 n. 
21, 63, 70, 92-95, 283, 284, 285, 
287, 289, 290, 294, 295, 297, 299, 
300; Ep. 139, 32, 55, 268, 290; Ep. 
140, 32, 36, 44, 52, 55, 59, 70, 300; 
Ep. 141, 32, 36, 44, 59, 285, 286; Ep. 
142, 285, 286; Ep. 143, 33; Ep. 144, 
33; Ep. 145, 33, 55 n. 21, 63, 291; 



Ep. 146, 32, 55 n. 21; Ep. 147, 32, 55 
n. 21; Ep. 148, 45, 55 n. 21, 61 
Works: Adhortatio ad fideles, 267; Ale- 
gainlia, 120, 267; Argumenta in Afri- 
cam, 46, 56 n. 23, 308-10; Carmen 
ad Franciscum luniorem, 36, 44, 56 
n. 23, n. 26, 269; Carmen Francisco 
Zabarellae, 38, 70, 270; De arte 
metrica (with Francesco Zabarella), 
270; De dignissimo funebri apparatu, 
37, 44, 47, 52, 55, 56-57 n. 26, 60, 
69, 82, 101 n. 22, 104, 270-71; De 
ingenuis moribus, 22, 43, 55, 96-101, 
105 n. 4, 106, 112, 114, 271-79, 314, 
322, 323; De monarchia, 33, 34, 55 
n. 21, 63, 279-80; De principibus 
Carrariensibus, 43, 51-52, 55, 56 n. 
26, 57, 110-11, 130-31, 280-81; De 
republica Veneta, 44, 56 n. 24, 60, 
64, 109, 281-82; De situ urbis lusti- 
nopolitanae, 36, 44, 56 n. 24, 57, 59, 

62, 70, 109-10, 113, 282; DUlogus de 
morte, 34, 55 n. 21, 57, 282; Epistola 
nomine Ciceronis, 44, 61, 303; Epi- 
taphium (for Francesco il Vecchio 
da Carrara), 37, 56 n. 23, 60, 303; 
Epitaphium (for Manuel Chryso- 
loras), 304; Facetia, 33, 55 n. 21, 
304; Officium Divi Hieronymi, 62- 

63, 113, 305; <Oratio> (inc: O 
altitudo divitiarum), 35, 55, 58, 61, 
305; Oratio ad Franciscum luniorem, 
37, 44, 46-47, 52, 56 n. 26, 63, 70, 
77, 101 n. 22, 305-6; Oratio in 
funere Francisci Senioris, 37, 44, 47, 
52, 57 n. 26, 60, 70, 81, 101, n. 22, 
104, 306; Oratio pro Cermisone, 33, 
63, 306-7; Paulus, 56 n. 23, 58, 64, 
307-8; Petrarcae vita, 36, 43, 46, 54- 
55, 57, 70, 101-2, 104 n. 3, 308-10; 



388 



General Index 



Poetica narratio, 21-22, 33, 45, 56 n. 
23, 57, 310; Pro redintegranda unien- 
daque ecdesia, 35, 58, 61, 64, 310-11; 
Proverbia et sententiae, 33, 56 n. 23, 
57, 311; Quaestiones de ecclesiae po- 
testate, 311; Sermones 0erome pane- 
gyrics), xi-xii, 15-25, 30, 31, 34-35, 
38, 41-42, 43-44, 46, 48, 50, 54, 55 
n. 20, n. 22, 57, 59-60, 63, 67, 71, 
77, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85-87, 101, 103- 
21, 125-34, 136-255, 311; Testamen- 
turn, 311-12; Translation of Arrian, 
59, 118, 265 n. 6, 268; Translation 
of Hippocrates, 304 

Verona, 36 n. 6, 75, 107, 120 n. 36, 262 

Veterani, Federico, 97 

Vettori, Daniele, 72 

Vicenza, 78, 81, 105 

Victories, 18, 155, 203; spiritual and 
military victories compared, 163-65, 
231, 243 

Vienna, 82, 261, 262, 266 

Vimercati, Francesco, 98 n. 16 

Vincent Ferrer, O.P.: Les Sermons 
Panegyriques, 21 n. 11 

Virgil (Publius Virgilius Maro), 3-4, 14, 
121; statue in Mantua, 92-94. See 
also Vergerio, Pierpaolo, the elder, 
Ep. 81 

Virginity, 2, 6-7, 10, 79, 201, 253 

Virgins, 209-11 

Virtue(s), 92, 139, 143-45, 151, 163, 169, 
179, 183, 185-87, 201, 207, 215, 225, 
227-29, 233, 237, 245; theological 
(faith, hope, charity), 179, 187, 207, 
227-29 

Visconti, Giangaleazzo (Duke), 73, 106- 
7; Epistolae, 64, 65 

Visual arts, 12-13, 29. See also Antonello 
da Messina 



Vita Divi Hieronymi 0nc: Plerosque ni- 

mirum), 10-11, 49 
Vitaliani, Palamino, 73 n. 40 
Vita Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hieronymus 

noster), 10-11 
Vitez, loannes (Bishop), 120-21, 260, 

261, 262, 266 
Vittori, Mariano, 120 n. 36 
Vittorino da Feltre, 97 
Von Eyb, Albrecht: Margarita poetica, 

95 n. 11 
Von Rabstein, Prokop, 82 
Vosich, Simone (da Montona), 120 n. 37 

Warfare, 9, 108, 163-65, 171, 191, 201, 
207, 231; War of Chioggia, 15, 177; 
World War I, 285, 302; World War 
II, 48, 267, 275 
Wimpfeling, Jakob, 101 n. 21, 114-15 
World: as enemy of faith, 145, 163-65, 
197, 205, 211, 231, 251. See also 
Devil: as enemy of faith; Flesh: as 
enemy of faith 

Xenophon: Hiero sive Tyrannus, 99 n. 
19, 100 n. 20, 100 n. 21 

Zabarella 

Francesco (Cardinal), 32, 38, 45, 70, 
76, 92, 96, 101, 107 n. 8, 116 n. 
28, 265 n. 7, 266, 270, 283, 284, 
285, 286, 287, 289, 290, 291, 
293, 295, 296, 297, 299, 300; De 
felicitate, 321; glossed Seneca's 
Tragoediae, 261 n. 2; Sermones, 
76. See also Vergerio, Pierpaolo, 
the elder, De arte metrica 
Giacomo (Count), 69, 98 n. 16, HI, 
280, 321 

Zacchia, Laudivio (da Vezzano Ligure): 



General Index 389 



translated Epistulae Magni Turd, 84, 

115 n. 27; Vita Beati Hieronymi, 115 

n. 27 
Zambeccari, Pellegrino, 313 
Zelada, Francisco Javier (Cardinal), 83, 

115, 133 
Zendrata, Battista, 71 n. 36, 74 
Zeno 

Carlo, 95 n. 11, 100 n. 21, 107-8, 
112 n. 19, 284, 287, 288, 289, 
292, 296, 298, 299 

Cristoforo, 92. See also Vergerio, 
Pierpaolo, the elder, Ep. 130 

lacopo (Bishop), 98 n. 16 
Zorzi 

Fantino, 75 

Marin, 43 n. 9 
Zovenzoni, Raffaele, 105 n. 5 
Zuehavel de Masarada, Zuane, 53 



Index of Manuscripts 



A page number is followed by an asterisk (*) when the same manu- 
script appears more than once on that page. 



Austria 

Innsbruck, Universitatsbibliothek: 

cod. 962, 98 n. 16, 272 
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal, Stiftsbib- 
liothek: 

cod. 79.4, 93 n. 4, n. 7, 95 n. 12, 
295, 302, 314, 320 
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek: 

cod. Lat. 100, 261-62 

cod. Lat. 229, 320 

cod. Lat. 960, 99 n. 18, 278 

cod. Lat. 3099, 262 

cod. Lat. 3160. See Naples Gia 
Vien. lat. 57 

cod. Lat. 3191, 278 

cod. Lat. 3219, 278 

cod. Lat. 3315, 299 

cod. Lat. 3319, 281, 310 

cod. Lat. 3330, 93 n. 4, 95 n. 12, 
101 n. 22, 299, 306 

cod. Lat. 3481, 269, 278 

cod. Lat. 4159, 278 



cod. Lat. 4229, 262-63 
cod. Lat. 4772, 304 
cod. Lat. 4792, 266 
cod. Lat. 5180, 278 
cod. Lat. 5513, 76 

Belgium 

Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler: 
cod. L9893-9894, 268 
cod. L10731-10738, 99 n. 18, 271 
cod. LI 1479-1 1484, 321 
cod. n.l442 (formerly Phillipps 

10441), 283 
cod. n.l443 (formerly Phillipps 
8901), 107 n. 7, 284 

Croatia 

Zagreb, Knjiznlca Akademije Znanosti 
i Umjetnosti: 

cod. n.c.61, 300 
Zagreb, Sveucilisna Knjiznica: 

cod. MR.107, 300 



Index of Manuscripts 



391 



Czech Republic 

Ceske Budejovice, Krajske vedecka 
knihovna: 

cod. 40, 271 
Olomouc, Statni Archiv: 

cod. CO.509, 309 
Prague, Knihovna Metropolitnl Kapituli: 

cod. D.LX, 309 
Prague, Statni Knihovna Ceske Repub- 
liky: 

cod. XXIII.G.56, 275 

England 

Cambridge, Pembroke College: 

cod. 249, 308 
Cambridge, University Library: 
cod. Add. 6676 E, 313 
cod. Dd.VII.1-2, 49-50, 114, 127- 

28, 133-34 
Holkham Hall, Library of Earl of 

Leicester: 
cod. 485, 280 
cod. 486, 98 n. 16, 272 
cod. 487, 272, 286 
London, British Library: 
cod. Add. 1996, 272 
cod. Add. 10234, 308 
cod. Add. 10384, 82 n. 48 
cod. Add. 27580, 272 
cod. Add. 33382, 107 n. 7 
cod. Add. 40676, 107 n. 7 
cod. Arundel 70, 73 n. 38, n. 39, n. 

41, 75 n. 42, 77 n. 45, 78 n. 46, 

92-93 n. 4, 94-95, 101 n. 22, 

286-87, 305 
cod. Arundel 138, 75 n. 42 
cod. Arundel 304, 30-31, 114-15, 

127-28, 133 
cod. Arundel 353, 272 
cod. Egerton 1996, 272 



cod. Harley 1883, 321 
cod. Harley 2268, 287 
cod. Harley 2492, 287 
cod. Harley 2678, 98 n. 16, 100 n. 

20, 273 
cod. Harley 3716, 95 n. 12, 287 
cod. Harley 3722, 308 
cod. Harley 3949, 273 
cod. Harley 4150, 273 
London, Robinson Trust: 

cod. Phillipps 7698, 280 
London, University of London: 

cod. 288 (formerly Phillipps 9184), 
100 n. 20, 269, 273 
Oxford, Balliol College: 

cod. 132, 289 
Oxford, Bodleian: 

cod. Auct. F.L14, 260 

cod. Bywater 38, 315 

cod. Canon, lat. 126, 269 

cod. Canon, lat. 311, 309 

cod. Canon, misc. 87, 97 n. 15, 

100-1 n. 20, n. 21, 274 
cod. Canon, misc. 146, 98 n. 16, 274 
cod. Canon, misc. 166, 42-46, 109- 
10, 126-29, 133, 269, 270, 274, 
280, 281, 282, 289, 303, 305, 
306, 309, 310 
cod. Canon, misc. 169, 289 
cod. Canon, misc. 225, 290, 319 
cod. Canon, misc. 316, 290 
cod. Canon, misc. 317, 290 
cod. Canon, misc. 484, 92 n. 4, 95 

n. 12, 290 
cod. Canon, pat. lat. 70, 113 n. 24 
cod. D'Orville 525, 97 n. 16, 274 
cod. Rawlinson G.47, 98 n. 17 
(Plate 5), 274 



392 



Index of Manuscripts 



France 

Beauvais, Bibl. de la Ville: 

cod. 14, 271 
Lyon, Bibl. de la Ville: 

cod. 100 (168), 287 
Paris, Bibl. Nationale: 

cod. Lat. 1676, 274, 293 

codd. Lat. 1890 and 1891, 29-30, 
114, 125, 127-28, 133 

cod. Lat. 2742, 275 

cod. Lat. 5876, 280 

cod. Lat. 5879, 281 

cod. Lat. 5882, 293 

cod. Lat. 5919B, 319 

cod. Lat. 6179, 319 

cod. Lat. 6315, 319 

cod. Lat. 6390, 260-61 

cod. Lat. 6722, 98 n. 16, 275 

cod. Lat. 6858, 114 n. 25 

cod. Lat. 7868, 107 n. 7, 293 

cod. Lat. 7881, 265-66 

cod. Lat. 8572, 293 

cod. Lat. 10209, 101-2 n. 24, 309 

cod. Lat. 11138, 293 

cod. Lat. 11290, 319 

cod. Lat. 16593, 98 n. 16, 100 n. 20, 
275 

cod. Lat. 16594, 275 

cod. Lat. 17888, 275, 320 

cod. Lat. 18529, 275 

cod. Lat. 18611, 267 n. 1 

cod. Moreau 849, 275, 320 

cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 481, 304 

cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1103, 275 

cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1181, 293 

cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1302, 268 

cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1867, 315 n. 3 

cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 2609 (formerly 
Phillipps 3348), 100 n. 20, 275 
Reims, Bibl. Municipale: 



cod. nil, 320 
Troyes, Bibl. Municipale: 
cod. 1531, 296 

Germany 

Augsburg, Universitatsbibliothek: 

cod. n.Lat.l.quarto.33, 101 n. 21, 
271, 282 
Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek: 
cod. Hamilton 397, 271 
cod. Hamilton 541, 314-15 n, 3 
cod. Magdeburg 13, 107 n. 7 
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preus- 
sischer Kulturbesitz: 
cod. Lat. folio 667 (formerly Phil- 
lipps 11907), 92-94 n. 4, n. 7, n. 
9, 95 n. 12, 283, 302, 318 
cod. Lat. quarto 239, 271 
cod. Lat. quarto 272, 318 
cod. Lat. quarto 468, 98 n. 16, 100 

n. 21, 271, 283 
cod. Lat. octavo 32, 271 
cod. Lat. octavo 108, 100 n. 20, 271 
cod. Lat. octavo 195 (formerly Phil- 
lipps 9212), 271 
Chemnitz (Karl-Marx-Stadt), Bezirksbib- 
liothek: 
cod. 57, 92 n. 4, 95 n. 12, 284-85 
Dresden, Sachsische Landesbiblio- 
thek: 
cod. 5.57. See Chemnitz cod. 57 
cod. Db.89, 99 n. 19, 100 n. 20, 271 
cod. Dc.l40, 271 
Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibliothek: 

cod. 398, 285 
Erlangen, Universitatsbibliothek: 

Inc. 590, 308 
Freiburg im Breisgau, Universitatsbib- 
liothek: 
cod. 159, 313 



Index of Manuscripts 



393 



Gotha, Forschungsbibliothek: 

cod. Chart. B.239, 107 n. 7 

cod. Memb. 11.105, 98 n. 16, 272 
Greifswald, Universitatsbibliothek: 

cod. 682, 101, 308 
Hamburg, Staats- und Universitats- 
bibliothek: 

cod. Philol. quarto 132b, 286, 315 
Harburg, Fiirstlich Oettingen- Waller- 
stein'sche Bibliothek und Kunst- 
sammlung: 

cod. II.Lat.l. quarto. 33, 272 
Jena, UniversitatsbibHothek: 

cod. Buder quarto 105, 319 
Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek: 

cod. Aug. (Reichenau) 53, 308 

cod. Aug. (Reichenau) 131, 319 

cod. Aug. (Reichenau) fragm. 205, 
308 
Kassel, Gesamthochschul-Bibliothek: 

cod. Philos. quarto 6, 101 n. 21, 272 
Kremsmiinster, Stiftsbibliothek: 

cod. 329, 99 n. 19, 272 
Leipzig, Universitatsbibliothek: 

cod. 022, 280 

cod. 1270, 286 
Marburg, Universitatsbibliothek: 

cod. 80, 267 n. 1 
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek: 

cod. Clm 76, 288 

cod. Clm 78, 95 n. 12, 101 n. 22, 
269, 288, 305 

cod. Clm 124, 309 

cod. Clm 350, 309, 319 

cod. Clm 362, 288 

cod. Clm 418, 288 

cod. Clm 424, 273 

cod. Clm 426, 273 

cod. Clm 443, 288 

cod. Clm 487, 98 n. 16, 273, 314 



cod. Clm 504, 95 n. 11, 288, 303 

cod. Clm 520, 273 

cod. Clm 522, 95 n. 11 

cod. Clm 3561, 309 

cod. Clm 3849, 100 n. 20, 273 

cod. Clm 5350, 288 

cod. Clm 5354, 314 

cod. Clm 5596, 311 

cod. Clm 6717, 288 

cod. Clm 7612, 289 

cod. Clm 14134, 314, 319 

cod. Clm 18170, 273 

cod. Clm 18527b, 115 n. 27, 322 

cod. Clm 19652, 99 n. 19, 100 n. 20, 

273 
cod. Clm 21203, 309 
cod. Clm 23610, 309 
cod. Clm 28824, 107 n. 7 
Munich, Universitatsbibliothek: 

cod. Folio 607, 73 n. 39, n. 41, 75 

n. 42, 77 n. 45, 92-93 n. 4, 95 n. 

12, 101 n. 22, 289, 305 
cod. Quarto 768, 95 n. 11, n. 12, 

289, 303 
Neustadt an der Aisch, Evangelische 

Kirchenbibliothek: 
cod. 81, 274 
Schaffhausen, Stadtbibliothek: 

cod. Min. 120, 100 n. 20, 276 
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landes- 
bibliothek: 
cod. HB.X.21, 102 n. 24, 309 
cod. Poet, et Philol. quarto 37, 307 
cod. Poet, et Philol. quarto 40, 93 

n. 4, 95 n. 12, 295-96, 314 
cod. Theol. et Philos. folio 137, 311 
cod. Theol. et Philos. quarto 11, 276 
Trier, Stadtbibliothek: 

cod. 788/1372, 79-80, 115, 127-28, 

133 



394 



Index of Manuscripts 



Tiibingen, Universitatsbibliothek: 

cod. Mc.l04, 296 
Weimar, Thiiringische Landesbibliothek: 

cod. Octavo.142, 97 n. 16, 99 n. 18, 
279 
Wiirzburg, Franziskanerkloster: 

cod. 1.78, 279 
Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek: 

cod. M.ch.f.60, 299 
Zeitz, Domherrenbibliothek: 

cod. 51, 279 

Hungary 

Budapest, National Szechenyi Library 
(Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar): 

cod. Clmae 292, 318 

cod. Clmae 294, 284 

cod. Clmae 314, 97 n. 15, 271, 284 
Budapest, University Library (Eotvos 
Lorand Tudomany Egyetem 
Konyvtara): 

cod. Lat. 15, 263 

cod. Lat. 16, 263 

cod. Lat. 17, 263-64 

cod. Lat. 20, 264-65 

cod. Lat. 23, 259 

cod. Lat. 26, 265 

Ireland 

Dublin, Chester Beatty Library: 

cod. W.113 (formerly Phillipps 6640), 

285 
Dublin, Trinity College: 

cod. C 2.17, 271 

Italy 

Arezzo, Bibl. della Citta: 

cod. 145, 318 
Belluno, Seminario Gregoriano: 

cod. LoUiniana 49, 283, 316 



Bologna, Bibl. Universitaria: 

cod. 2720, 318 

cod. 2948, 283 
Bergamo, Bibl. Civica Angelo Mai: 

cod. AB.463, 283 

cod. Delta 11.15, 100 n. 20, 271 

cod. Delta V.20, 271 

cod. Delta VI.33, 97 n. 16, 100 n. 
20, 271 
Brescia, Bibl. Civica Queriniana: 

cod. A.VIL3, 283, 303 

cod. C.V.IO, 283 

cod. C.V.20, 283 

cod. C.Vn.l, 283 

cod. L.in.30, 40-42, 115, 127-28, 
133 
Brindisi, Bibl. Arcivescovile: 

cod. A/6, 107 n. 7 
Camaldoli, Archivio del Sacro Eremo: 

cod. 1201, 93 n. 7, 112, 284, 302 

cod. 1202, 284 
Capodistria, Archivio Civico: 

cod. 27, 311 
Capodistria, Archivio Gravisi-Barba- 
bianca: 

unnumbered codex, 48, 267 
Carpi, Bibl. Comunale: 

cod. Archivio Pio, filza 2, no. 94, 
267 n. 1 
Casale Monferrato, Seminario Vescovile: 

cod. I.b.20, 284 
Como, Bibl. Comunale: 

cod. 4.4.6, 285 
Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea: 

cod. 11.110, 323 

cod. IL151, 285 

cod. n.205, 272 

cod. n.392, 280 
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana: 

cod. Acquisti e Doni 441, 308 



Index of Manuscripts 



395 



cod. Acquisti e Doni 715, 308 

cod. Ashb. 269, 303, 316 

cod. Ashb. 272, 285 

cod. Ashb. 278, 285 

cod. Ashb. 1014, 101 n. 24, 308 

cod. Ashb. 1704, 272 

cod. Laur. XXXIII.35, 308 

cod. Laur. Gadd. 64, 315 n. 3 

cod. Plut. XLVI.l, 285 

cod. Plut. LII.3, 318 

cod. Plut. LXXXX sup. 50 (Gaddia- 
nus), 318 

cod. Plut. LXXXX sup. 60 (Gaddia- 
nus), 318 

cod. Strozzi 104, 318 
Florence, Bibl. Marucelliana: 

cod. C.CCCXXXV, 272 
Florence, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale: 

cod. Conv. soppr. J.L31 (478), 319 

cod. Magi. Vin.1311, 319 

cod. Magi. Vin.1435, 305 n. 8 

cod. Magi. XXI.9, 285 

cod. Naz. n.1.64, 319 

cod. Naz. n.8.129, 319 
Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana: 

cod. Rice. 413, 272 

cod. Rice. 671, 107 n. 7 

cod. Rice. 697, 272 

cod. Rice. 779, 285 

cod. Rice. 907, 272 

cod. Rice. 952, 97 n. 16, 99 n. 19, 272 

cod. Rice. 976, 319 

cod. Rice. 978, 99 n. 18, 272 

cod. Rice. 1175, 272 

cod. Rice. 4046, 272 
Forli, Bibl. Comunale: 

cod. in.66, 100 n. 21, 272 

cod. in.83, 322 
Genoa, Bibl. Durazzo: 

cod. B.V.14, 99 n. 19, 272, 319 



Gorizia, Bibl. del Seminario Teologico: 

cod. 12, 285-86, 302 
Lucca, Bibl. Governativa: 

cod. 1394, 95 n. 11 
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana: 

cod. D 223 inf., 269, 280, 308 

cod. H 49 inf., 319 

cod. J 33 inf., 273, 287 

cod. A 50 sup., 273 

cod. A 166 sup., 99 n. 19, 273, 287 

cod. C 12 sup., 307 

cod. C 43 sup., 98 n. 16, 99 n. 19, 
100 n. 20, 273 

cod. D 93 sup., 73 n. 39, n. 41, 75 
n. 42, 77 n. 45, 78 n. 46, 92 n. 
4, 101 n. 22, 287, 305 

cod. E 13 sup., 273 

cod. F 51 sup., 99 n. 18, 273 

cod. G 29 sup., 98 n. 16, 273 

cod. H 21 sup., 287 

cod. N 22 sup., 273 

cod. N 104 sup., 100 n. 20, 273 

cod. N 202 sup., 273 

cod. P 215 sup., 280 

cod. Sussidio H 52, 287 
Milan, Bibl. dei Padri Cappuccini: 

cod. 24, 273 
Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense: 

cod. AC.XIL22, 51-52, 110-11, 128, 
133, 270, 280, 287, 305, 306 

cod. AD.XIV.27, 323 
Milan, Societa Storica Lombarda: 

cod. 43, 288 
Modena, Arehivio Capitolare: 

cod. O.II.8, 288 
Modena, Bibl. Estense: 

cod. Campori 54 (Gamma H.6, 56), 
36 n. 5 

cod. Campori 175 (Gamma Z.6, 21), 
273 



396 



Index of Manuscripts 



cod. Est. lat. 17 (Alpha F.2, 59), 96 

n. 13, 273, 288 
cod. Est. lat. 56 (Alpha 0.7, 12), 

305 n. 8 
cod. Est. lat. 140 (Alpha R.9, 6), 288 
cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22), 

46-48, 104 n. 2, n. 3, 127 n. 5, 

133, 270, 305, 306, 308 
cod. Est. lat. 217 (Alpha P.6, 25), 

288 
cod. Est. lat. 572 (Alpha M.9, 8), 96 

n. 13, 273 
cod. Est. lat. 666 (Alpha Q.5, 28), 273 
cod. Est. lat. 943 (Alpha K.7, 10), 

273 
Montecassino, Bibl. della Badia: 

cod. 335, 273 
Naples, Bibl. Governativa dei Gerola- 

mini: 
cod. S.M. XXVIII. 1-37, 268 
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale: 
cod. IV.F.19, 267 n. 1 
cod. IV.G.31bis, 273 
cod. V.C.44, 98 n. 16, 274 
cod. V.E.21, 274 
cod. V.E.22, 274 
cod. V.E.24, 274 
cod. V.E.40, 309 
cod. V.E.69, 319 
cod. V.F.19, 289 
cod. V.G.I, 268 
cod. V.G.19, 68 n. 35, 105 n. 5 
cod. VI.D.2., 274 
cod. VIII.C.8, 96 n. 13, 274 
cod. VIII.G.31, 289 
cod. IX.F.62, 52-54, 119, 126-27, 133 
cod. XIII.D.128, 274 
cod. XIII.G.33, 319 
cod. Gia Viennesi lat. 57, 101 n. 22, 

270, 306 



Padua, Archivio Papafava: 

cod. 2, 274 

cod. 3, 280 

cod. 21, 113 n. 23, 268*, 279, 282, 
290-92, 304, 309, 313 
Padua, Bibl. Antoniana: 

cod. 1.19, 97 n. 16, 274 

cod. V.90, 292 

cod. XXII.566, 280 

cod. XXII.596, 280 
Padua, Bibl. Capitolare: 

cod. B.62, 281, 282, 292 
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario: 

cod. 46, 292 

cod. 92, 99 n. 18, 274 

cod. 165, 100 n. 20, 274 

cod. 196, 270, 321 

cod. 403, 309 

cod. 577, 280 

cod. 578, 306 

cod. 692, 92-93 n. 4, 293 
Padua, Bibl. Universitaria: 

cod. 70, 274 

cod. 187, 274 

cod. 528, 293 

cod. 1138, 274 
Padua, Museo Civico: 

cod. B.P. 158, 111 n. 17, 280 

cod. B.P. 408, 313 

cod. B.P. 757, 322 

cod. B.P. 805, 280 

cod. B.P. 915, 280 

cod. B.P. 1029, 280 

cod. B.P. 1203, 54-56, 110-11, 126- 
27, 133, 268, 269, 270, 274, 279, 
280, 281*, 282*, 293, 302, 303*, 
304, 305, 306*, 307, 309, 310, 
311*, 316 

cod. B.P. 1223, 35-40, 93 n. 4, 104 
n. 3, 106-9, 110, 126-28, 133, 



Index of Manuscripts 



397 



269, 270*, 282, 293, 303, 306*, 
309, 315 

cod. B.P. 1287, 58-61, 108 n. 10, 
109-10, 111-12, 126-27, 133, 

270, 281*, 282, 293, 303*, 305, 
306, 311, 316 

cod. B.P. 2042, 321 

cod. B.P. 2157, 280 

cod. CM. 728, 274 
Palermo, Bibl. Comunale: 

cod. 2.Qq.C.79, 319 
Parma, Bibl. Palatina: 

cod. Pal. 156, 97 n. 16, 275, 293 

cod. Pal. 262, 105 n. 4 

cod. Parm. 94, 275 

cod. Parm. 283, 303 

cod. Parm. 937b, 316 
Perugia, Bibl. Comunale Augusta: 

cod. H.78, 320 

cod. 2862 (formerly N.F.81), 97 n. 
16, 275 
Pesaro, Bibl. Oliveriana: 

cod. 44, 93, 95 n. 12, 293-94, 302 
Piacenza, Bibl. Comunale Passerini-Landi: 

cod. Landi 7, 275 

cod. Landi 176, 268 
Pisa, Bibl. del Seminario Arcivescovile 
S. Caterina: 

cod. 136, 275 
Ravenna, Bibl. Classense: 

cod. 117, 294 

cod. 121, 294 

cod. 419, 320 

cod. 627, 309 
Rieti, Bibl. Comunale Paroniana: 

cod. O.I.21, 275 
Rimini, Bibl. Civica Gambalunga: 

cod. SC-MS 22 (formerly 4.A.I.22), 
303 
Rome, Bibl. Angelica: 



cod. 55, 280 

cod. 234, 294 
Rome, Bibl. Casanatense: 

cod. 868, 275 

cod. 1283, 275 
Rome, Bibl. Corsiniana: 

cod. Corsin. 583, 294 

cod. Nic. Rossi 304, 99 n. 18, 275 

cod. Nic. Rossi 354, 275 
Rome, Bibl. dell'Istituto Nazionale di 
Archeologia e Storia dell'Arte: 

cod. 47, 315 n. 3 
Rome, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale Vit- 
torio Emanuele II: 

cod. Gesuitico 973, 294 

cod. Varia 10 (619), 320 

cod. Vitt. Eman. 474 (673.454), 98 
n. 16, 275 

cod. Vitt. Eman. 1414 (186.692), 275 
San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica 
Guarneriana: 

cod. 43, 315 

cod. 70, 276, 294 

cod. 97, 295 

cod. 100, 295 

cod. 105, 98 n. 16, 276, 295 

cod. 110, 97 n. 16, 100 n. 21, 276, 295 

cod. 121, 316 

cod. 144, 65-69, 105, 127-29, 133 
Savignano sul Rubicone, Bibl. dell'Acca- 
demia Rubiconia dei Filopatridi: 

cod. 23, 98 n. 16, 276 
Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati: 

cod. G.X.33, 315 

cod. H.V.3, 295 

cod. H.VI.26, 295, 320 
Trent, Bibl. Capitolare: 

cod. 42 (temp. 258), 296 
Trent, Bibl. Comunale: 

cod. Vindob. lat. 3191, 276 



398 



Index of Manuscripts 



Trent, Museo Provinciale d'Arte: 

cod. W.43, 261 
Treviso, Bibl. Capitolare: 

cod. 1.177, 70-78, 93 n. 4, 106-9, 
116 n. 28, 126-29, 133, 296, 306 
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale: 

cod. 5, 69-70, 111, 128, 133, 270, 
271, 282, 296, 306*, 309 

cod. 170, 320 
Trieste, Bibl. Civica: 

cod. R.P. 1-20 (Alpha BB.3), 276 

cod. R.P. 1-21 (Alpha BB.l), 276 

cod. R.P. 1-25 (Alpha BB.2), 276 

cod. R.P. 3-6, 276 
Turin, Bibl. Nazionale: 

cod. H.III.8, 269, 315 n. 3 
Udine, Bibl. Arcivescovile: 

cod. 49, 100 n. 21, 276 

cod. 70, 106 n. 6 
Udine, Bibl. Comunale: 

cod. P.P. 2686, 115 n. 27 
Urbino, Bibl. Universitaria: 

cod. Fondo dell'Universita vol. 71, 
276 
Venice, Bibl. De Franceschi: 

unnumbered codex, 277 
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana: 

cod. Marc. gr. IX.29 (1007), 266 n. 8 

cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), 56, 101 
n. 22, 269, 271, 281, 297, 306* 

cod. Marc. ital. XI.78 (6773), 281 

cod. Marc. ital. XI. 120 (6931), 102 
n. 24, 310 

cod. Marc. lat. m.35 (2502), 120 n. 37 

cod. Marc. lat. VI.84 (3202), 100 n. 
21, 277 

cod. Marc. lat. VI. 129 (3037), 98 n. 
16, 277 

cod. Marc. lat. VI.130 (3205), 98 n. 
16, 277 



cod. Marc. lat. VI. 131 (3596), 97 n. 

16, 277 
cod. Marc. lat. VI.134 (3565), 320 
cod. Marc. lat. VI.208 (3569), 101 n. 

22, 297, 306 
cod. Marc. lat. VI.268 (3141), 112 n. 

19, 277 
cod. Marc. lat. VI.306 (2891), 278 
cod. Marc. lat. VI.501 (1712), 98 n. 

16, 278 
cod. Marc. lat. X.226 (3730), 281 
cod. Marc. lat. X.292 (3335), 281 
cod. Marc. lat. X.384 (2951), 281 
cod. Marc. lat. XI.21 (3814), 297 
cod. Marc. lat. XI.26 (4428), 297 
cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), 31-35, 

59, 69, 109, 126-27, 133, 268, 

279, 280, 282, 297, 302, 304, 

305, 307, 310, 311* 
cod. Marc. lat. XI.59 (4152), 93 n. 4, 

297-98 
cod. Marc. lat. XI. 102 (3940), 93 n. 

4, n. 7, 95 n. 12, 298, 302 
cod. Marc. lat. XI. 106 (4363), 298 
cod. Marc. lat. XI. 108 (4363), 47 n. 

11 
cod. Marc. lat. XII.8 (4161), 267 n. 1 
cod. Marc. lat. XII. 17 (3944), 310 
cod. Marc. lat. XII.26 (3906), 261 n. 

2 
cod. Marc. lat. Xn.50 (4376), 270, 298 
cod. Marc. lat. XIII.41 (4729), 270 
cod. Marc. lat. XIII.46 (4476), 278 
cod. Marc. lat. XIII.71 (4142), 298 
cod. Marc. lat. XIII.72 (4109), 298 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.7 (4319), 298 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.31 (4701), 320 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.50 (4238), 298 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.54 (4328), 120, 

266 n. 8, 267 



Index of Manuscripts 



399 



cod. Marc. lat. XIV.118 (4711), 320 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV. 126 (4664), 98 

n. 17, 112 n. 19, 278 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.184 (4670), 278 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), 56- 

58, 101 n. 22, 104 n. 3, 110-11, 

126-27, 133, 268*, 269, 280, 281, 

282*, 298, 302, 304, 305, 307*, 

310*, 311* 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.214 (4674), 115 

n. 27, 278 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.215 (4675), 278 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.221 (4632), 298 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.236 (4499), 97 

n. 16, 278 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.239 (4500), 81- 

83, 104-5, 125, 126-27, 133, 271, 

306 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.243 (4070), 278 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), 61- 

65, 104 n. 3, 110, HI, 113, 125- 

26 n. 2, 128-29, 133, 280, 281, 

282, 298, 302, 305, 306, 307*, 

311, 316 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.255 (4576), 281 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.266 (4502), 298 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.286 (4302), 317 
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.287 (4303), 299 
cod. Zan. lat. 345 (1650), 117 n. 32 
cod. Zan. lat. 408 (2029), 299 
cod. Zan. lat. 473 (1592), 299 
cod. Zan. lat. 498 (1919), 96 n. 13, 

278 
cod. Zan. lat. 501 (1712), 99 n. 19, 

278, 320 
Venice, Museo Civico Correr: 
cod. Cicogna 148, 281 
cod. Cicogna 575, 278 
cod. Cicogna 797, 278 
cod. Cicogna 3052, 281 



cod. Cicogna 3407, 299 

cod. Cicogna 3409, 299 

cod. Correr 37, 278 

cod. Correr 79, 278 

cod. Correr 189, 278 

cod. P.D. C.2455, 299 
Verona, Bibl. Capitolare: 

cod. CCXLI (202), 316 

cod. CCXLIII (212), 100 n. 20, 278 

cod. CCLV (227), 100 n. 20, 278 

cod. CCCIII (303), 315 
Verona, Bibl. Comunale: 

cod. 1186, 278 

cod. 2822, 100 n. 20, 278 
Vicenza, Bibl. Comunale Bertoliana: 

cod. G.7.1.25, 299, 315 

cod. 7.1.31, 269, 299 
Volterra, Bibl. Comunale Guarnacciana: 

cod. 9637, 314 

The Netherlands 

Leiden, Bibl. der Rijksuniversiteit: 

cod. Voss. lat. octavo 85, 272, 286 
Utrecht, Bibl. der Rijksuniversiteit: 

cod. E.quarto.341, 276 

Poland 

Krakow, Bibl. Jagiellonska: 

cod. 519, 319 

cod. 1961, 286 

cod. 3245, 272 
Krakow, Bibl. Muzeum Narodowego w 
Krakowie: 

cod. 1242, 272 
Warsaw, Bibl. Narodowa: 

cod. 3458, 279 
Wroclaw, Bibl. Uniwersytecka: 

cod. IV.quarto.53, 279 



400 



Index of Manuscripts 



Portugal 

Evora, Bibl. Publica: 

Incunabulos 307-12, 272 

Russia 

Saint Petersburg, Archive of the His- 
torical Institute: 
cod. 1.614, 275 
Saint Petersburg, Public Library Salty- 
kov-Shchedrin: 
cod. Lat. F.XVIII.5, 275 
cod. Lat. O.III.81, 275 

South Africa 

Cape Town, South African Library: 
cod. 3.C.11, 98 n. 16, 271 

Spain 

El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San 
Lorenzo: 

cod. N.II.2, 268 
Granada, Bibl. Universitaria: 

cod. Caja 2-29 (B.93), 272 
Madrid, Bibl. Nacional: 

cod. 10161 (Ii.l51), 273 
Salamanca, Bibl. Universitaria: 

cod. 64, 294 
Seville, Bibl. Capitular y Colombina: 

cod. 5-6-13, 309 

cod. 7-1-49, 115 n. 27 
Toledo, Archivo y Biblioteca Capito- 
lares: 

cod. 13, 15, 107 n. 7 

cod. 100,42, 296 

cod. 102, 17, 83-84, 115, 127-28, 
133 

Sweden 

Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket: 
cod. P.l.a, 276 



Switzerland 

Basel, Universitatsbibliothek: 

cod. O.n.32, 318 

cod. O.m.23, 271 
Zurich, Zentralbibliothek: 

cod. C.74, 279 

cod. Car. C.118, 310 

cod. Car. C.144, 113 n. 24 

United States 

Cambridge, Harvard University, 
Houghton Library: 
cod. Typ. 17, 308 
Chicago, University of Chicago Library: 
cod. 807 (formerly Phillipps 3386), 
271 
Durham, Duke University Library: 

cod. Lat. 21-25 (24), 272 
New Haven, Yale University Library: 
cod. Marston 107 (formerly Phil- 
lipps 1010), 274 
cod. Mellon 14, 303 
cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly Phil- 
lipps 9627), 101 n. 22, 270, 306, 
309, 319 
New York, Columbia University Li- 
brary: 
cod. Plimpton 153, 274 
cod. Plimpton 154, 98 n. 16, 274 
cod. Plimpton 187, 274 
New York, Library of Mrs. Phyllis 
Goodhart Gordan: 
cod. 18, 100 n. 21, 274 
cod. 73, 99 n. 19, 274 
cod. 96, 289 
Philadelphia, University of Pennsyl- 
vania Library: 
cod. Smith lat. 34, 99 n. 18, 275 
Princeton, Princeton University Library: 
cod. 107, 320 



Index of Manuscripts 



401 



Washington, D.C., Library of Congress: 
cod. Phillipps 5819, 270, 299 

Wellesley, Wellesley College Library: 
cod. Plimpton 751, 310 

Vatican City 

Bibl. Apostolica Vaticana: 
cod. Barb. lat. 61, 296 
cod. Barb. lat. 116, 296 
cod. Barb. lat. 211, 276 
cod. Barb. lat. 568, 117 n. 31 
cod. Barb. lat. 569, 117 n. 31 
cod. Barb. lat. 1952, 296 
cod. Barb. lat. 2087, 296 
cod. Barb. lat. 3064, 310 
cod. Borg. lat. 344, 276 
cod. Capponiani 3, 276 
cod. Chig. H.IV.102, 276 
cod. Chig. H.IV.105, 276 
cod. Chig. J.VL214, 98 n. 16, 99 n. 

19, 100 n. 20, 276, 320 
cod. Chig. J.VI.215, 320 
cod. Chig. J.Vn.266, 314, 322 
cod. Chig. S.V.8, 97 n. 16, 276 
cod. Ottob. lat. 241, 100 n. 21, 276 
cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 141 n. 4, 147 
n. 5, 149 n. 8, 153 n. 2, n. 3, 
181 n. 5, 187 n. 7, 195 n. 12, 
199 n. 1, 205 n. 4, 215 n. 3, n. 
4, 217 n. 5, 219 n. 6, 247 n. 5, 
340 
cod. Ottob. lat. 749, 117 n. 32 
cod. Ottob. lat. 856, 320 
cod. Ottob. lat. 1223, 306 
cod. Ottob. lat. 1331, 280 
cod. Ottob. lat. 1615, 97 n. 16, 276 
cod. Ottob. lat. 1669, 100 n. 20, 276 
cod. Ottob. lat. 1800, 100 n. 20, 276 
cod. Ottob. lat. 1901, 320 
cod. Pal. lat. 327, 276 



cod. Pal. lat. 1248, 304, 305 n. 8 

cod. Pal. lat. 1262, 117 n. 31 

cod. Pal. lat. 1552, 303 

cod. Pal. lat. 1592, 296 

cod. Pal. lat. 1598, 320 

cod. Pal. lat. 1740, 97-98 n. 16, 277 

cod. Regin. lat. 326, 117 n. 31 

cod. Regin. lat. 786, 315 n. 3 

cod. Regin. lat. 806, 277 

cod. Regin. lat. 1321, 99 n. 19, 100 

n. 20, 277, 320 
cod. Regin. lat. 1555, 297 
cod. Regin. lat. 1676, 277 
cod. Ross. 42, 277 
cod. Ross. 43, 277 
cod. Ross. 50, 100 n. 20, 277 
cod. Ross. 409, 297 
cod. Urb. lat. 51, 117 n. 31 
cod. Urb. lat. 415, 268 
cod. Urb. lat. 1164, 320 
cod. Urb. lat. 1194, 97 n. 14, 100 n. 

20, 277, 297 
cod. Urb. lat. 1257, 277 
cod. Vat. lat. 216, 117 n. 32 
cod. Vat. lat. 342, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 343, 117 
cod. Vat. lat. 344, 117 
cod. Vat. lat. 345, 117 n. 32 
cod. Vat. lat. 348, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 349, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 350, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 351, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 352, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 353, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 357, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 358, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 359, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 362, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 363, 117 n. 31 
cod. Vat. lat. 364, 117 n. 31 



402 



Index of Manuscripts 



cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 
cod. Vat. 

27 
cod. Vat. lat. 



lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 
lat. 



365, 117 n. 31 

367, 117 n. 31 

368, 117 n. 31 
434, 117 n. 32 
535, 117 n. 32 
546, 117 n. 32 
619, 117-18 n. 32 
795, 117 n. 32 
797, 117 n. 32 
976, 117-18 n. 32 
1205, 113 n. 24 
1541, 315 n. 3 
1560, 320 

1690, 97 n.l6, 277 

1791, 277 

1792, 100 n. 20, 277 
1883, 320 

1905, 117 n. 32 

2107, 117-18 n. 32 

2906, 98 n. 16, 277 

2913, 277 

2931, 277 

3155, 297 

3164, 84 n. 51, 115 n. 

3167, 277 



cod. Vat. lat. 3407, 99 n. 19, 277 

cod. Vat. lat. 3440, 98 n. 16, 277 

cod. Vat. lat. 4321, 117 n. 31 

cod. Vat. lat. 4520, 117-18 n. 32 

cod. Vat. lat. 4521, 310 

cod. Vat. lat. 5123, 277 

cod. Vat. lat. 5124, 277 

cod. Vat. lat. 5126, 297 

cod. Vat. lat. 5131, 297 

cod. Vat. lat. 5155, 310 

cod. Vat. lat. 5223, 76 n. 43, 269, 297 

cod. Vat. lat. 5263, 280, 310 

cod. Vat. lat. 5268, 268 

cod. Vat. lat. 5346, 315 

cod. Vat. lat. 5382, 297 

cod. Vat. lat. 5911, 297 

cod. Vat. lat. 6878, 277, 307 

cod. Vat. lat. 7229, 315 n. 3 

cod. Vat. lat. 7604, 117 n. 31 

cod. Vat. lat. 8124, 117 n. 31 

cod. Vat. lat. 8559, 117 n. 31 

cod. Vat. lat. 9256, 117 n. 31 

cod. Vat. lat. 9306, 100 n. 20, 277 

cod. Vat. lat. 11253, 277 

cod. Vat. lat. 11547, 98 n. 16, 277 

cod. Vat. lat. 13703, 112 n. 19 



ODRTS 

CDeDievAL & ReKiA.issANce xe^TS & sTuOies 

is the major publishing program of the 

Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies 

at Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona. 

CDRTS emphasizes books that are needed — 
texts, translations, and major research tools. 

CPRTS aims to publish the highest quality scholarship 
in attractive and durable format at modest cost.